Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 December 2012
1 Despite the wealth of ideas in its pages, few scholars have examined London Life in any depth. Shorter, Edward mentions London Life in passing; see Written in the Flesh: A History of Desire (Toronto, 2005), 223CrossRefGoogle Scholar. David Kunzle, an art historian, used the magazine to discuss fetishism during the 1920s and 1930s and provides the most detailed discussion of the magazine; see Fashion and Fetishism: Corsets, Tight-Lacing, and Other Forms of Body-Sculpture (Gloucestershire, 2004)Google Scholar. Valerie Steele, a fashion historian, mentions London Life in the context of the corset, while Robert Bienvenu, a sociologist, examines it to consider the emergence of sadomasochism as a symbolic system; see Steele, Valerie, The Corset: A Cultural History (New Haven, CT, 2001)Google Scholar; Bienvenu, Robert, “The Development of Sadomasochism as a Cultural Style in the Twentieth-Century United States” (PhD diss., Indiana University, 1998)Google Scholar. Peter Farrer has republished the correspondence from Bits of Fun, London Life, and other sources concerned with cross-dressing and sexual discipline in a series of volumes; Farrer, Peter, ed., Confidential Correspondence on Cross-Dressing, 1911–1915 (Liverpool, 1997), Confidential Correspondence on Cross-Dressing, pt. 2Google Scholar, 1916–1920 (Liverpool, 1998); Cross Dressing between the Wars: Selections from London Life, 1923–1933 (Liverpool, 2000); and Cross Dressing between the Wars: Selections from London Life, 1934–1941 (Liverpool, 2006)Google Scholar.
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3 “Memoirs of a Lady Tattooist,” London Life, 3 January 1931, 23Google Scholar.
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8 Winter (Ibid., 2–5) provides a summary of the discussion of the impact of the war on traditional versus modern motifs in art history.
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18 Illiteracy, measured by the inability to sign one’s name, had fallen to one percent of the population by 1914. Further, a survey published by Mass-Observation in 1947 suggested that “only 3 per cent of the general population said they never read anything at all.” See Bloom, Clive, Bestsellers: Popular Fiction since 1900 (Basingstroke, 2009), 29Google Scholar; Mass-Observation, The Press and Its Readers (London, 1949), 11Google Scholar. Scholars have noted the long history of censorship and suppression by the British state and government-sanctioned agencies. See, for example, Hyde, H. Montgomery, A History of Pornography (New York, 1965)Google Scholar; Fryer, Peter, Mrs. Grundy: Studies in English Prudery (New York, 1964)Google Scholar; Marshik, Celia, British Modernism and Censorship (Cambridge, 2006)Google Scholar; Kendrick, Walter, The Secret Museum: Pornography in Modern Culture (New York, 1987)Google Scholar; Travis, Alan, Bound and Gagged: A Secret History of Obscenity in Britain (London, 2000)Google Scholar; Parkes, Adam, Modernism and the Theater of Censorship (New York, 1996)Google Scholar; Ladenson, Elisabeth, Dirt for Art’s Sake: Books on Trial from Madame Bovary to Lolita (Ithaca, NY, 2007)Google Scholar; Sigel, Lisa Z., Governing Pleasures: Pornography and Social Change in England, 1815–1914 (New Brunswick, NJ, 2002)Google Scholar, and “Censorship in Inter-war Britain: Obscenity, Spectacle, and the Workings of the Liberal State,” Journal of Social History 45, no. 1 (Fall 2011): 61–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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20 Booksellers tried to avoid stocking obscene books. See, for example, Memo regarding M. W. J. Magenis, n.d., The National Archives (TNA): PRO, HO45/15139.
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28 See, for example, the Louise Lawrence Collection at the Kinsey Institute. Lawrence informed Alfred Kinsey about the transvestite and transsexual community in California after World War II. In her collection are newspaper clippings, letters, and scrapbooks about cross-dressing and sadomasochism from the 1890s and 1900s. She also copied materials from her own collection and from her colleagues and friends about those topics for Kinsey, including magazines like Illustrated Bits, London Life, New Fun and books like Gynecocracy. The materials accumulated by George Ives also stand as evidence to this claim. His scrapbooks included topics like murders, punishments, freaks, crime and punishment, cross-dressing, homosexuality, and cricket scores. See Sieveking, Paul, Man Bites Man (London, 1981)Google Scholar.
29 An example of the trade in older magazines comes from the correspondence of Mervyn Hyde and William Benbow, TNA: PRO, CRIM 1/234. See also Cocks, H. G., Classified: The Secret History of the Personal Column (London, 2009), chap. 5Google Scholar.
30 For a description of The Englishwoman’s Domestic Magazine from the 1860s, see Beetham, Margaret, “‘Natural but Firm’: The Corset Correspondence in The Englishwoman’s Domestic Magazine,” Women: A Cultural Review 2, no. 2 (1991): 163–67Google Scholar.
31 The Publisher, “Notice to Newsagents” London Life, 2 December 1939, 4Google Scholar.
32 Edward Shorter suggests that the editors themselves wrote the letters, though he provides no evidence for his claim. Shorter, Written in the Flesh, 223. Valerie Steele (The Corset, 90) argues that letters like those in London Life and the Englishwoman’s Domestic Magazine, an earlier publication, should be read not as readers’ letters but as fantasies that reveal “the existence of sexual subcultures.” In contrast, David Kunzle leaves room for the existence of the letter writers, though he too stresses the fantasy space that such correspondence created.
33 Answers to correspondents, D. S. F. Harris (Bristol), London Life, 6 December 1930, 27.
34 London Life, 12 February 1927, 26–27.
35 Bozo, , “Questions for Corset Wearer,” and Inquisitive, “Doubts ‘High-Heeler’s’ Bona-Fides” London Life, 28 November 1931, 77Google Scholar.
36 The father and original proprietor, Charles Froment Hayes, was convicted twice for obscenity: on 9 July 1890 he was sentenced to three months’ hard labor, and on 19 February 1901 he was sentenced to six months’ hard labor for mailing indecent matter; Jesse W. Keech, Chief Inspector, Report, Metropolitan Police, CID New Scotland Yard, June, 1935, TNA: PRO, MEPO3/2459. After the father died in 1931, the son, Charles Harold James Haynes, took over the business and continued the enterprise until after World War II despite arrest, fines, and continued surveillance; report, Metropolitan Police, CID, 29 December 1936, TNA: PRO, MEPO3/12459; report, Metropolitan Police, St. Ann’s Road Station, “n” division, 7 December 1950, TNA: PRO, MEPO3/2459.
37 Freda, , “What I Like in ‘London Life,’” London Life, 3 January 1931, 27Google Scholar.
38 The Scribe, “What We Think of ‘London Life,’” London Life, double issue, 29 August 1931, 46Google Scholar.
39 The definition of pornography has generated any number of position papers, monographs, books, and essays to no clear consensus. Instead of looking for an unchanging definition and seeing whether London Life would fit, it becomes more relevant to say whether the state treated it as obscene. Though there were a large body of magazines deemed obscene and confiscated by Customs and the Postal Office, London Life remained legal, though it received complaints, and the Home Office kept an eye on it. For a discussion of the evolution of pornography as a form and as a definition, see Hunt, Lynn, ed., The Invention of Pornography (New York, 1993)Google Scholar; and Kendrick, The Secret Museum. For a discussion of obscenity in the interwar years, see Lisa Z. Sigel, “Censorship in Inter-war Britain.”
40 Cocks, H. G., Nameless Offences: Homosexual Desire in the Nineteenth Century (London, 2003)Google Scholar; Cook, Matt, London and the Culture of Homosexuality, 1885–1914 (Cambridge, 2003)Google Scholar; Houlbrook, Matt, Queer London: Perils and Pleasures in the Sexual Metropolis, 1918–1957 (Chicago, 2006)Google Scholar; Doan, Fashioning Sapphism.
41 Doan, Fashioning Sapphism, xiv.
42 Houlbrook, Matt, “Sexing the History of Sexuality,” History Workshop Journal 60, no. 1 (Autumn, 2005): 216–22, espCrossRefGoogle Scholar. 217.
43 That extension of queer theory makes sense given that the division between straight and gay as an organizing principle remains recent; Halperin, David M., How to Do the History of Homosexuality (Chicago, 2002), 3Google Scholar.
44 According to Foucault’s model of identity-formation, once codified, these typologies affected how people saw themselves. Felski, Rita, introduction to Sexology in Culture: Labeling Bodies and Desires, ed. Bland, Lucy and Doan, Laura (Chicago, 1998), 2Google Scholar.
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69 My copies of these letters and stories comes from the website http://www.overground.be/londonlife/. It appears that these stories and letters came from someone’s clipping file. The website thanks an anonymous friend for the scans or copies. I have checked the online version against print copies of London Life at the Kinsey Institute and found the transcriptions to be accurate.
70 London Life, 4 October 1924, 14.
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77 “One Legged but High-Heeled,” London Life, 22 August 1925, 15.
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89 This problem of how to model oneself is central to an understanding of the history of disability. See, for example, Gerber, David, “Anger and Affability: The Rise and Representation of a Repertory of Self-Presentation Skills in a World War II Disabled Veteran,” Journal of Social History 27, no. 1 (Autumn 1993): 5–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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93 A Happy Couple, London Life, 27 June 1931, 25.
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