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Lordship and Principality: Colonial Policy in Ireland and Aquitaine in the 1360s

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 December 2012

David Green
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Journal of British Studies , Volume 47 , Issue 1 , January 2008 , pp. 3 - 29
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Copyright © North American Conference of British Studies 2008

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References

1 As early as 1356, Edward III claimed, even if he did not hold, jurisdiction over Aquitaine, Poitou, Anjou, Maine, Touraine, and Normandy—the territories of the lost empire; Ormrod, W. Mark, “England: Edward II and Edward III,” in New Cambridge Medieval History VI, c. 1300–c. 1415, ed. Jones, MichaelCambridge, 279Google Scholar.

2 Rymer, Thomas, ed., Foedera, Conventiones, Literae etc., 3 vols. in 6 pts. (London, 1816–30), 3, pt. 1:343Google Scholar; Chaplais, Pierre, “Some Documents regarding the Fulfilment and Interpretation of the Treaty of Brétigny,” Camden Miscellany, 3rd ser., 19 (1952): 1–84Google Scholar. For the Anglo-Irish response to the treaty of Brétigny (i.e., that of the English born in Ireland), see Connolly, Philomena, “The Financing of English Expeditions to Ireland, 1361–1376,” in England and Ireland in the Later Middle Ages: Essays in Honour of Jocelyn Otway-Ruthven, ed. Dublin, James Lydon, 104–5Google Scholar. David (Bruce) II of Scotland was captured at the battle of Neville's Cross (17 October 1346). On Edward III's policy toward political prisoners of war, see Given-Wilson, Chris and Bériac, Françoise, “Edward III's Prisoners of War: The Battle of Poitiers and Its Context,” English Historical Review 116, no. 468 (September 2001): 813–14, 829–30Google Scholar.

3 Frame, Robin, The Political Development of the British Isles, 1100–1400 Oxford, 1995), 138–39Google Scholar. See also Connolly, Philomena, “Lionel of Clarence in Ireland, 1361–1366” (PhD thesis, Trinity College, University of Dublin, 20–21Google Scholar.

4 According to Robin Frame, Edward III hoped Lionel's Irish lands “would form a significant part of an appanage of a cadet branch of his own family” (“English Policies and Anglo-Irish Attitudes in the Crisis of 1341–1342,” in Lydon, England and Ireland, 96). An appanage was an arrangement for the support of children of a royal person, usually property set aside to be held by a younger son. In the later Middle Ages, the Capetian and Valois kings adopted an appanage policy by which the French royal domain was divided into a number of semi-independent territorial units of which Burgundy became the most powerful.

5 Marriage alliances included Gaunt's betrothal to Blanche of Lancaster (1359) and Lionel's daughter, Philippa of Ulster, to Edmund Mortimer, future earl of March (1358). Edward III's daughters, Margaret and Mary, married John Hastings, earl of Pembroke (1359), and Jean de Montfort, claimant to the duchy of Brittany (1361), respectively. (Although Edward renounced his claim to the overlordship of Brittany in 1362, he tried to ensure it remained in the Plantagenet orbit.) After Mary's death, in 1366 Jean married Joan Holland, the Black Prince's stepdaughter; Jones, Michael, Ducal Brittany, 1364–1399: Relations with England and France during the Reign of Duke John IV Oxford, 18, 45Google Scholar. At this time links were also forged with powerful families on the marches of Wales and Scotland; Waugh, Scott L., England in the Reign of Edward III Cambridge, 124Google Scholar. The marriage of the heir apparent to Joan, “the Fair Maid of Kent” (1362) brought little by way of political, territorial, or financial gain and proved a liability for the dynasty. Adam Usk said Richard II “was not born to a father of the royal line, but of a mother given to slippery ways [ex matre lubrice vite dedita]—to say nothing of many other things I have heard” (The Chronicle of Adam Usk, 1377–1421, ed. and trans. Chris Given-Wilson [Oxford, 1997], 62–63). Negotiations opened for Edmund of Langley to marry Margaret of Burgundy; however, the opposition of the Francophile papacy ensured the creation of a Burgundian principality rather than an Anglo-Flemish empire. The succession to the Scottish throne was also under discussion following David II's release from English captivity (1357). However, David's marriage to Margaret Drummond soon ended the hopes of John of Gaunt or any other Englishman succeeding him; Nicholson, Ranald, Scotland: The Later Middle Ages Edinburgh, 161, 163, 170–71Google Scholar. Various schemes for one of Edward III's younger sons to inherit the Scottish throne were discussed in the period 1350–64; Penman, Michael, David II, 1329–1371 East Linton, 153–54, 162, 166–67, 308, 313, 320–22Google Scholar. Penman suggests David II wanted Lionel of Clarence as his heir as late as 1363, citing Henry Knighton, 332–33; however, the incident in question refers to Edward Balliol passing his claim to Lionel in January 1356, and Geoffrey Martin argues that the author confused this with a later proposal regarding Gaunt; Knighton's Chronicle, 1337–1396, ed. Martin, Geoffrey H.Oxford, 136, 137 n. 4Google Scholar. Gaunt's personal ambitions focused on Castile where King Pedro “the Cruel” made a treaty with England in 1362; Rymer, Foedera, 3, pt. 2:73. In this period there was intense competition between England and France for influence in the Iberian peninsula. The Anglo-Castilian alliance failed with Pedro's murder at Montiel in 1369, although through his marriage to Constanza (1371) Gaunt maintained a claim to the throne until 1388. Goodman, Anthony, “England and Iberia in the Middle Ages,” in England and Her Neighbours, 1066–1453: Essays in Honour of Pierre Chaplais, ed. Jones, Michael and Vale, Malcolm G. A.London, 86Google Scholar.

6 MS Stowe 140ff., 50v–56; Additional MS 32097 fol. 108v, British Library (BL), London; Rymer, Foedera, 3, pt. 2:667 and 609–12; 1 July 1361, Calendar of Patent Rolls (CPR), 1361–64 , 44. A number of aspects of Lionel's career in Ireland have been discussed recently by Peter Crooks in a perceptive article, “‘Hobbes,’ ‘Dogs’ and Politics in the Ireland of Lionel of Antwerp, c. 1361–1366,” Haskins Society Journal 16 (2005): 117–48. Additional grants to the royal family included the earldom of Richmond and honour of Hertford (Gaunt), lands in Yorkshire and Lincolnshire (Edmund of Langley), and various manors (Isabella of Woodstock); Waugh, England in the Reign of Edward III, 123.

7 By the treaty of Montmirail (1169) Henry II designated his son, Henry, heir to England, Normandy, and Anjou; Geoffrey was to have Brittany; and Richard, Aquitaine. Later, the king planned to hand Ireland over to John to form the chief inheritance of a cadet branch of the royal house; Flanagan, Marie Therese, Irish Society, Anglo-Norman Settlers, Angevin Kingship: Interactions in Ireland in the Late Twelfth Century Oxford, 254–55Google Scholar. Connolly compared Lionel's appointment (CPR, 1364–67, 20) with that envisaged at the Council of Oxford in 1177; “Lionel of Clarence,” 20–21, 25–26, 220; Otway-Ruthven, A. Jocelyn, “The Chief Governors of Medieval Ireland,” Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland (hereafter JRSAI) 95 (1965): 228–29Google Scholar. In 1254, Henry III granted the Lord Edward Ireland, Gascony, and estates in Wales and elsewhere to be held with extensive powers, although with the proviso that they should never be completely alienated from the crown; Ormrod, W. Mark, “Edward III and His Family,” Journal of British Studies 26, no. 4 (October 1987): 398–422Google Scholar. Henry II and Eleanor had four sons and three daughters who survived infancy. Edward III and Philippa of Hainault had five sons and four daughters who survived to maturity.

8 Watt, John A., “Approaches to the History of Fourteenth-Century Ireland,” in New History of Ireland, II: Medieval Ireland, 1169–1534, ed. Cosgrove, ArtOxford, 312–13Google Scholar; Frame, Robin, “Overlordship and Reaction, c. 1200–c. 1450,” in Uniting the Kingdom? The Making of British History, ed. Grant, Alexander and Stringer, KeithLondon, 77–80Google Scholar.

9 Leerssen, Joep, “Wildness, Wilderness and Ireland: Medieval and Early-Modern Patterns in the Demarcation of Civility,” Journal of the History of Ideas 56, no. 1 (January 1995): 35Google Scholar. For various illuminating discussions of frontiers, see Medieval Frontier Societies, ed. Bartlett, Robert and Mackay, AngusOxfordGoogle Scholar, esp. Robert Rees Davies, “Frontier Arrangements in Fragmented Societies: Ireland and Wales,” 77–100, and Robin Frame, “Military Service in the Lordship of Ireland, 1290–1360: Institutions and Society on the Anglo-Gaelic Frontier,” 101–26.

10 Davies, Robert Rees, “Lordship or Colony?” in The English in Medieval Ireland, ed. Dublin, James Lydon, 157Google Scholar: “‘Lordship or colony?’ is, of course, a false alternative.” Fourteenth-century chancery rolls speak of dominia transmarina; Patourel, John Le, “The Plantagenet Dominions,” History 50, no. 170 (July 1965): 302Google Scholar. “Ireland was a land, just like Aquitaine or any other land under the dominion of the king of England” (Lydon, James, “Ireland and the English Crown,” Irish Historical Studies 29, no. 115 [May 1995]: 282Google Scholar). Certainly the most common description was terre d’Irlande. However, the English king claimed to be dominus Hiberniae and seigneur d’Irlande, so the title “lordship,” although problematic, is valid.

11 Frame, “Overlordship and Reaction,” 77–78.

12 Boutruche, Robert, “Anglais et Gascons en Aquitaine du xiie au xve siècles: Problems d’histoire sociale,” in Mélanges d’histoire dédiés à la memoire de Louis Halphen Paris, 57Google Scholar.

13 Davies, “Lordship or Colony?” 151–52.

14 It is noteworthy that Edward was conferred with the title prince of Aquitaine and granted the principality of Aquitaine and Gascony: Grant of Aquitaine to Edward the Black Prince, The National Archives (TNA): Public Record Office (PRO), E30/1105.

15 Beaune, Collette, The Birth of an Ideology: Myths and Symbols of Nation in Late-Medieval France, ed. Cheyette, Fredric L. and trans. Susan Ross Huston Berkeley, 323Google Scholar.

16 Le Patourel, “Plantagenet Dominions,” 306.

17 According to Favreau, Robert, “la loi du vainqueur” replaced a just administration; Histoire de Poitiers Toulouse, 137Google Scholar. For discussions of the Anglicization of the British Isles, see Davies, Robert Rees, The First English Empire: Power and Identities in the British Isles, 1093–1343 Oxford, 142–71Google Scholar; Frame, Political Development, 142–68.

18 Herald, Chandos, Life of the Black Prince, ed. and trans. Pope, Mildred K. and Lodge, Eleanor C.Oxford, 48Google Scholar.

19 The Anonimalle Chronicle, 1333 to 1381, ed. Vivian H. Galbraith Manchester, 53, 55–56.

20 “Et n’estoit nulls de le nation des pays, frans, ne villains, qui y euist offisce”; Froissart, Jean, Chroniques, ed. Luce, Siméon, Mirot, Léon, and Mirot, Albert, 15 vols. (Paris, 1869–1975), 7:253Google Scholar. See also Chroniques, I, iii, Le manuscrit d’Amiens, ed. Geneva, George T. Diller, 453Google Scholar. Roland Delachenal noted that most of the new seneschals were English, resulting in jealousy and complaint; Histoire de Charles V, 5 vols. (Paris, 1909–31), 4:24.

21 “Ordonances, indictions et exactions de fouages et autres griefs et nouveletés à eux faites par nostre cousin le prince de Galles, duc de Guyenne et autres seneschaux et officiers de dits pais pour luy”; Histoire générale de Languedoc avec des notes et les pieces justicatives, ed. Claude de Vic and Joseph Vaisètte; rev. ed., Auguste Molinier, 16 vols. (Toulouse, 1872–1904), 10:1404–6.

22 Parliaments and Councils of Mediaeval Ireland, ed. Richardson, Henry G. and Dublin, George O. Sayles, 19–22Google Scholar.

23 The growing authority of the Mic Mhurchadha was a particular threat, especially after they established an alliance across the river Barrow with Ó Mórdha. The threat was such that six Mac Murchadha leaders were killed directly or indirectly by the Dublin administration between 1354 and 1375. Lionel had Art and Domnall Mac Murchadha arrested in 1361: imprisoned at Trim, they died or were killed the following year. Frame, Robin, “Two Kings in Leinster: The Crown and the MicMurchadha in the Fourteenth Century,” in Colony and Frontier in Medieval Ireland: Essays Presented to J. F. Lydon, ed. Barry, Terry, Frame, Robin, and Simms, KatharineLondon, 155–75Google Scholar.

24 It should be noted that good and long-lasting relationships were established with Mic Carthaig Mór of Cork. On 11 May 1365, Clarence made grants to Domnhall Mac Carthaigh (of Muskerry), “captain of the Irish of Desmond”; Nicholls, Kenneth, “The Development of Lordship in County Cork, 1300–1600,” in Cork: History and Society, ed. O’Flanagan, Patrick and Buttimer, CorneliusDublin, 172Google Scholar.

25 Gilbert, John T., ed., Chartularies of St Mary's Abbey, Dublin London, 2:396Google Scholar.

26 Calendar of Close Rolls (CCR), 1364–68, 482–83, 499–50.

27 The St Albans Chronicle: The Chronica Maiora of Thomas Walsingham; Vol. I, 1376–1394, ed. and trans. Taylor, John, Childs, Wendy R., and Watkiss, LeslieOxford, 812–14Google Scholar. See also Tuck, Anthony, “Anglo-Irish Relations, 1382–1393,” Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 69, sec. C, no. 2 (1970): 23–27Google Scholar.

28 Chronicle of Adam Usk, 76; Alistair Dunn, “Richard II and the Mortimer Inheritance,” in Fourteenth Century England II, ed. Chris Given-Wilson Woodbridge, 168–69.

29 Representatives from Aquitaine visited Richard II and “claimed that from times long past they had been accustomed to be governed by the English crown and not by third parties set in authority over them by the exercise of the king's will, with the single exception of the prince of Wales as the true heir to the English throne” (Westminster Chronicle, 1381–1394, ed. and trans. Hector, Leonard C. and Harvey, Barbara F. [Oxford, 1982], 484Google Scholar). The inalienability of Ireland was also emphasized in the Appellants’ action against de Vere in the Merciless Parliament; see Given-Wilson, Chris, ed., “Richard II: Parliament of 1388, Text and Translation,” in The Parliament Rolls of Medieval England, ed. Given-Wilson, Chris et al. CD-ROM; Leicester, iii, 231, 9th article (C)Google Scholar.

30 Dupont-Ferrier, Gustave, Gallia Regia ou état des officiers royaux des bailliages et des sénéchausées de 1328 à 1515, 6 vols. Paris, 5:233Google Scholar; Dictionnaire de biographie française, ed. Balteau, J.Paris, 3:655–58Google Scholar; Green, David, The Battle of Poitiers, 1356 Stroud, 21–22, 98.Google Scholar

31 Frame, Robin, Colonial Ireland, 1169–1369 Dublin, 130–31Google Scholar. Frame also states that “their [the Anglo-Irish] outlook was not an English one, nor did they welcome all the implications of the presence of Englishmen in their midst” (131). See further, Brendan Smith, “Lionel of Clarence and the English of Meath,” Peritia 10 (1996): 300: “The English of Meath were certainly not averse to receiving support and patronage from England—as long as it was on their terms.”

32 Rymer, Foedera, 3, pt. 2:800.

33 Delachenal, Charles V, 4:55; Robert Boutruche, Crise d’une société: Seigneurs et paysans du Bordelais pendant la guerre de cent ans Paris, 244.

34 Payments by Charles V to Armagnac, April 1368, F 22,000 plus F 4,000 soon after; to Albret, 14 May, F 5,000 plus F 18,000 soon after (F 4,000 for the dowry of Marguerite de Bourbon); see Maurice Rey, Les finances royales sous Charles VI: Les causes du déficit, 1388–1413 Paris, 447; Henneman, John B., Royal Taxation in Fourteenth-Century France: The Captivity and Ransom of John II, 1356–1370 Philadelphia, 250Google Scholar. Bribes were also offered to the viscount of Castelbon and the count of Périgord; Corvisier, André and Contamine, Philippe, Histoire militaire de la France, I: Des origines à 1715 Paris, 145–49Google Scholar; Contamine, Philippe, War in the Middle Ages, trans. Jones, MichaelOxford, 153–56Google Scholar; Sumption, Jonathan, The Hundred Years War II: Trial by Fire London, 579Google Scholar. Nor were individuals only rewarded financially for returning to Valois allegiance. In December 1372, Charles V inaugurated the practice of collective ennoblements decreeing that the mayor and councillors of Poitiers and their successors were to be nobles. In the following month he granted the same privileges to the municipal officers of La Rochelle; Major, John Russell, From Renaissance Monarchy to Absolute Monarchy: French Kings, Nobles, and Estates Baltimore, 72Google Scholar.

35 Beaune, Birth of an Ideology, 132–34.

36 The distinction was apparent under Henry II, whose powers ranged from the intense and authoritative in England and Normandy, where there was effective machinery for exercising authority, to the diffused and occasional in Aquitaine, where public power was in the hands of local lords. Turner, Ralph V., “The Problem of Survival for the Angevin ‘Empire': Henry II's and His Sons’ Vision versus Late Twelfth-Century Realities,” American Historical Review 100, no. 1 (February 1995): 79–80Google Scholar. For further discussion of the financial and political problems faced by the English administration in Aquitaine, see Green, David, The Black Prince Stroud, 106–10Google Scholar, and Edward the Black Prince: Power in Medieval Europe Harlow, 134–38.

37 This can be seen in the development of a more clearly differentiated social structure with the introduction of new ranks at the upper and lower levels of the social spectrum. It is also evident in aspects of the labor legislation (from 1349/51), sumptuary laws governing apparel (after 1362), the poll taxes (from 1377), game laws (after 1390), the statute of Additions (1413), etc. Aquinas conceived of a hierarchy of broadly defined “stations” in life; Summa theologica II, ii Q 32 Art 6.

38 Davies, Robert Rees, “The Peoples of Britain and Ireland, 1100–1400, I: Identities,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society (hereafter TRHS), 6th ser., 4 (1994): 16Google Scholar. On the development of a French national consciousness, see Beaune, Birth of an Ideology, esp. 283–309; and Menache, Sophia, “Mythe et symbolisme au début de la Guerre de Cent Ans: Vers une conscience nationale,” Le Moyen Age 89, no. 1 (1983): 87Google Scholar, who argues the Valois achieved an ideological advantage over the Plantagenets in the early stages of the Hundred Years' War despite military failures.

39 Simms, Katharine, From Kings to Warlords: The Changing Political Structure of Gaelic Ireland in the Later Middle Ages Woodbridge 1, 5Google Scholar, citing Aithdioghluim Dána, ed. Lambert McKenna Dublin, II. 58 (no. 20), 73 (no. 33). One could also note English arguments with the Capetians regarding the status of Gascony: “A fief could not be created by bare words, nor would fidelity make the land feudalis or transfer dominum directum” (Reynolds, Susan, Fiefs and Vassals: The Medieval Evidence Reinterpreted [Oxford, 1994], 287)Google Scholar.

40 If kings could claim sovereignty in this “age of principalities,” when the blood royal united the monarchical family, why should princes not do likewise? Indeed, princes began to appropriate various concepts of Roman law previously used by kings, and there was a semantic shift from considerations of dominum (lordship) to majestas (sovereignty). See Le Patourel, John, “The King and Princes in Fourteenth-Century France,” in Europe in the Late Middle Ages, ed. Hale, John R., Highfield, John R. L., and Smalley, BerylLondon, 155Google Scholar; Jones, Michael, “The Last Capetians and the Early Valois Kings, 1314–1364,” in New Cambridge Medieval History VI, 421Google Scholar, and “The Late Medieval State and Social Change: A View from the Duchy of Brittany,” in L’état ou le roi: Les foundations de la modernité monarchique en France (xiv e –xvii e siècles), ed. Neithard Bulst, Robert Descimon, and Alain Guerreau Paris, 121; Knecht, Robert J., The Valois: Kings of France, 1328–1589 London, 8–9Google Scholar.

41 Reynolds, Fiefs and Vassals, 285. Reynolds argues that Louis IX hoped Henry III's performance of homage for Gascony would perhaps establish or reestablish the duchy's status as a fief of the French crown (283–85).

42 Major, Renaissance Monarchy, 65–66, and John Russell Major, “‘Bastard Feudalism’ and the Kiss: Changing Social Mores in Late Medieval and Early Modern France,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 17, no. 3 (Winter 1987): 509–35, esp. 515–16.

43 Charles Higounet, ed., Histoire de l’Aquitaine Toulouse, 213.

44 Joseph Moisant, Le Prince Noir en Aquitaine, 1355–57, 1362–70 Paris, 70, 76–78; Higounet, Histoire de l’Aquitaine, 217; Pierre Tucoo-Chala, Gaston Fébus: Un grand prince d’Occident au XIV e siècle Pau, 45–51; Delachenal, Charles V, 4:62–63. An alod was a hereditary estate or territorial unit held independently of traditional feudal dues.

45 Register of acts of homage and fealty done to the Black Prince, TNA: PRO, E36/189; memorandum as to fealty sworn to the prince in Bordeaux, TNA: PRO, E101/177/8; Jean Paul Trabut-Cusac, Le livre des homages des Aquitaine Bordeaux, 70–116.

46 In Aquitaine the episcopacy may have particularly resented the prince's demand for an oath of homage; Boutruche, Crise d’une société, 244.

47 Turner, “Problem of Survival,” 80.

48 Dorothy Johnston, “Richard II and the Submissions of Gaelic Ireland,” Irish Historical Studies 22, no. 85 (May 1980): 1–20.

49 See Beth Hartland, “Reasons for Leaving: The Effect of Conflict on English Landholding in Late Thirteenth-Century Leinster,” Journal of Medieval History 32, no. 1 (March 2006): 18–26; Sheelagh Harbison, “The Absentee Problem in Waterford and East Cork during William of Windsor's Administration, 1369–1376,” Decies: Journal of the Waterford Archaeological and Historical Society 23 (1983): 6–16.

50 Late in 1360 Elizabeth's grandmother, Elizabeth de Clare, died, bringing Lionel her share of the Clare estates in England, Wales, and the earldom of Ulster.

51 Rymer, Foedera, 3, pt. 2:610; James Lydon, The Lordship of Ireland in the Middle Ages new ed., Dublin, 135; John A. Watt, “Anglo-Irish Colony under Strain,” in Cosgrove, New History of Ireland, 385.

52 Roman law had a profound influence on inheritance and marriage in southern France. The division of estates would quickly have decimated family fortunes if the law had not allowed the father to bequeath property as he chose, although younger children had to receive something. Consequently, “in Gascony there were a few very great lords holding extensive properties and exercising almost independent powers: and there were a vast number of smaller seigneuries, with little to rule but their own castles and immediate dependents but who were nevertheless proud, privileged and dangerous as enemies” (Lodge, Eleanor C., Gascony under English Rule [London, 1926], 195Google Scholar); Vale, Malcolm G. A., The Angevin Legacy and the Hundred Years’ War, 1250–1340 Oxford, 82–84, 99–100, 103Google Scholar.

53 For a description of the multitude of overlapping jurisdictions in Gascony, see Georges Hubrecht, “Jurisdictions and Competences in Guyenne after Its Recovery by France,” in The Recovery of France in the Fifteenth Century, ed. Peter S. Lewis London, 82–86.

54 The earldom of Louth fell into abeyance in 1329 with the assassination of John Bermingham in the Braganstown Massacre. See Brendan Smith, Colonisation and Conquest in Medieval Ireland: The English in Louth, 1170–1330 Cambridge, 114–21; Lydon, James, “Braganstown Massaccre,” Journal of the County Louth Archaeology and History Society 19, no. 1 (1977): 5–16Google Scholar.

55 Gilbert, Chartularies of St Mary's Abbey, 2:383.

56 Turner, “Problem of Survival,” 92, 95–96. John Gillingham has questioned the reality of the stereotypical picture of Aquitaine as chaotic, disordered, and treacherous, tracing its evolution from Einhard's reference to perfidia vasconica in his Life of Charlemagne, repeated by Ralph Niger in 1190. By this time the conventional wisdom had it that Aquitaine was ungovernable, a view reinforced by the emergence of Catharism; Gillingham, John, “Events and Opinions: Norman and English Views of Aquitaine, c. 1152–c. 1204,” in Eleanor of Aquitaine: Literature and Society in Southern France between the Eleventh and Thirteenth Centuries, ed. Bull, Marcus and Léglu, CatherineWoodbridge, 57–81Google Scholar, esp. 59, 62 n. 26, 64.

57 To take one example, there was a patria de Bourdeleys with clear regional sentiment, linguistic unity, and common practices; Boutruche, Crise d’une société, 133–36; Jones, Michael, “Les capitanes Anglo-Bretons et les marches entre Le Bretagne and Le Poitou de 1342 à 1373,” in La France Anglaise au Moyen Âge Paris, 370Google Scholar.

58 Maddicott, John, Simon de Montfort Cambridge, 107Google Scholar.

59 Vale, Angevin Legacy, 80–81.

60 Simms, Katharine, “Images of Warfare in Bardic Poetry,” Celtica 21 (1990): 609, 616Google Scholar. This was also the case in Aquitaine and was, of course, a chief aspect of the chivalric ethic: see Chandos Herald, Vie du Prince Noir, ed. Diana Tyson Tübingen, lines 2729–30, 2740. For further comparisons between Irish and southern French literature, see Neville, Grace, “Les Dánta Grádha et la poésie des troubadours: Un genre littéraire paradoxal,” in Aquitaine and Ireland in the Middle Ages, ed. Picard, Jean-MichelDublin, 161–72Google Scholar. On the interweaving of chivalric/courtly and bardic ideas, also see Leerssen, “Wildness, Wilderness and Ireland,” 35.

61 Seán Duffy, “The Problem of Degeneracy,” in Law and Disorder in Thirteenth-Century Ireland: The Dublin Parliament of 1297, ed. James Lydon Dublin, 87–106, and Ireland in the Middle Ages Dublin, 154; Davies, First English Empire, 136.

62 Curtis, Edmund, “The Viceroyalty of Lionel, Duke of Clarence in Ireland, 1361–1367: Part 1,” JRSAI, 4th ser., 47 (1917): 170–71Google Scholar; Connolly, “Lionel of Clarence,” 285; Brendan Smith, “Keeping the Peace,” in Lydon, Law and Disorder in Thirteenth-Century Ireland, 61.

63 Vale, Angevin Legacy, 111.

64 Cosgrove, Art, “The Emergence of the Pale,” in his New History of Ireland, 541–42Google Scholar.

65 Vale, Angevin Legacy, 82–84, 124–29, 131–39.

66 Delachenal, Charles V, 4:65.

67 De Vic and Vaisette, Histoire générale de Languedoc, 10:1347–48; Delachenal, Charles V, 4:67–70.

68 CCR, 1302–7, 454–55; Kaeuper, Richard W., “Law and Order in Fourteenth-Century England: The Evidence of Special Commissions of Oyer and Terminer,” Speculum 54, no. 4 (October 1979): 735, 737 n. 14Google Scholar.

69 Bellamy, John G., Criminal Law and Society in Late Medieval and Tudor England Gloucester, 54–56Google Scholar.

70 McFarlane, Kenneth B., The Nobility of Later Medieval England Oxford, 115Google Scholar.

71 Kaeuper, “Law and Order in Fourteenth-Century England,” 743, 747, 777.

72 Ormrod, W. Mark, ed., “Edward III: Parliament of 1352, Text and Translation,” Parliament Rolls of Medieval England, ii, 239, item 17.Google Scholar

73 Cuttler, Simon H., The Law of Treason and Treason Trials in Later Medieval France Cambridge, 18, 19 n. 60, 32–33Google Scholar.

74 Vale, Malcolm G. A., “Aristocratic Violence: Trial by Battle in the Later Middle Ages,” in Violence in Medieval Society, ed. Kaeuper, Richard W.Woodbridge, 167Google Scholar; Cazelles, Raymond, “La règlementation royale de la guerre privée de St Louis à Charles V et la précarité des ordonnances,” Revue historique de droit français et étranger, 4th ser., 38 (1960): 530–48Google Scholar.

75 Delachenal, Charles V, 4:3; Connolly, “Lionel of Clarence,” 20–21.

76 Documents relating to the reign of Edward III, MS 30, fol. 2, University of Leicester, cited in Neil R. Ker, Medieval Manuscripts in British Libraries, 5 vols. Oxford, 3:97–98. See also Rymer, Foedera, 3, pt. 2:667–70.

77 Rymer, Foedera, 3, pt. 2:668; Richard Barber, Edward Prince of Wales and Aquitaine: A Biography of the Black Prince Woodbridge, 179.

78 Galbraith, Anonimalle Chronicle, 56: “Et si fuist il si hauteyn et de si graunt port qil ne mettast de nully et si voldroit soeffrere diverses grauntz seignours del pais qe vendraynt au luy parler, demurrer quartre iours ou cynk avaunt qil dedeigna od eux parlere; et quant ils veindrent en sa presence ils les soeffreit genulere et chaunger les genules une quarter de iour avaunt qil comaunda estere.” This has drawn comparison with Richard II's court and the requirement that subjects should kneel if the king so much as glanced at them. See also, for comparison with later Valois practice, Malcolm G. A. Vale, Charles VII London, 194–228.

79 Rymer, Foedera, 3, pt. 2:97; Chaplais, Pierre, “The Court of Sovereignty of Guyenne (Edward III–Henry VI) and Its Antecedents,” in Documenting the Past: Essays in Medieval History Presented to George Peddy Cuttino, ed. Hamilton, Jeffrey S. and Bradley, Patricia J.Woodbridge, 146–50Google Scholar; Ferdinand Lot and Robert Fawtier, eds., Histoire des institutions Françaises au Moyen Âge: Institutions seigneuriales Paris, 180.

80 Edouard Perroy, “Edouard III d’Angleterre et les seigneurs Gascons en 1368,” Annales du Midi 61, no. 1 (1948): 93; Delachenal, Charles V, 4:73.

81 CPR, 1364–67, 20; Connolly, “Lionel of Clarence,” 20–21, 25–26, 220; Otway-Ruthven, “Chief Governors of Medieval Ireland,” 228–29.

82 Gerald L. Harriss, King, Parliament and Public Finance in Medieval England to 1369 Oxford, 329.

83 Henry G. Richardson and George O. Sayles, “Irish Revenue, 1278–1384,” Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 62, sec. C, no. 4 (1962): 93, 100; Connolly, “Financing Expeditions to Ireland,” 109.

84 Connolly, “Lionel of Clarence,” 266.

85 Financial support from the crown derived from a number of sources including customs revenue. Some of this amount covered expenditure accrued during the Reims campaign; TNA: PRO, E401/19, 20; Pierre Capra, “L’administration Anglo-Gasconne au temps de la lieutenance du Prince Noir, 1354–62” thesis, Paris, 916 n. 22; Barber, Edward, 178.

86 Ransom payments to the prince in this period totaled £20,767 10s. 9d.; Harriss, King, Parliament and Public Finance, 492–95, 499, and n. 1. For the prince's financial preparations, see Register of Edward the Black Prince Preserved in the Public Record Office (hereafter BPR), 4 vols. (London, 1930–33), 4:487, 489–90, 522–23, 527; for the sale of timber, wardships, and the lease of land to raise capital, see 4:483, 505–6, 508–9, 511, 552.

87 £2,000, 1359; 350 marks, 1360; £1,000, 1362, in BPR, 3:354, 364, 381, 449; 4:302, 319, 333, 363, 395; Chris Given-Wilson, “Wealth and Credit, Public and Private: The Earls of Arundel, 1306–1397,” English Historical Review 106, no. 418 (February 1991): 6.

88 Beaune, Birth of an Ideology, 285; Moisant, Prince Noir, 112 n. 1; Barber, Edward, 181–82, 185; Lodge, Gascony under English Rule, 101. The concessions addressed the various grievances of magnates, clergy, and urban communities; they dealt with trade matters and the violation of ancient privileges; Delachenal, Charles V, 4:58–60; Livre des Bouillons Bordeaux, 172–77; Le livre noir et les etablissements de Dax (Bordeaux, 1902) (Archives historiques du Département de la Gironde, 369–76, no. xlix.

89 Preparations for the transportation of these troops were extensive; CPR, 1361–64, 17, 19, 36.

90 Account of Walter Dalby—payments for Lionel of Clarence's expedition to Ireland, TNA: PRO, E101/28/21; Handbook and Select Calendar of Sources for Medieval Ireland in the National Archives of the United Kingdom, ed. Paul Dryburgh and Brendan Smith Dublin, 314. The archers were not all assembled despite being offered wages of 6d. a day; CPR, 1361–64, 61; Connolly, “Financing of English Expeditions,” 105–6.

91 The initial recruitment estimated fifty knights, 300 men-at-arms, and 450 mounted archers plus 800 Welsh and West Country archers: Watt, “Anglo-Irish Colony under Strain,” 5–86. For the various retinues, see TNA: PRO, E101/28/14 (John Carew and William Windsor), E101/28/15 (Ralph Stafford), and E101/28/20 (Ralph Ferrers). Retinue roll for Lionel of Clarence's expedition to Ireland, TNA: PRO, E101/28/18; Dryburgh and Smith, Handbook, 313.

92 Connolly, “Lionel of Clarence,” 28–29, 37, 49, 51, 152. It has been suggested Lionel refused initially to allow any Irish-born soldiers in his army—“nullus nativus de Hibernia”; Gilbert, Chartularies of St Mary's Abbey, 2:395. However, the annal is thought not to be contemporary after 1347 and this comment may indicate subsequent views of Lionel's lieutenancy. The translation is not straightforward and may indicate either Gaelic-Irish troops or the English born in Ireland. Gaelic troops were certainly used (as they were by Windsor) in addition to Welsh soldiers. In July 1361, Walter Dalby, Lionel's wages clerk, drew up indentures to pay Irishmen, mainly from Clann Aoidhe Buidhe (O’Neills of Clandeboye); CPR, 1361–64, 61. On 21 October 1361, Dalby paid £4 to Donald Gall, “captain of Irishmen in the king's service,” and on 15 March 1362, 60s. to “two Irish kinglets [reguli], Thomas Offluyn [Ó Floinn] and Bernard Onel [Ó Néill].” Further gifts, grants, and wages to Irishmen followed; TNA: PRO, E101/28/21 fol. 9v; Dryburgh and Smith, Handbook, 316. For further discussion of this see Crooks, “‘Hobbes,’ ‘Dogs’ and Politics,” 123–24.

93 CPR, 1361–64, 163.

94 Cotton Julius CIV fols. 288–91, BL, provides an incomplete list of the prince's retinue in 1363: Richard Stafford brought two “companions” and five esquires, and Hugh Stafford one “companion,” three esquires, and six archers. Welshmen in this company included Rhys ap Griffith (with two esquires and three archers), Howel ap Gruffydd (with one esquire), Ithel ap Ken Seys, and Gronou ap Vaghan. Gascon rolls, TNA: PRO, C61/75/4; 77/3–4 name others of the prince's household and retinue who traveled in advance of the prince or followed him to Aquitaine. See also Capra, “L’administration Anglo—Gasconne,” 916 n. 23. For the transportation of the prince's household, see Rymer, Foedera, 3, pt. 2:666, 671, 720.

95 Other “native” officials included Amanieu du Fossat, seneschal of Rouergue (from the Agenais); Guichard d’Angle, marshal of Aquitaine; and Gerard de Tartas, seneschal of the Landes.

96 In addition, Armagnac and several of his fellow nobles were appointed to the prince's council; Delachenal, Charles V, 4:18–20, 67. For attempts to develop areas of support in Poitou, see P. Boissonnade, Histoire de Poitou Paris, 136–37; in Bergerac, Émile Labroue, Bergerac sous les Anglais Bordeaux, 66; and in Périgord, Arlette Higounet-Nadal, Périgeux au XIV e et XV e siècles Bordeaux, 148.

97 Other officials included William Boulard, procureur (agent/attorney) of the king in Saintonge, later also mayor of La Rochelle; Macé d’Aiguechaude, royal advocate in Saintonge; and Pierre Bernard, receiver of the sénéchaussée; Rymer, Foedera, 3, pt. 1:548; Robert Favreau, “Comptes de la sénéchaussée de Saintonge, 1360–1362,” Bibliothèque de l’école des Chartes 117 (1959): 76–78, and “La cession de La Rochelle à l’Angleterre en 1360,” in La France Anglaise au Moyen Âge, 222–27; Chaplais, “Some Documents regarding the Fulfilment and Interpretation of the Treaty of Brétigny,” 52–53 and nn. 1–2.

98 Smith, “Lionel of Clarence,” 297.

99 Grant made on 16 July 1366; Nicholls, “Development of Lordship in County Cork,” 169–71.

100 Jonathan Sumption, “Angle, Guichard (IV) d’, earl of Huntingdon (c. 1308x15–1380),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford, 2004; online ed., 2006).

101 Malcolm G. A. Vale, “The War in Aquitaine,” in Arms, Armies and Fortifications in the Hundred Years War, ed. Anne Curry and Michael Hughes Woodbridge, 69, 74, 77. There was considerable military expenditure during the period of the principality not connected with the Castilian campaign or the rebellion, which presumably focused on fortifications and their garrisons: Jules Delpit, Collection générale des documents Français qui se trouvent en Angleterre Paris, 176. For Irish policy, see Edmund Curtis, “Lionel of Clarence,” pt. 2, JRSAI, 4th ser., 48 (1918): 68.

102 Account of Walter Dalby—payments for Lionel of Clarence's expedition to Ireland, TNA: PRO, E101/28/21; CPR, 1361–64, 61.

103 For a general overview of issues concerning acculturation in medieval Ireland with particular reference to fortifications, see Tadhg O’Keefe, “Concepts of 'Castle' and the Construction of Identity in Medieval and Post-medieval Ireland,” Irish Geography 34, no. 1 (2001): 69–88, esp. 79–82.

104 Robert Rees Davies, “The Peoples of Britain and Ireland, 1100–1400, IV: Language and Historical Mythology,” TRHS, 6th ser., 7 (1997): 12–14. See also Robert Bartlett, The Making of Europe: Conquest, Colonization, and Cultural Change, 950–1350 (Princeton, NJ: 1993), 201: “A growing strand of linguistic nationalism or politicized linguistic consciousness emerges in the later Middle Ages.”

105 Peter of Zittau, cited by Bartlett, Making of Europe, 198.

106 Davies described the Statute of Kilkenny as “the best known attempt to resolve [a] crisis of identity”; “Lordship or Colony?” 150.

107 Bartlett, Making of Europe, 198–204. He cites the dictum “language makes race”—gentem lingua facit. See also Susan Crane, “Social Aspects of Bilingualism in the Thirteenth Century,” in Thirteenth Century England VI, ed. Michael Prestwich, Richard H. Britnell, and Robin Frame Woodbridge, 104, 107.

108 Ormrod, W. Mark, “The Use of English: Language, Law and Political Culture in Fourteenth-Century England,” Speculum 78, no. 3 (July 2003): 750–87Google Scholar, esp. 780 and n. 119. Ormrod reevaluates the Statute of Pleading, which in 1362 established English as the language to be used in debate in all English royal and seigniorial courts, although French and Latin continued to be used in certain circumstances. The context of the intense period of diplomacy following the capture of Jean II at Poitiers is also considered. See further, Catto, Jeremy, “Written English: The Making of the Language, 1370–1400,” Past and Present, no. 179, pt. 1 (May 2003): 24–59Google Scholar, esp. 38, 44–47, and 56.

109 Crane, “Social Aspects of Bilingualism,” 114 and n. 43; Fisher, John H., “Chancery and the Emergence of Standard Written English in the Fifteenth Century,” Speculum 52, no. 4 (1977): 879CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

110 Ormrod, W. Mark, ed., “Edward III: Parliament of 1344, Text and Translation,” Parliament Rolls of Medieval England, ii, 147, item 6.Google Scholar

111 Ormrod, W. Mark, ed., “Edward III: Parliament of 1346, Text and Translation,” Parliament Rolls of Medieval England, ii, 158, item 7Google Scholar.

112 The complaint against clothing and hairstyles originated in the 1297 Parliament: degenerate Englishmen had adopted Irish costume and the cúlán (head half-shaved and grown long at the back) and, as a result, were often mistaken for Irishmen and killed, giving rise to feuds. However, Katharine Simms has noted that the cúlán was not a universal fashion at this time but rather a traditional quasi-berserker hairstyle, which explains the high incidence of violent death among Englishmen who adopted it; Katharine Simms, “Gaelic Warfare in the Middle Ages,” in A Military History of Ireland, ed. Thomas Bartlett and Keith Jeffery Cambridge, 101.

113 Berry, Henry F., ed., Statutes and Ordinances, and Acts of the Parliament of Ireland: King John to Henry V Dublin, 434–35, 450–51Google Scholar.

114 Hand, Geoffrey J., “The Forgotten Statutes of Kilkenny: A Brief Survey,” Irish Jurist 1, no. 2 (Winter 1966): 299–312Google Scholar.

115 John Stretton/Stratton probably began his career as a yeoman in the Black Prince's service. He appears to have traveled regularly between England and Aquitaine in the 1360s, was rewarded with an annuity of 10 marks, and may well be the same man who became constable of Bordeaux in 1381; BPR, 2:202, 4:522; CPR, 1377–81, 347; Catalogue des Rôles Gascons, Normands, et Francois dans la Tour de Londres, ed. Thomas Carte, 2 vols. London, 1:160ff.; Boutruche, “Anglais et Gascons,” 58; Thomas F. Tout, Chapters in the Administrative History of Mediaeval England, 6 vols. (Manchester, 1920–33), 6:71. The marriage is noted in Jean Froissart, Oeuvres, ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove, 26 vols. (Brussels, 1867–77), 21:187, but the association is suspect—it is not mentioned in Richard Barber, “Felton, Sir William, the Younger (d. 1367),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online ed. 2006).

116 CCR, 1360–64, 65; Dupont-Ferrier, Gallia Regia, 4:474.

117 Treaty rolls, 37 Edw. III, TNA: PRO, C76/46/10.

118 Courtenay served the prince in Aquitaine, at Nájera, and was rewarded with a generous annuity. He rose to high office in Richard II's reign and became lieutenant of Ireland—he was noted for his vindictive administration. The History of Parliament: The House of Commons, 1386–1421, ed. John S. Roskell, Linda Clark, and Carol Rawcliffe, 4 vols. Stroud, 2:670–73; Chandos Herald, Life of the Black Prince, 244. Dagworth fought with the Black Prince in 1356–57, became captain of Flavigny Burgundy), and thereafter probably served in Aquitaine. In the 1370s he was involved with diplomatic missions to Flanders, Scotland, Aquitaine, Avignon, Italy, and Ireland, where he conducted a thorough investigation of the administration. Edward L. T. John, “The Parliamentary Representation of Norfolk and Suffolk, 1377–1422” (master's thesis, University of Nottingham, 243–56. Wetenhale served in Gascony (1345) and in Ireland with Clarence before traveling to Aquitaine to become seneschal of the Rouergue, a post he retained until the end of the principality. Gascon rolls, TNA: PRO, C61/77/3; de Vic and Vaisette, Histoire générale de Languedoc, 10:1448–49; Chandos Herald, Life of the Black Prince, 256. Wickford/Wikeford, a king's clerk, served on missions to Aquitaine, Avignon, and Brabant before taking office as constable of Bordeaux (1373–75). In 1375 he became archbishop of Dublin, and from 1376 to 1378 he served as chancellor of Ireland during which time he fell foul of Nicholas Dagworth's investigations. Reappointed to the chancellorship in 1384, he soon lost the office once more when relations broke down with Philip Courtenay, the king's lieutenant. Despite this he remained actively involved with the defense of the lordship. Dorothy Johnston, “Wikeford, Robert (d. 1390),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online ed. 2006).

119 Smith, “Keeping the Peace,” 59.

120 For a summary of these issues in an Irish and British context, see Davies, “Peoples of Britain and Ireland, I: Identities,” 15, and “The Peoples of Britain and Ireland, 1100–1400, II: Names, Boundaries and Regnal Solidarities,” TRHS, 6th ser., 5 (1995): 9–10.

121 Frame, Robin, “Thomas Rokeby, Sheriff of Yorkshire, Justiciar of Ireland,” Peritia 10 (1996): 296Google Scholar.

122 See further, Frame, Robin, “Exporting State and Nation: Being English in Medieval Ireland,” in Power and the Nation in European History, ed. Scales, Len E. and Zimmer, OliverCambridge, 143–65, esp. 145–47, 150–51, 156Google Scholar.

123 Davies, “Lordship or Colony?” 147–49.

124 Duffy, “Problem of Degeneracy,” 103–4; Frame, Robin, “Power and Society in the Lordship of Ireland 1272–1377,” Past and Present, no. 76, pt. 1 (August 1977): 26–27Google Scholar.

125 McFarlane, Kenneth B., England in the Fifteenth Century, ed. Harris, Gerald L.London, 253Google Scholar.

126 Tresham, Edward, ed., Rotolarum Patentum et clausorum cancellariae Hibernniae calendarium, Hen. II–Hen. VII Dublin, 139 no. 88Google Scholar; Simms, Katharine, “Bards and Barons: The Anglo-Irish Aristocracy and the Native Culture,” in Bartlett and Mackay, Medieval Frontier Societies, 180, 190Google Scholar.

127 Beaune, Birth of an Ideology, 172, 181, 314.

128 Harriss, Gerald L., Shaping the Nation: England, 1360–1461 Oxford, 437Google Scholar.