Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 December 2012
1 It will be argued that the homosexual was temporally rendered a “social problem” before subsequently being cast in more value-neutral terms as a member of a minority, enjoying a distinctive way of life, to borrow from the title of Peter Wildeblood’s study of “the underworld in our midst” (A Way of Life [London, 1956], quote on dust jacket).
2 Many questions addressed in this article are crystallized in Tom Ford’s 2009 film version of Christopher Isherwood’s 1962 novel, A Single Man (New York, 1978 [1964]). In the film there is a scene in which the protagonist, George Falconer, a university professor who has recently experienced the death of his same-sex partner, Jim, enjoys a drunken evening with his good friend, Charley. What is most striking about this scene is Charley’s wholesale inability to understand that George could have shared such a meaningful existence with another man; while she could accept him sympathetically as an individual homosexual, she remained unable to imagine him as part of a larger, social world, sharing a life with another man—indeed, with other men. It was, in short, George’s social world that remained off-limits and unintelligible to her, as it still was to many outsiders in the early 1960s on both sides of the Atlantic. This particular scene is played out rather differently in the novel (23–24). There it is George’s neighbors, the Strunks, who fear “the unspeakable that insists, despite all their shushing, on speaking its name.” There it is Mrs. Strunk, in particular, who, armed with “her psychology book,” sympathetically appreciates George, albeit merely as a solitary individual, a case of “arrested development,” a “misfit, debarred forever from the best things of life, to be pitied, not blamed.” Her own narrow understanding of George’s psychological selfhood would have been shared widely at the time in a society that understood homosexuality primarily as a psychological aberration and not as a social fact.
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38 Bennett, “Discussion on the Social Aspects of Homosexuality,” 585.
39 Ibid., 587.
40 Editorial, Observer, 8 November 1953, 6. For a discussion of the battle between the tabloids and the experts over the “ownership” of the “social problem of homosexuality” in the 1950s, see Waters, “Disorders of the Mind, Disorders of the Body Social,” esp. 136–40. For the impact of the Kinsey reports in Britain, see Bingham, “‘The K-Bomb’,” esp. 160–63, 171–76.
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52 Kempe, “Homophiles in Society,” 217.
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76 See Mort, Capital Affairs, 172–87, on homosexuals’ testimony before the Wolfenden Committee.
77 Hornsey, The Spiv and the Architect, 28; see also 117–19, 131–35. Harry Oosterhuis has also demonstrated the complex ways in which Richard von Krafft-Ebing’s psychology of the individual homosexual in the late nineteenth century was itself shaped in dialogue with his subjects: Ooosterhuis, , Stepchildren of Nature: Krafft-Ebing, Psychiatry, and the Making of Sexual Identity (Chicago, 2000)Google Scholar.
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