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“When the King Goeth a Procession”: Chapel Ceremonies and Services, the Ritual Year, and Religious Reforms at the Early Tudor Court, 1485–1547

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 January 2014

Fiona Kisby
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Extract

There is general agreement now that the court of Henry VIII and his father was the center of politics, patronage, and power in England. It is also well understood how access to the king—the sole font of that power—and the ability to catch “either his ear or his eye” headed, to a large extent, the agenda of any ambitious courtier. Patronage is a theme that has accordingly dominated the historiography of the Tudor royal household, and indeed this is one of the two major concerns of court historians of the early modern period in general. Ceremony is the second, and the Tudor court has been the focus of study in this respect too, as the work of Jennifer Loach and Sidney Anglo attests. Yet while the occasional ceremonies of state (funerals, coronations, royal entries) and of “spectacles” (revels, pageants, and plays) have been the subject of detailed investigation, those that took place on a regular basis exclusively within the physical confines of the royal houses have received very little attention. Consequently historians have failed to notice a fundamental fact of which all courtiers were aware: that, by the early Tudor period and quite probably well before, the weekly routine of ceremony at the English court was structured by the liturgical calendar and thus dominated by religious culture.

It is possible that this historiographical lacuna has arisen because the history of the chief organ of religious ceremonial in the royal household—the chapel royal—has largely been neglected.

Type
Research Article
Information
Journal of British Studies , Volume 40 , Issue 1 , January 2001 , pp. 44 - 75
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference of British Studies 2001

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76 Grose, and Astle, , eds., Antiquarian Repertory, 1:340–41Google Scholar; CoA, MS M 8, fols. 56–56v. Some pre-Reformation texts concerning chapel ceremonial were even reissued in the seventeenth-century court; McCullough, , Sermons, pp. 52–53, n. 6Google Scholar.

77 BL, Add. MS 21481, fols. 16v, 46v, 77v, 88, 95. In 1518, in the week preceding and following the feast of All Saints, expenditure ranged from £33 11s. 4½2d. to £62 6s. 1½d.; on the feast day diets cost £113 52 2½d; PRO, E101/418/15, fols. 3, 6v, 77, 9v, 15v, 19, 91. Details of the state crown used by Henry VIII (and probably by Henry VII), occur in an inventory of 1520; Strong, , Lost Treasures of Britain, p. 122Google Scholar. Formerly, the wearing of the crown by the early Tudors has often only been associated with the opening of Parliament; Collins, Andrew Jeffries, Jewels and Plate of Queen Elizabeth (London, 1955), pp. 10, 13Google Scholar; Twining, Edward, A History of the Crown Jewels of Europe (London, 1960), pp. 139–40Google Scholar.

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79 BL, Add. MS 71009, fols. 25, 25v. These occurred on Christmas, Epiphany, the feasts of the Blessed Virgin Mary, Easter, Ascension, Pentecost, Corpus Christi, Dedication Day, Relics Day, All Saints, patronal feast day; Bailey, Terence, The Processions of Sarum and the Western Church, Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, no. 21 (Toronto, 1971), pp. 12, 18Google Scholar; Harper, , Forms and Orders, p. 152Google Scholar.

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81 BL, Add. MS 71009, fols. 6v, 14. Seven nobles = 46s. 8d., recorded in the treasurer's accounts; BL, Add. MS 21481, fol. 81.

82 BL, Add. MS 71009, fols. 15v–16, 25.

83 BL, Add. MS 71009, fol. 25.

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87 BL, Add. MS 71009, fols. 17, 22v.

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96 Ullmann, , ed., Liber Regie Capelle, pp. 62–63Google Scholar.

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98 BL, Add. MS 71009, fols. 23v–24.

99 BL, Add. MS 71009, fols. 23v, 24.

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101 BL, Add. MS 71009, fol. 24.

102 This symbolically parallels the significance of the canopy carried over the consecrated Host on Corpus Christi; Adamson, ed., The Princely Courts of Europe, Introduction, sec. 5.

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108 Of the numerous bibliographical summaries, the most useful are Duffy, Stripping; Guy, John, Tudor England (Oxford, 1991)Google Scholar; MacCulloch, Diarmaid, Thomas Cranmer (London, 1996)Google Scholar; MacCulloch, ed., Reign of Henry VIII; Newcombe, David, Henry VIII and the English Reformation (London, 1995)Google Scholar; O'Day, Rosemary, The Debate on the English Reformation (Cambridge, 1986)Google Scholar; Pettegree, Andrew, ed., The Early Reformation in Europe (Cambridge, 1992)Google Scholar; Rex, Richard, Henry VIII and the English Reformation (Basingstoke, 1993)Google Scholar. A chronology of events is found in O'Day, The Longman Companion.

109 The main works are listed in Pettegree, Andrew, “Rewriting the English Reformation,” Nederlands Archief voor Kierkgeschiedenis 72, no. 1 (1992): 37–39Google Scholar; Haigh, Christopher, “The Recent Historiography of the English Reformation,” Historical Journal 25 (1982): 995–1007Google Scholar, “Revisionism, the Reformation and the History of English Catholicism,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 36, no. 3 (1985): 394–406Google Scholar, and “The English Reformation,” Historical Journal 33, no. 2 (1990): 449–59Google Scholar; MacCulloch, Diarmaid, “New Spotlights on the English Reformation,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 45 (1994): 319–24Google Scholar; Wabuda, Susan, “Revising the Reformation,” Journal of British Studies 35, no. 2 (1996): 257–62Google Scholar.

110 MacCulloch, , “Henry VIII,” p. 159Google Scholar.

111 le Huray, Peter, Music and the Reformation in England 1549–1660 (Cambridge, 1978), pp. 10–11Google Scholar.

112 Dickens, A. G., Reformation Studies (London, 1982), p. 443Google Scholar. The term “Protestant” was not used in Henry's time; Dowling, , “The Gospel and the Court,” p. 36Google Scholar; “evangelical” is more appropriate. MacCulloch, , Cranmer, p. 2Google Scholar; MacCulloch, , “Henry VIII,” pp. 168–69Google Scholar.

113 Hughes, Paul and Larkin, James, Tudor Royal Proclamations, 3 vols. (London, 1964), 3:270–71, 273–75, 278–80Google Scholar.

114 LP VIII, no. 174.

115 Byrne, St. Clare, ed., The Lisle Letters, 3:421, 423–24Google Scholar.

116 Ibid., 5:478.

117 BL, Add. MS 71009, fol. 24v. Like so many other chapel ceremonies in which the king was involved, senior members of the nobility were attendant upon the monarch during the event. It is not known whether the Communion took place in the holy day closet or in the main body of the chapel; Heath, Gerald, The Chapel Royal at Hampton Court, p. 9Google Scholar; Adamson, ed., The Princely Courts, Introduction, sec. 5; BL, Add. MS 21481, fol. 76; PRO, E36/216, fol. 66v.

118 BL, Add. MS 21481 fols. 46, 58, 76, 87v, etc.

119 PRO, E101/420/11, fol. 166; BL, Arundel MS 97, fols. 12, 20v, 43, 46; PRO, E101/420/11, fols. 3v, 7, 23v, 62v, 65v, 102v, 134v, 138v.

120 Rubin, Miri, Corpus Christi: The Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 70–73Google Scholar; Kisby, Fiona, “A Mirror of Monarchy: Music and Musicians in the Household Chapel of the Lady Margaret Beaufort, Mother of Henry VII,” Early Music History 16 (1997): 203–34Google Scholar.

121 Myers, , ed., The Household of Edward IV, pp. 90–91, 237, n. 52Google Scholar.

122 Strype, John, Ecclesiastical Memorials, Relating Chiefly to Religion, and the Reformation of It, and the Emergencies of the Church of England, under King Henry VIII. King Edward VI. and Queen Mary I. With Large Appendixes, Containing Original Papers Records, &c, 6 vols. (Oxford, 1822), 3, pt. 1:100–1Google Scholar.

123 Doe, Paul, “Latin Polyphony under Henry VIII,” Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association 95 (1968–1969): 86–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar; stylistic changes are outlined in le Huray, Music and the Reformation.

124 For list of works see Hofman and Morehen, Latin Music.

125 Byrne, St. Clare, ed., Lisle Letters, 3:423Google Scholar.

126 Duffy, , Stripping, p. 398Google Scholar.

127 LP VII, nos. 30, 32; MacCulloch, , Cranmer, p. 114Google Scholar; McCullough, , Sermons, pp. 62–63Google Scholar. Court preachers and sermons are beyond the scope of this article. Names of Henrician preachers 1485–1547 are listed in Kisby, “The Royal Household Chapel,” app. 3. Some remarks on these occur in McCullough, Sermons; MacCulloch, , Cranmer, pp. 114, 154Google Scholar; and Culling, , “The Impact of the Reformation,” pp. 323–71Google Scholar.

128 Elton, G. R., “Thomas Cromwell's Decline and Fall,” in Studies in Tudor and Stuart Politics and Government, ed. Elton, G. R., 4 vols. (Cambridge, 1974–1992), 1:215–20Google Scholar; MacCulloch, , Cranmer, p. 262Google Scholar.

129 MacCulloch, , Cranmer, pp. 277, 396Google Scholar; Culling, , “The Impact of the Reformation,” p. 284Google Scholar.

130 Shirley, Timothy, Thomas Thirlby, Early-Tudor Bishop (London, 1964), pp. 96–101, 115, 222Google Scholar.

131 As records of book purchases for the chapel in the 1530s and 1540s have not survived, it can only be assumed that the Bible and Litany were indeed purchased when required; Kisby, , “The Royal Household Chapel,” pp. 183–84Google Scholar.

132 Wilkins, David, Concilia Magnae Britanniae et Hibemiae, 4 vols. (London, 1737), 3:823–24Google Scholar.

133 After 1536, some feast days were restored, and this is noted in table 3.

134 Strype, John, Memorials of the Most Reverend Father in God Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury. Wherein the History of the Church and the Reformation of It during the Primacy of the Said Archbishop, are Greatly Illustrated…, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1840), 2:729Google Scholar; BL, Cotton MS Cleopatra E.v, fol. 300. For example, in 1543 (two years after it had been banned) the ceremony of the Boy Bishop on the feast of St. Nicholas was celebrated, according to the treasurer's accounts, “as hath byne accustomed”; BL, Add. MS 59900, fol. 54.

135 BL, Add. MS 59900, fol. 54; Kisby, , “The Royal Household Chapel,” pp. 195–96Google Scholar, i.e., the feasts on which the “holy day” offering continued to be made. Earlier in the reign, the “ritual machine” at court ensured the these offerings were made without fail whether the king could attend or not; Cranmer's comments unequivocally suggest therefore that their omission must have had some deeper liturgical significance.

136 See table 3 and MacCulloch, , “Henry VIII,” p. 179Google Scholar.

137 MacCulloch, , “Henry VIII,” pp. 175–76Google Scholar; Bernard, George, “The Making of Religious Policy, 1533–46,” Historical Journal 41, no. 2 (1998): 321–49Google Scholar.

138 Duffy, , Stripping, p. 379Google Scholar.

139 Anglo, , Images, p. 28Google Scholar; MacCulloch, , “Henry VIII,” p. 166Google Scholar.

140 Rex, , Henry VIII, pp. 28–29Google Scholar.

141 King, John, “The Royal Image, 1535–1603,” in Hoak, , ed., Tudor Political Culture, pp. 104–32Google Scholar; Loach, , “The Function of Ceremonial,” p. 64Google Scholar.

142 Bucholz, Robert, “Nothing but Ceremony: Queen Anne and the Limitations of Royal Ritual,” Journal of British Studies 30 (1991): 288–323Google Scholar; von Uffenbach, Zacharias Conrad, London in 1710 from the Travels of Zacharias Conrad von Uffenbach, trans. Quarrel, William H. and Mare, Margaret (London, 1973), p. 115Google Scholar.