Article contents
Fleets of Fodder: The Ecological Orchestration of Agrarian Improvement in New South Wales and the Cape of Good Hope, 1780–1830
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 14 July 2017
Abstract
This article challenges the dominant historical paradigms used to analyze imperial plant and animal transfers by examining the role of fodder crops in early colonial development in New South Wales and the Cape of Good Hope. In Alfred Crosby's enduring formulation of ecological imperialism—that is, the ecological transformation of temperate colonies of settlement by European plants, animals, and pathogens—was a largely independent process. To Crosby's critics, his grand narrative fails to acknowledge the technocratic management of plant and animal transfers on the part of increasingly long-armed colonial states from the mid-nineteenth century. Yet neither approach can adequately explain the period between the decline of Britain's Atlantic empire in the 1780s and the rise of its global empire in the 1830s, a period dominated by an aggressive ethos of agrarian improvement but lacking the institutional teeth of a more evolved imperial state. Traveling fodder crops link these embryonic antipodean colonies to the luminaries of the Agricultural Revolution in Britain. The attempt to transfer fodder-centric mixed husbandry to these colonies points to an emerging coalition of imperial ambition and scientific expertise in the late eighteenth-century British Empire.
Keywords
- Type
- Articles
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © The North American Conference on British Studies 2017
References
1 Groves, R. H., Austin, M. P., and Kaye, P. E., “Competition between Australian Native and Introduced Grasses along a Nutrient Gradient,” Austral Ecology 28, no. 5 (October 2003): 491–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Office of the Gene Technology Regulator, The Biology of Trifolium Repens L. (Canberra, 2008)Google Scholar; Lane, L. A., Ayres, J. F., and Lovett, J. V., “A Review of the Introduction and Use of White Clover (Trifolium Repens L.) in Australia,” Australian Journal of Experimental Agriculture 37, no. 7 (January 1997): 831–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Milton, Sue, “Grasses as Invasive Alien Plants in South Africa,” South African Journal of Science 100, no. 1 (January 2004): 69–75 Google Scholar; Gibson, David, Grasses and Grassland Ecology (New York, 2009), 8–9 Google Scholar.
2 Bayly, Christopher Alan, Imperial Meridian: The British Empire and the World, 1780–1830 (London, 1989), 2, 8–11 Google Scholar, 75–85, 125; Crosby, Alfred, Ecological Imperialism: The Biological Expansion of Europe, 900–1900, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, particularly 6–11 and 146–47 for the spine of his argument. For scholarship on early modern biological conquests modeled on Crosby's work, see Melville, Elinor G. K., A Plague of Sheep: Environmental Consequences of the Conquest of Mexico (Cambridge, 1994), 1–5 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Diamond, Jared M., Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies (New York, 1997), 13–32 Google Scholar, 85–92, 195–214; Anderson, Virginia DeJohn, Creatures of Empire: How Domestic Animals Transformed Early America (Oxford, 2004), 2–4 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 120–24. For scholarship in this second category of modern technocratic biological transfers, see Drayton, Richard, Nature's Government: Science, Imperial Britain, and the “Improvement” of the World (New Haven, 2000), 170–79Google Scholar, 220–28, 238–47, 262–66; Beinart, William and Middleton, Karen, “Plant Transfers in Historical Perspective: A Review Article,” Environment and History 10, no. 1 (February 2004): 3–27 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Beattie, James, “Biological Invasion and Narratives of Environmental History in New Zealand, 1800–2000,” in Invasive and Introduced Plants and Animals: Human Perceptions, Attitudes and Approaches to Management, ed. Rotherham, Ian D. and Lambert, Robert A. (London, 2011), 343–54Google Scholar; Beinart, William, The Rise of Conservation in South Africa: Settlers, Livestock, and the Environment, 1770–1950 (Oxford, 2008), 155–89Google Scholar, 250, 260–63, 269, 312–15; Grove, Richard, Green Imperialism: Colonial Expansion, Tropical Island Edens, and the Origins of Environmentalism (Cambridge, 1996), 7–12 Google Scholar, 14–15, 339–47, 364–67.
3 Crosby, Ecological Imperialism, 89–90, 162–63, 270–71, 287–97.
4 For works that explicitly build upon Crosby's thesis, see Melville, A Plague of Sheep, 1–5; Diamond, Guns, Germs, and Steel, 13–32, 85–92, 195–214; Dunlap, Thomas, Nature and the English Diaspora (Cambridge, 1999), 46–59 Google Scholar; Beinart, William and Coates, Peter, Environment and History: The Taming of Nature in the USA and South Africa (Routledge, 2002), 2–11 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Anderson, Creatures of Empire, 2–4, 120–24; and Coates, Peter, American Perceptions of Immigrant and Invasive Species: Strangers on the Land (Berkeley, 2007), 16–24 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 43, 94–96.
5 For substantive critiques of Crosby, see Beinart and Middleton, “Plant Transfers in Historical Perspective,” 3–27; Beattie, “Biological Invasion,” 343–54; Carruthers, Jane and Robin, Libby, “Taxonomic Imperialism in the Battles for Acacia: Identity and Science in South Africa and Australia,” Transactions of the Royal Society of South Africa 65, no. 1 (March 2010): 48–64 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 49; Blaut, James M., The Colonizer's Model of the World: Geographical Diffusionism and Eurocentric History (New York, 1993), 183–85Google Scholar; Flannery, Tim F., The Future Eaters: An Ecological History of the Australasian Lands and People (Chatswood, 1994), 14–23 Google Scholar; Arnold, David, The Problem of Nature: Environment, Culture, and European Expansion (Cambridge, MA, 1996), 89–92 Google Scholar; and Ritvo, Harriet, “Back Story: Migration, Assimilation and Invasion in the Nineteenth Century,” in Rethinking Invasion Ecologies from the Environmental Humanities, ed. Frawley, Jodi and McCalman, Iain (New York, 2014), 17–18 Google Scholar, 21. For works that examine state-propelled interventions into colonial agriculture in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, see Brooking, Tom and Pawson, Eric, “Silences of Grass: Retrieving the Role of Pasture Plants in the Development of New Zealand and the British Empire,” Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 35, no. 3 (September 2007): 417–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Brooking, Tom and Pawson, Eric, Seeds of Empire: The Environmental Transformation of New Zealand (London, 2010)Google Scholar, 1, 12, 21; Beattie, James, Melillo, Edward, and O'Gorman, Emily, “Introduction: Eco-Cultural Networks and the British Empire, 1837–1945” in Eco-Cultural Networks and the British Empire: New Views on Environmental History, ed. Beattie, James, Melillo, Edward, and O'Gorman, Emily (New York, 2014), 1–11 Google Scholar; and Beinart, The Rise of Conservation, 155–89, 250, 260–63, 269, 312–15.
6 Drayton, Nature's Government, 65, 80–81; Bayly, Imperial Meridian, 84–86; Comaroff, John, “Reflections on the Colonial State, in South Africa and Elsewhere: Factions, Fragments, Facts and Fictions, Social Identities,” Journal for the Study of Race, Nation and Culture 4, no. 3 (October 1998): 321–61Google Scholar, at 322–23.
7 For further reading on fodders, see Overton, Mark, The Agricultural Revolution in England: The Transformation of the Agrarian Landscape, 1500–1850 (Cambridge, 1996), 2–7 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 91–93, 99–101, 109–21, 193–95; Montgomery, David, Dirt: The Erosion of Civilizations (Berkeley, 2012), 91–100 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Leigh, G. J., The World's Greatest Fix: A History of Nitrogen and Agriculture (Oxford, 2004), 66–81 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
8 For discussion of this dichotomy, see Tomlinson, B. R., “Economics and Empire,” in The Oxford History of the British Empire: The Nineteenth Century, ed. Porter, Andrew (Oxford, 2001), 61–66 Google Scholar; McCusker, John and Menard, Russell, The Economy of British America, 1607–1789 (Chapel Hill, 2014), 68–70 Google Scholar, 165; and Anderson, Creatures of Empire, 120–21. For scholarship emphasizing a seemingly inescapable rise of pastoral economies in New South Wales and the Cape, see Belich, James, Replenishing the Earth: The Settler Revolution and the Rise of the Angloworld (Oxford, 2011), 57, 193–94Google Scholar, 272; Beinart and Coates, Environment and History, 5–6, 51–60; Beinart, Rise of Conservation, 188–89, 219–20; Gascoigne, John, The Enlightenment and the Origins of European Australia (Cambridge, 2002), 70–73 Google Scholar; Raby, Geoff, Making Rural Australia: An Economic History of Technical and Institutional Creativity, 1788–1860 (Oxford, 1996), 2–14 Google Scholar; Hoorn, Jeanette, Australian Pastoral: The Making of a White Landscape (Sydney, 2007), 38–44 Google Scholar, 120–22; Webster, David J., “The Political Economy of Food Production and Nutrition in Southern Africa in Historical Perspective,” Journal of Modern African Studies 24, no. 3 (September 1986): 447–63CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; and Davidson, Bruce, European Farming in Australia: An Economic History of Australian Farming (New York, 1981), 87, 183–88Google Scholar.
9 Dodgshon, Robert A. and Butlin, Robin A., Historical Geography of England and Wales (Cambridge, MA, 2013), 88–89 Google Scholar; Stoll, Steven, Larding the Lean Earth: Soil and Society in Nineteenth-Century America (New York, 2003), 19–22 Google Scholar, 49–68; Donahue, Brian, The Great Meadow: Farmers and the Land in Colonial Concord (New Haven, 2007), 55–60 Google Scholar; Drayton, Nature's Government, 52–65.
10 Bayly, Imperial Meridian, 80, 84–86; Chaplin, Joyce E., An Anxious Pursuit: Agricultural Innovation and Modernity in the Lower South, 1730–1815 (Chapel Hill, 1996), 71, 75, 78–91 Google Scholar; Stoll, Larding the Lean Earth, 30, 21–22; Anderson, Creatures of Empire, 109, 112–15; Gascoigne, Enlightenment Origins, 4, 10, 70; Drayton, Nature's Government, 46; Frost, Alan, “The Antipodean Exchange: European Horticulture and Imperial Designs,” in Visions of Empire: Voyages, Botany, and Representations of Nature, ed. Miller, David Philip and Reill, Peter Hanns (Cambridge, 2011), 58–75 Google Scholar.
11 Overton, Agricultural Revolution in England, 26–30, 76, 91–92, 130; Ambrosoli, Mauro, The Wild and the Sown: Botany and Agriculture in Western Europe, 1350–1850 (Cambridge, 1997), 362–89Google Scholar; Stoll, Larding the Lean Earth, 55–57.
12 Ibid., 5.
13 Harte, Walter, Essays on Husbandry (Bath, 1764)Google Scholar, 144.
14 Kalm, Pehr, Travels into North America (London, 1770)Google Scholar, 1:31, 185, 345; Jonsson, Fredrik Albritton, “Climate Change and the Retreat of the Atlantic: The Cameralist Context of Pehr Kalm's Voyage to North America, 1748–51,” William and Mary Quarterly 72, no. 1 (January 2015): 99–126Google Scholar, at 101–6, 110, 114–15; Jonsson, Fredrik Albritton, Enlightenment's Frontier: The Scottish Highlands and the Origins of Environmentalism (New Haven, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 123.
15 American Husbandry (London, 1775), 1:36–37Google Scholar, 79, 201, 2:119, 159; Stoll, Larding the Lean Earth, 30; Anderson, Creatures of Empire, 109, 112–15.
16 Hagenstein, Edwin C., Donahue, Brian, and Gregg, Sara M., eds., American Georgics: Writings on Farming, Culture, and the Land (New Haven, 2012), 9–10 Google Scholar.
17 Bayly, Imperial Meridian, 94–95; Brewer, John, The Sinews of Power: War, Money, and the English State, 1688–1783 (Cambridge, MA, 1990), 175–77Google Scholar; Hornsby, Stephen, British Atlantic, American Frontier: Spaces of Power in Early Modern British America (Lebanon, NH, 2005), 223–32Google Scholar, 288.
18 Bayly, Imperial Meridian, 78, 80–81.
19 Drayton, Nature's Government, 96; Jonsson, Fredrik Albritton, “Natural History and Improvement,” in Mercantilism Reimagined: Political Economy in Early Modern Britain and Its Empire, ed. Stern, Philip J. and Wennerlind, Carl (New York, 2013), 117–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 121–23; Koerner, Lisbet, Linnaeus: Nature and Nation (Cambridge, MA, 2009), 95–99 Google Scholar.
20 Colley, Linda, Britons: Forging the Nation, 1707–1837 (New Haven, 2005), 177–94Google Scholar.
21 Drayton, Nature's Government, 65, 80, 90, 103; Bayly, Imperial Meridian, 84–85; Gascoigne, John, Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment (Cambridge, 2003), 202–3Google Scholar; Albritton Jonsson, Enlightenment's Frontier, 63–66, 85.
22 Ward, J. R., “The British West Indies in the Age of Abolition, 1748–1815,” in The Oxford History of the British Empire: The Eighteenth Century, ed. Louis, William Roger, Low, Alaine M., Marshall, Peter James (Oxford, 1998), 415–39Google Scholar; Dirks, Nicholas, The Scandal of Empire: India and the Creation of Imperial Britain (Cambridge, MA, 2009), 123–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 206–7, 291–301; Wynn, Graeme, Canada and Arctic North America: An Environmental History (Santa Barbara, 2007), 101–3Google Scholar.
23 Denoon, Donald, Settler Capitalism: The Dynamics of Dependent Development in the Southern Hemisphere (Oxford, 1983), 44–46 Google Scholar, 87–89, 162–65.
24 Flannery, Future Eaters, 19–21; Guelke, Leonard and Shell, Robert, “Landscape of Conquest: Frontier Water Alienation and Khoikhoi Strategies of Survival, 1652–1780,” Journal of Southern African Studies 18, no. 4 (December 1992): 803–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Crosby, Ecological Imperialism, 200–6; Boucher, Maurice and Penn, Nigel, Britain at the Cape (Johannesburg, 1992), 10–18 Google Scholar.
25 For analysis of climate and native ecology in New South Wales and the Cape of Good Hope, see Fenby, Claire, Garden, Don, and Gergis, Joëlle, “Flood and Drought in New South Wales,” in Climate, Science, and Colonization: Histories from Australia and New Zealand, ed. Beattie, James, O'Gorman, Emily, and Henry, Matthew (New York, 2014), 43–59 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; at 43–46; Laker, Michiel, “Soil Resources,” in The Geography of South Africa in a Changing World, ed. Fox, R. C. and Rowntree, Kate (New York, 2000), 326–40Google Scholar; Karskens, Grace, “Floods and Flood-Mindedness in Early Colonial Australia,” Environmental History 21, no. 2 (April 2016): 315–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gergis, Joëlle, Garden, Don, and Fenby, Claire, “The Influence of Climate on the First European Settlement of Australia: A Comparison of Weather Journals, Documentary Data, and Palaeoclimate Records, 1788–1793,” Environmental History 15, no. 3 (July 2010): 485–509 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 502–9; Flannery, Tim, “The Fate of Empire in Low and High-Energy Ecosystems,” in Ecology and Empire: Environmental History of Settler Societies, ed. Griffiths, Tom (Seattle, 1997), 46–54 Google Scholar; and Beinart, Rise of Conservation, 51–60, 66, 85–88, 91–93, 102–3.
26 Hughes, Robert, The Fatal Shore (London, 1988), 58, 63–65 Google Scholar, 78; Feinstein, Charles H., An Economic History of South Africa: Conquest, Discrimination, and Development (Cambridge, 2005), 25–27 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
27 Hughes, Fatal Shore, 63–71, 84–95; Boucher and Penn, Britain at the Cape, 11.
28 Frost, Alan, Dreams of a Pacific Empire: Sir George Young's Proposal for a Colonization of New South Wales, 1784–5 (Sydney, 1980), 11–15 Google Scholar, 20–26; Gascoigne, Enlightenment Origins, 69–75; Keegan, Timothy, Colonial South Africa and the Origins of the Racial Order (Charlottesville, 1996), 41–47 Google Scholar.
29 John Gascoigne, Science in the Service of Empire: Joseph Banks, the British State, and the Uses of Science in the Age of Revolution (Cambridge, 1998), 166–80; Gascoigne, Enlightenment Origins, 13–17, 69–74, 103–4, 123; Frost, Alan, Sir Joseph Banks and the Transfer of Plants to and from the South Pacific, 1786–1798 (Melbourne, 1993), 5–122 Google Scholar; Frost, Alan, Botany Bay Mirages: Illusions of Australia's Convict Beginnings (Carlton, 1994), 1–16 Google Scholar, 27–34; Frost, Dreams, 20–27; Flannery, Future Eaters, 218–21, 347–48; Bolton, Geoffrey, Spoils and Spoilers: A History of Australians Shaping Their Environment (Sydney, 1992), 19–21 Google Scholar; Fletcher, Brian H., Landed Enterprise and Penal Society: A History of Farming and Grazing in New South Wales before 1821 (Sydney, 1976), 1–6 Google Scholar, 14–15.
30 Bayly, C. A., “Knowing the Country: Empire and Information in India,” Modern Asian Studies 27, no. 1 (February 1993): 3–43 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 38. See also Drayton, Nature's Government, 90.
31 Drayton, Nature's Government, 67, 80; Albritton Jonsson, Enlightenment's Frontier, 56–57, 62–66, 85; Schiebinger, Londa, Plants and Empire: Colonial Bioprospecting in the Atlantic World (Cambridge, MA, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 57.
32 “Endeavor Journal of Sir Joseph Banks, 1768–1771” (text transcribed in 1962 from the manuscript held at the Mitchell Library [hereafter ML]), http://gutenberg.net.au/ebooks05/0501141h.html, accessed 1 June 2017; Beauchamp Report, 9 May 1785, Journals of the House of Commons, vol. 40, 1784–1785 (London, 1803), 954–59Google Scholar; The National Archives (hereafter TNA), HO 7/1, Beauchamp Committee Minutes, 1785; “James Matra's Proposal for Establishing a Settlement in New South Wales,” [August 1783], in Historical Records of New South Wales, 7 vols., ed. Bladen, F. M. and Britton, Alexander (Sydney, 1892)Google Scholar, vol. 1, pt. 2:1–2 (hereafter HRNSW). See also Williams, Glyndwr and Frost, Alan, Terra Australis to Australia (Melbourne, 1988), 134–54Google Scholar, 163–66, 203–4.
33 Gascoigne, Enlightenment Origins, 72; Journal of the House of Commons, vol. 37, 1778–1780, 311–13.
34 TNA, CO 201/1, George Young's Proposal, October 1784, fols. 52–53, reproduced in Frost, Dreams, 30.
35 “Beauchamp Committee Testimony,” 10 May 1785, in The Indian and Pacific Correspondence of Sir Joseph Banks, 1768–1820, 8 vols., ed. Chambers, Neil (London, 2014)Google Scholar, 2:93, 94 (hereafter IPCJB).
36 Sydney to the Lords Commissioners, 18 August 1786, HRNSW 1, pt. 2:14–19. For discussions of imperial boosterism, see Albritton Jonsson, “Natural History and Improvement,” 128; Irving, Sarah, Natural Science and the Origins of the British Empire (New York, 2015), 18–20 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 52–56; and Kupperman, Karen Ordahl, The Jamestown Project (Cambridge MA, 2009), 109–13CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 131–38.
37 “Scheme of Plants,” October 1786, reprinted in Frost, Transfer of Plants, 6; TNA, T 1/639, List of Seeds Sent to New South Wales, [October 1786], fols. 253–55. The first page is missing from the file. This chart differs from Frost's transcription, in which many of the seed amounts listed in the original manuscript with the apothecary's symbol for pounds are mistakenly transcribed as ditto (“do.”) for bushels (“bu.”).
38 Frost, Alan, Arthur Phillip, 1738–1814: His Voyaging (Sydney, 1987)Google Scholar, 159; Worgan, George B., Journal of a First Fleet Surgeon (Sydney, 1978)Google Scholar, 1.
39 TNA, CO 201/1, George Young's Plan, January 1785, fol. 52; TNA, CO 201/2, Arthur Phillip to the Lords Commissioners, [1786], fols. 88–93.
40 Ambrosoli, Wild and the Sown, 223–38.
41 Radcliff, Thomas, A Report on the Agriculture of Eastern and Western Flanders (London, 1819), 62–63 Google Scholar. Broadcast seeding of clover ranged from ten to sixteen pounds per acre, with yields from five to eight bushels per acre at sixty pounds per bushel.
42 “Official Instructions,” 24 April 1787, HRNSW 1, pt. 2:87.
43 Fletcher, Landed Enterprise, 28, 43; Various dispatches, HRNSW 1, pt. 2:349, 539, 592–93; “Report on the Soil,” HRNSW 1, pt. 2:599.
44 Lord Grenville to Arthur Phillip, 24 August 1789, HRNSW 1, pt. 2:261–62; Arthur Phillip to Lord Sydney, 13 February 1790, HRNSW 1, pt. 2:304–6; Francis Grose to Henry Dundas, 29 April 1794, HRNSW 2:210.
45 Joseph Banks to Pierre-August-Marie Broussonet, 1 May 1789, in Scientific Correspondence of Sir Joseph Banks, 1765–1820, ed. Chambers, Neil (London, 2007)Google Scholar, 3:486; Joseph Banks to John Hunter, 1 February 1799, IPCJB 5:36; Joseph Banks, “Some Remarks on the Present State of the Colony of Sidney,” 4 June 1806, HRNSW 6:86.
46 Joseph Banks to John Hunter, 30 March 1797, HRNSW 3:202–3.
47 Frost, Transfer of Plants, 23–36.
48 Phillip Gidley King to Joseph Banks, 16 October 1798, IPCJB 4:14; Gascoigne, Science, 166–78; Carter, Harold, ed., The Sheep and Wool Correspondence of Sir Joseph Banks, 1781–1820 (London, 1979)Google Scholar, xxvii.
49 Boucher and Penn, Britain at the Cape, 69.
50 Ibid., 70.
51 See Guelke, Leonard, “Freehold Farmers and Frontier Settlers,” in The Shaping of South African Society, 1652–1840, ed. Elphick, Richard and Giliomee, Hermann (Middletown, 2014), 66–108 Google Scholar, at 69–72; Pooley, Simon, “Jan van Riebeeck as Pioneering Explorer and Conservator of Natural Resources at the Cape of Good Hope (1652–62),” Environment and History 15, no. 1 (February 2009): 3–33 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 5; Pratt, Mary Louise, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (New York, 1992), 38–40 Google Scholar; Huigen, Siegfried, Knowledge and Colonialism: Eighteenth-Century Travellers in South Africa (Leiden, 2009), 15–17 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 142–47; and Richards, John, The Unending Frontier: An Environmental History of the Early Modern World (Berkeley, 2003), 293–94Google Scholar, 296–306.
52 Crais, Clifton, White Supremacy and Black Resistance in Pre-Industrial South Africa: The Making of the Colonial Order in the Eastern Cape, 1770–1865 (Cambridge, 1992), 32–34 Google Scholar, 38–42; Keegan, Colonial South Africa, 19–20, 23–25; Richards, Unending Frontier, 294; Sir George Yonge to Henry Dundas, 5 January 1801, in Records of the Cape Colony from February 1793 to 1831, 36 vols., ed. Theal, George McCall (London, 1897)Google Scholar, 3:368 (hereafter RCC).
53 “Account of the Principal Productions of the Cape,” [1795], RCC, 1:138.
54 Guelke and Shell, “Landscape of Conquest,” 806–7; Webster, “Political Economy,” 452.
55 Earl of Mornington to Henry Dundas, 28 February 1798, in Two Views of British India: The Private Correspondence of Henry Dundas and Lord Wellesley, 1798–1801, ed. Ingram, Edward (London, 1970), 41–42 Google Scholar; Henry Dundas, “Report to the Board of Trade,” 12 April 1796, MS 1070, fol. 34, National Library of Scotland (hereafter NLS).
56 John Barrow to Andrew Barnard, 29 June 1800, BO 46, fol. 2, Western Cape Archives and Records Office, Cape Town (hereafter WCA).
57 Barrow, John, An Account of Travels into the Interior of Southern Africa in the Years 1797 and 1798 (London, 1801)Google Scholar, 344, 3, 405, 25.
58 Boucher and Penn, Britain at the Cape, 113.
59 Ibid., 1.
60 Ibid., 231.
61 Huigen, Knowledge and Colonialism, 149; Thunberg, Carl Peter, Travels at the Cape of Good Hope, 1772–1775, 1793 ed. (Cape Town, 1986)Google Scholar, 314; Sparrman, Anders, A Voyage to the Cape of Good Hope, 2 vols. (London, 1785)Google Scholar, 1:201.
62 Sparrman, Voyage to the Cape, 1:67, 251, 2:165.
63 Barrow, Account, 79.
64 Ibid., 338, 407; “Account of the Principal Productions,” 19 September 1795, RCC, 1:139–40; John Blankett to Evan Napean, 25 January 1795, RCC, 1:24; Francis Dundas to Henry Dundas, 12 December, 13 April, 20 July 1797, A 455, fols. 19, 16, 17, WCA.
65 Naudé, Adèle, Cape Album (Cape Town, 1979)Google Scholar, 79; Society, Surrey Archaeological, Surrey Archaeological Collections, vol. 65 (Guilford, 1968), 97–105 Google Scholar.
66 Sir George Yonge to William Huskisson, 30 June 1799, RCC 2:440; Lord Somerville to Henry Dundas, 19 July 1799, A 455, fol. 30, WCA; “Memorandum … William Duckitt,” 10 December 1799, BO 45, fol. 25, WCA.
67 “Diary of William Duckitt” (hereafter DWD), 14 December 1799, MSB 152, National Library of South Africa, Cape Town.
68 DWD, 9 December 1799.
69 “A Catalogue of Agricultural Seeds, Etc Sold by Gibbs and Co….,” Communications to the Board of Agriculture [ed. Young, Arthur], vol. 4 (London, 1805)Google Scholar, 457; Morton, Chalmers, “The Late Sir B. T. Brandreth Gibbs,” Journal of the Royal Agricultural Society 21 (1885): 617–21Google Scholar, at 617–19; Ambrosoli, Wild and the Sown, 371, 376–77, 384–85.
70 DWD, 6 January and 19 March 1800; Carter, Wool Correspondence, 96.
71 “Sums Advanced to William Duckitt,” [1799], BO 45, fol. 25, WCA.
72 “Bill of Seeds,” 3 April 1800, British Library Add. MSS 38763, fol. 1.
73 “Sums Advanced to William Duckitt,” [1799], BO 45, fol. 25, WCA.
74 Overton, Agricultural Revolution, 91, 107–17; Ambrosoli, Wild and the Sown, 362–63, 384–89.
75 DWD, 1 October 1800.
76 Henry Dundas to George Yonge, 24 April 1800, BO 91, fol. 65, WCA.
77 Lenta, Margaret and LeCordeur, Basil, eds., The Cape Diaries of Lady Anne Barnard, 1799–1800: 1800 (Cape Town, 1999)Google Scholar, 150, 254; John Macartney to Henry Dundas, 24 October 1797, A 455, fol. 23, WCA.
78 Crosby, Ecological Imperialism, 158.
79 Maura Capps, “‘All Flesh Is Grass’: Agrarian Improvement and Ecological Imperialism in Britain's Settler Empire, 1780–1840,” (PhD diss., University of Chicago, 2016), 10–14, 79–82, 220–22, 276–79, 379–87; Flannery, “Low- and High-Energy Ecosystems,” 51–53; Karskens, Colony, 23–25, 46, 66–67; eadem, “Flood and Flood-mindedness,” 318; Gascoigne, Enlightenment Origins, 74–77; Beinart, Rise of Conservation, 47–54, 88–90.
80 See Weaver, John, The Great Land Rush and the Making of the Modern World (Montreal, 2003), 20–22 Google Scholar, 43–45, 56–58, 184–88, 293; Belich, Replenishing the Earth, 89, 374–77; Denoon, Settler Capitalism, 37–39, 51–57, 63–66; Gascoigne, Enlightenment Origins, 80–85.
81 Beinart, Rise of Conservation, 85–87; Richards, Unending Frontier, 305–6; Butzer, Karl and Helgren, David, “Livestock, Land Cover, and Environmental History: The Tablelands of New South Wales, 1820–1920,” Annals of the Association of American Geographers 95, no. 1 (March 2005): 80–111 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 82–84.
82 For a much more in depth analysis of archival evidence of this trend, see Capps, “‘All Flesh is Grass,’” 358–75. For discussion of chronic overgrazing in early pastoral industries, see Bolton, Spoils and Spoilers, 85; Beinart, Rise of Conservation, 77–81.
83 Returns of the Colony of New South Wales (Blue Books), 1822–1857, CY 4/251–290, ML.
- 1
- Cited by