Published online by Cambridge University Press: 16 January 2014
The struggle between King and Parliament in 1641-42 for command of the militia was to King Charles I “the Fittest Subject for a King's Quarrel.” As the King himself and a group of pamphleteers, preachers and members of Parliament realized, the controversy was not just a contest for control of military power. The fundamental issue was a change in England's government, a shift in sovereignty from King or King-in-Parliament to Parliament alone. As Charles explained, “Kingly Power is but a shadow” without command of the militia. His contemporaries, representing various political allegiances, also testified to the significance of the contest over the militia. They described it as the “avowed foundation” of the Civil War, “the greatest concernment” ever faced by the House of Commons, and the “great quarrel” between the King and his critics. To some men it was this dispute over military authority and the implications for government which were inherent in it, rather than disagreements about religion, taxes or foreign policy, that made civil war unavoidable.
Concern about military authority first erupted in the fall of 1641 in response to a series of events – rumors of plots involving the King, the presence in London of disbanded soldiers who had returned from the war with Scotland, the “Incident” in Scotland, and above all the rebellion in Ireland which required the levying of an army to subdue those rebels.
The author wishes to thank the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences at George Washington University for its support, and also Mrs. Letitia Yeandle at the Folger Shakespeare Library for her help in deciphering the microfilm of Simonds D'Ewes Journal after January 10, 1642.
1. “The King's Cabinet opened: Or certain Pacquets of secret Letters and Papers. Written with the King's own Hands,” (London, 1645)Google Scholar in Harleian Miscellany (London, 1746), VII, 525Google Scholar. The King's papers were seized at The Battle of Naseby and compiled by Henry Parker. See D.N.B.
2. Ibid.
3. The contemporary comment, in sequence, is from: Hyde, Edward, Earl of Clarendon, The History of the Rebellion and Civil War in England, ed. Macray, W. D. (Oxford, 1888), I, 570Google Scholar. Rushworth, John, Historical Collections (London, 1721), IV, 525Google Scholar. Rutt, John T., ed., Diary of Thomas Burton, Esq. Member in the Parliaments of Oliver and Richard Cromwell from 1656 to 1659 (London, 1828), III, 145Google Scholar. The speaker was Edmund Ludlow (1617?-1692).
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10. At least 23 tracts were written to support Parliament; at least 20 for the King. The royalist response will not be thoroughly discussed in this essay.
11. The terms “trained bands” and “militia” will be used interchangeably in this essay as they were in 1642.
12. Unless otherwise noted all biographical information is from the D.N.B. A study of Arthur Haselrig (M.P. for Leicestershire d. 1661) would be worth doing.
13. A Parliamentary Ordinance was a declaration passed by both Houses and issued without the assent of the King. Such a device had been used since August 20, 1641 by the Long Parliament. Sir Simonds D'Ewes had looked into the precedents and had quite erroneously assured the House of an ordinance's great and ancient authority. D'Ewes later ruefully remarked that he was no stranger to the meaning of an ordinance. There is no evidence that a Parliamentary ordinance was ever issued during the Middle Ages without royal authority. See Gardiner, S. R., History of England 1603-1642 (London, 1884), X, 4Google Scholar, and BM, D'Ewes Journal, Harleian MSS, 163, f. 475. (The folio numbers to the Harleian MSS follow those used in the index to that manuscript).
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