No CrossRef data available.
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 02 December 2009
This article explores the impact of Catholic confessionalism on humanist scholarship by focusing on the edition of Augustine of Hippo's collected works produced by the Leuven theologians in 1577–8. This edition replaced Erasmus' controversial version and claimed to provide an authoritative, Catholic text. Yet an analysis of the paratextual presentation shows that the result was a neutralised Augustine, rather than a paragon of Tridentine Catholicism. The editors avoid controversial theology, while silently copying substantial parts of Erasmus' censurae and marginal notes. Local politics and publishing interests explain the intriguing survival of Erasmus and exemplify the disparate implementation of Trent in Catholic Europe.
1 J. M. de Bujanda and others (eds), Index de Rome: 1557, 1559, 1564: les premiers index romains et l'index du Concile de Trente: index des livres interdits, viii, Sherbrooke 1990, 429–30, quotation at p. 760. For an overview of the censorship of Augustinian works see J. M. de Bujanda and others (eds), Thesaurus de la littérature interdite au xvie siècle: auteurs, ouvrages, éditions: index des livres interdits, x, Sherbrooke 1996, esp. p. 170.
2 Aurelii Augustini hipponensis episcopi, Omnium operum primus [-Decimus] tomus, summa vigilantia repurgatorum a mendis innumeris, per Des. Erasmum Roterodamum, ut optimo iure tantus ecclesiae doctor renatus videri possit: inspice lector, & fateberis hanc non vanam esse pollicitationem: quod si gratus etiam esse voles, non patieris tantum laboris, tantumque impensarum frustra sumptum esse, Basle: in officina Io. Frobenii, 1528–9. Erasmus' autograph draft of the title page is preserved in the Universitätsbibliothek, Basle, ms Frey-Gryn. II.9.133, fo. 10v. For a detailed description of its contents see Viviane Mellinghoff-Bourgerie, ‘Erasme éditeur et interprète de Saint Augustin’, in Dominique de Courcelles and Kurt Flasch (eds), Augustinus in der Neuzeit, Turnhout 1998, 53–81 at pp. 75–81; for reprints see Pierre Petitmengin, ‘Editions princeps et Opera omnia de saint Augustin’, in Courcelles and Flasch, Augustinus in der Neuzeit, 33–51 at p. 43. See also Menchi, Silvana Seidel, ‘Whether to remove Erasmus from the Index of prohibited books: debates in the Roman Curia, 1570–1610’, Erasmus of Rotterdam Society Yearbook xx (2000), 19–33.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
3 Bujanda, Index de Rome, 42–3.
4 Ceyssens, Lucien, ‘Le “Saint Augustin” du xvii siècle: l’édition de Louvain’, XVII siècle xxxiv (1982), 103–20Google Scholar; Leon Voet, The Plantin press (1555–1589): a bibliography of the works printed and published by Christopher Plantin at Antwerp and Leiden, Amsterdam 1980, i, no. 604 at pp. 205–18. For a rightly more dynamic picture of the ongoing canonisation of Augustine's works in the seventeenth century see Jean-Louis Quantin, ‘L'Augustin du xviie siècle? Questions de corpus et de canon’, in Laurence Devillairs (ed.), Augustin au XVIIe siècle, Florence 2007, 3–77.
5 Christopher Plantin to Alan Cope, 31 Jan. 1573, in Correspondance de Christophe Plantin, ed. M. Rooses and M. van Durme, repr. Nendeln 1968, iii, no. 461 at pp. 305–6; Petitmengin, ‘Editions princeps’, 33–51.
6 The terms ‘Counter-Reformation’ and ‘Catholicisation’ are used from this specific perspective: John O'Malley, Trent and all that: renaming Catholicism in the early modern era, Cambridge, Ma–London 2000, esp. pp. 126–30. See furthermore Ditchfield, Simon, ‘On dancing cardinals and mestizo Madonnas: reconfiguring the history of Roman Catholicism in the early modern period’, Journal of Modern History viii (2004), 386–408Google Scholar; Marc R. Foster, Catholic revival in the age of the baroque, Cambridge 2001, and Catholic Germany from the Reformation to the Enlightenment, London 2007; Howard Louthan, Converting Bohemia: force and persuasion in the Catholic Reformation, Cambridge 2009; and Michael A. Mullett, The Catholic Reformation, London–New York 1999, esp. ch. v.
7 M. Lamberigts (ed.), L'Augustinianisme à l'ancienne faculté de théologie de Louvain, Leuven 1994; Edmond J. M. van Eijl, ‘De theologische faculteit te Leuven in de xve en xvie eeuw: organisatie en opleiding’, in Edmond J. M. van Eijl (ed.), Facultas s. theologiae lovaniensis, 1432–1797, Leuven 1977, 69–153 (Erasmus' elected membership of the collegium strictum at p. 82 n. 46). See also the seminal study of H. de Jongh, L'Ancienne Faculté de théologie de Louvain au premier siècle de son existence (1432–1540), Leuven 1911, esp. pp. 104–47, 187–268; Erika Rummel, Erasmus and his Catholic critics, I: 1515–1522, Nieuwkoop 1989; and M. Nauwelaerts, ‘Érasme à Louvain: éphémérides d'un séjour de 1517 à 1521’, in J. Coppens (ed.), Scrinium Erasmianum: mélanges historiques publiés sous le patronage de l'université de Louvain à l'occasion du cinquième centenaire de la naissance d'Érasme, Leiden 1969, 3–24.
8 R. Crahay, ‘Les Censeurs Louvanistes d’Érasme', and G. Van Calster, ‘La Censure Louvaniste du Nouveau Testament’, in Coppens, Scrinium Erasmianum, 221–49, 379–436.
9 Gérard Genette, Paratexts: thresholds of interpretation, Cambridge 1997, 1–15. For a similar approach to the case of Jerome see Pabel, Hilmar M., ‘Peter Canisius as a Catholic editor of a Catholic St Jerome’, Archive for Reformation History xcvi (2005), 171–97.Google Scholar
10 An overview can be found in Alister E. McGrath, The intellectual origins of the European Reformation, 2nd edn, Oxford 2004, 168–82. See also Diarmaid MacCulloch, Reformation: Europe's house divided, London 2003, 107–14.
11 MacCulloch, Reformation, 110.
12 B. B. Warfield, Calvin and Augustine, Philadelphia 1956, 332, quoted in MacCulloch, Reformation, 111; McGrath, The intellectual origins, 171–2.
13 The percentage is based on anthologies up to 1566: Anthony N. S. Lane, ‘Justification in sixteenth-century patristic anthologies’, in Leif Grane, Alfred Schindler and Markus Wriedt (eds), Auctoritas patrum: contributions on the reception of the church Fathers in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, Mainz 1993, 69–95. For an example see Pabel, ‘Peter Canisius’; for Augustinian pseudepigraphy see Kroon, Marijn de, ‘Pseudo-Augustin im Mittelalter: Entwurf eines Forschungsberichts’, Augustiniana xxii (1972), 511–30Google Scholar, and J. Machielsen, Clavis patristica pseudepigraphorum medii aevi, Turnhout 1990–.
14 Petitmengin, ‘Editions princeps et Opera omnia’, 43–4. This estimation is based on an average print run for these works of 1,000 copies (although Amerbach is known to have printed his edition in 2,200 copies), and the fact that some of the reprints may be new title editions only: Georges Folliet, ‘Le Chiffre de tirage des grandes éditions de Saint Augustin’, in Memoriam sanctorum venerantes: miscellanea in onore di Monsignor Victor Saxer, Vatican City 1992, 425–41. See also the seminal study of J. de Ghellinck, Patristique et moyen âge: études d'histoire littéraire et doctrinale, III: Complément à l'étude de la patristique, Gembloux 1948, 366–411. For a full list of sixteenth-century editions of Augustine see Index aureliensis: catalogus librorum sedecimo saeculo impressorum, Baden-Baden 1966, I/1, 397–445.
15 Collected works of Erasmus, trans. R. A. B. Mynors, anno. J. M. Estes, ix, Toronto 1989, 171; Opus epistolarum Desiderii Erasmi Roterodami, ed. P. S. Allen, H. M. Allen and H. W. Garrod, vii, Oxford 1928, 502.
16 Seidel Menchi, ‘Whether to remove Erasmus’, and Gigliola Fragnito, ‘The central and peripheral organisation of censorship’, in Seidel Menchi (ed.), Church, censorship and culture in early modern Italy, Cambridge 2001, 13–49; Bujanda, Index de Rome, 44–99.
17 For Luther, seminal studies are Hans-Ulrich Delius, Augustin als Quelle Luthers: eine Materialsammlung, Berlin 1984, and Adolf Hamel, Der junge Luther und Augustin: ihre Beziehungen in der Rechfertigungslehre nach Luthers ersten Vorlesungen, 1509–1518 untersucht, Gütersloh 1934–5, repr. Hildesheim–New York 1980. See also the recent survey by P. D. Krey, ‘Luther’ in A. D. Fitzgerald (ed.), Augustine through the ages: an encyclopedia, Grand Rapids 1999, s.v. For Melanchthon see Peter Fraenkel, Testimonia patrum: the function of the patristic argument in the theology of Philip Melanchthon, Geneva 1961. For Calvin see J. M. J. Lange van Ravenswaay, Augustinus totus noster: das Augustinverständnis bei Johannes Calvin, Göttingen 1990, and A. N. S. Lane, John Calvin: student of the church Fathers, Edinburgh 1999.
18 H. A. Oberman, Werden und Wertung der Reformation: vom Wegestreit zum Glaubenskampf, Tübingen 1977, and The dawn of the Reformation: essays in late medieval and early Reformation thought, Edinburgh 1986.
19 Irena Backus, Historical method and confessional identity in the era of the Reformation (1378–1615), Leiden 2003, 6–62; John Monfasani, ‘The De doctrina christiana and Renaissance rhetoric’, in Edward D. English (ed.), Reading and wisdom: the De doctrina christiana of Augustine, Notre Dame 1995, 172–88.
20 Seminal for this inclusive approach is William Bouwsma, ‘The two faces of humanism: Stoicism and Augustinianism in Renaissance thought’, in H. A. Oberman and Thomas Brady (eds), Itinerarium italicum: the profile of the Italian Renaissance in the mirror of its European transformations, Leiden 1975, 3–60. Recent studies from this perspective are Åke Bergvall, Augustinian perspectives in the Renaissance, Stockholm 2001, and Meredith J. Gill, Augustine in the Italian Renaissance: art and philosophy from Petrarch to Michelangelo, Cambridge 2005.
21 Leuven edition, vol. i, sig. [*2v]; the censura is dated 1 September 1571, which suggests that it was composed before the editorial work was completed.
22 Vol. i: Martinus Baccius (†1609), then priest in Alost, later canon and archpriest in Ypres; vol. ii: Jacobus Baius (1545–1614), president of the College of Savoie, nephew of Michel Baius, and from 1586 professor of theology himself; vol. iii: Henricus Cuyckius (1546–1609), professor in ethics at Leuven in 1572, created bishop of Roermond in 1596; vol. iv: Embertus Everaerts, priest and from 1588 professor of theology in Leuven; vol. v: Petrus Coretus (c. 1550–1602), priest in Crespin and later in Tournai; vol. vi: Christophorus Broide, by 1576 dean at Aire; vol. vii: Henricus Gravius (1536–91), regius professor of catechism at Leuven; vol. viii: Claudius Porta (?), baccalaureus, priest and canon at Binche; vol. ix: Willem Estius (1542–1613), later professor in Douai; vol. x: the canons of the monastery of Sint Maartensdal in Leuven (previously Martin Lipsius [†1555], and later Johannes Costerius [1515–59] and Johannes Vlimmerius [c. 1520–1612] had worked on Augustine from here).
23 Molanus to the reader, Leuven edition, i, sig. [*4v]. For Gravius see Verweij, Michiel, ‘Onbekend Leuvens patrimonium in Rome: het graf van Henricus Gravius’, in Arca lovaniensis artis atque historiae reserans documenta xxv (1996), 71–9.Google Scholar
24 The first documents about the new project date from 1593, under Pope Clement viii, but it is likely that the plan originated with Sixtus v: Petitmengin, Pierre, ‘À Propos des éditions patristiques de la Contre-Réforme: le “saint Augustin” de la Typographie Vaticane’, Recherches augustiniennes iv (1966), 199–251, esp. p. 215.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
25 The authority of the ecclesiastical tradition was discussed at the 4th session at Trent (1546); the education of priests at the 23rd (1563), ch. 18: The canons and decrees of the sacred and oecumenical Council of Trent, trans J. Waterworth, London 1848, 187–8. For a survey of the developments at Trent see Mullett, Catholic Reformation, 29–68; for a full account see Hubert Jedin, Geschichte des Konzils von Trient, Freiburg 1949–75.
26 Deutscher, Thomas B., ‘From Cicero to Tasso: humanism and the education of the Novarese parish clergy (1565–1663)’, Renaissance Quarterly lv (2002), 1005–27.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
27 Petitmengin, ‘À Propos des éditions patristiques’, 200–1.
28 Ibid. esp. pp. 200–14, inscription quoted at p. 206.
29 Epistolae D. Hieronymi Stridonensis, et libri contra haereticos, ex antiquissimis exemplaribus mille et amplius mendis ex Erasmi correctione sublatis, nunc primum opera ac studio Mariani Victorii Reatini emendati eiusdemque argumentis et scholiis, illustrati: adiecta est operis initio vita D. Hieronymi, olim falso ab Erasmo, aliisque relata, quam idem Marianus ex eius scriptis collectam primus edidit, Rome: P. Manutius, 1564–5. See Pabel, Hilmar M., ‘Sixteenth-century Catholic criticism of Erasmus’ edition of St Jerome’, Renaissance and Reformation Review vi (2004), 257–60Google Scholar, and Eugene Rice, Saint Jerome in the Renaissance, Baltimore 1985, 154–6.
30 H. Torrensis, Confessio Augustiniana in libros quatuor distributa, et certis capitibus locorum theologicorum, qui sunt hodie scitu dignissimi, comprehensa: nunc primum ex omnibus B. Aurelii Augustini libris in unum opus bona fide ac studio singulari redacta, Dillingen: S. Mayer, 1567, sigs g3v-h1r. See also Pabel, ‘Peter Canisius’, 193–4.
31 For Lutheran anthologies of Augustine see Erasmus Sarcerius (ed.), Augustinus, praecipui Sacrae Scripturae communes loci, a doctissimo et sanctissimo doctore Augustino tractati, et […] in concinnam methodi formam contracti […], Frankfurt: C. Egenolphus, 1539; Ludwig Rabus, Conciliationes locorum s. scripturae in specie pugnantium. Ex libris D. Aurelii Augustini episcopi Hipponensis […] fideli diligentia, nec non diligenti fidelitate conscriptae et editae […], Nuremberg: J. Montanus and U. Neuberus, 1561, and the polemical anthology against the Sacramentarians by Joachim Westphal, Collectanea sententiarum divi Aurelii Augustini episcopi Hipponensis de coena Domini. Addita est confutatio vindicans a corruptelis plerosque locos, quos pro se ex Augustino falso citant Sacramentarii, Regensburg: J. Carbo, 1555. A Calvinist selection provides Lambert Daneau, Paratitla in […] Augustini tomos duos praecipuos, [Geneva]: n.p. 1578.
32 Christophorus Madruzzo in particular had played a prominent role; Ludovicus had replaced him in 1561: Jedin, Geschichte des Konzils von Trient, i. 450–6 and passim.
33 Plantin to C. and L. Madruzzo, Leuven edition, i, sig. *3r.
34 On the text of the dedication Plantin had consulted Benito Arias Montano who had recommended the Cardinals Madruzzo, and advised him to keep it brief and to make the dedication in his own name: Plantin to Benito Arias Montano, 17–27 Dec. 1575, Plantin, Correspondance, v, no. 687, at pp. 96–7; Plantin to Arias Montano, 7 Jan.1576, v, no. 692, at p. 108; and Plantin to Arias Montano, 1–4 Sept. 1576, v, no. 738, at p. 198. For the phrasing Plantin asked Marc-Antoine Muret for assistance: Plantin to Marc-Antoine Muret, [July] 1576, ibid. v, no. 730, at pp. 182–3, and 24 Aug. 1576, ix, S132, at p. 157.
35 Cf. the prefaces to contemporary patristic editions published in Leuven, such as that of Johannes Costerius, prior of the monastery of Sint Maartensdal, to his edition of Vincent of Lérins, Vincentii Lirinensis Galli pro Catholicae fidei antiquitate et veritate, adversus prophanas omnium haereseon novationes […], Leuven: J. Bogardus, 1556, or that of Cunerus Petri, professor of theology at Leuven and future bishop of Leeuwarden, in his edition of Augustine's De utilitate credendi, Leuven: H. Wellaeus, 1566. Both explicitly encourage the reader to apply the works to contemporary heresies.
36 See the introduction to François Boespflug, Olivier Christin and Benoît Tassel (eds), Molanus: Traité des saintes images, Paris 1996, and Freedberg, David, ‘Johannes Molanus on provocative paintings: De historia sanctarum imaginum, book ii, chapter 42’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes xxxiv (1971), 229–45.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
37 Molanus to the reader, Leuven edition, i, sig. [*4v.]. Generally the works are headed by the appropriate paragraph from the Retractationes. Works not mentioned here (such as spuria) received censurae.
38 Censura to De continentia, Leuven edition, iv. 308; for the Regula see i. 363.
39 Censura to De ecclesiasticis dogmatibus, ibid. iv. 380; marginal notes, for example on 384C, ‘videtur Pelagianum aliquid latere’; ‘sentire videtur cum Pelagio’. There are further examples of doctrinal warnings in censura to De spiritu et anima, iii. 410.
40 Gravius to the reader, ibid. vii, sig. [aa1v].
41 This occurs in the notes on anti-Donatist works, for example against Luther and Anabaptists: De baptismo contra donatistas iv.xxiii.39B; against Sacramentarians: ibid.v.viii.40B; against Protestants minimising the authority of the church Fathers: De unitate ecclesiae librum iii.81C–D; in notes to anti-Pelagian works: against Luther's conception of faith: De peccatorum meritis et remissione i.xvii.188B–C; against the Protestant denial of the efficacy of works: De gratia et libero arbitrio i.vii, 292A; against Calvin on double predestination: De correptione et gratia vii. 298A; and against Calvin on justification ibid ix.298C.
42 J. M. de Bujanda and others (eds), Index d'Anvers: 1569, 1570, 1571: index des livres interdits, vii, Sherbrooke 1988, 189 (for the index), 409–10 (for the annotationes). For the Italian reception and repression of Erasmus' works see Silvana Seidel Menchi, Erasmus als Ketzer: Reformation und Inquisition im Italien des 16. Jahrhunderts, Leiden 1993.
43 Viviane Mellinghoff-Bourgerie, ‘Erasme éditeur et interprète de Saint Augustin’, in De Courcelles and Flasch, Augustinus in der Neuzeit, 53–8; Visser, Arnoud, ‘Reading Augustine through Erasmus' eyes: humanist scholarship and paratextual guidance in the wake of the Reformation’, Erasmus of Rotterdam Society Yearbook xxviii (2008), 67–90.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
44 Facsimile reproduction in Bujanda, Index d'Anvers, 727–30. For its genesis see Van Calster, ‘La Censure Louvaniste’, 386–91. The index was followed by the Spanish inquisition in their 1584 index: J. M. de Bujanda and others (eds), Index de l'inquisition espagnole, 1583, 1584: index des livres interdits, vi, Sherbrooke 1993, 787–8.
45 Erasmus edition, i. 591.
46 Criticism of Augustine, for example in ep. iii (Leuven edn, ii. 4 ‘Eximiae cuiusdam humanitatis in Augustino, quod superiorem epistolam responso dignatus est, phrasi ineptam, sensu parum Christianam.’ [underlined passage was to be censored]; contemporary parallels for example in ep. x (vol. ii. 28) where Augustine thanks Jerome for his biblical scholarship: ‘Unde si quispiam veteri falsitati contentiosius faverit, prolatis collatisque codicibus vel docetur facillime, vel refellitur. Etsi quaedam rarissima merito movent, quis tam durus est, qui labori tam utili non facile ignoscat, cui vicem laudis referre non sufficit?’: ‘Nunc non ignoscunt’.
47 F. Willocx, L'Introduction des décrets du concile de Trente dans les Pays-Bas et dans la principauté de Liége, Leuven 1929, 145–6. According to Plantin, Gozaeus had expressed his wish to undertake a ‘répurgation’ of the church Fathers and asked him to become the publisher: Plantin to Maximilian Morillon, 3 May 1570, Plantin, Correspondance, iii, no. 226, at pp. 135–6.
48 Earlier Joannes Hessels already seems to have made preparations for a new edition: a manuscript transcript of his detailed assessment of Erasmus' 1528–9 edition is preserved in the University Archive at Leuven (housed in the University Library). Hessels here questions Erasmus' judgement about the authenticity of several works: Ferdinandus Claeys-Bouuaert, ‘Inventaire de documents relatifs à l'ancienne Université de Louvain (Faculté de Théologie) conservés au Grand Séminaire de Gand’, in Léon van der Essen (ed.), L'Université de Louvain à travers cinq siècles: études historiques, Brussels 1927, 279, no. 31, fos 63r–68r. I am grateful to Professor Jan Roegiers, archivist of the University of Leuven, for bringing these manuscripts to my attention. For the censorship of Erasmus see Van Calster, ‘La Censure Louvaniste’, and R. Crahay, ‘Les Censeurs Louvanistes d’Érasme', in Coppens, Scrinium Erasmianum, 221–49.
49 Fransciscus Lucas to Balthasar Ansidei, 23 Nov. 1576, Plantin, Correspondance, ix, no. S134, at pp. 159–60.
50 Molanus to the reader, Leuven edition, i, sig. [*4v].
51 All three occur in vol. ii, containing the letters. The censurae to ep. xxxviii (p. 53) and ep. clv (p. 59) both correct Erasmus' judgement that the letter did not agree with Augustine's style. In a censura to the letter which Amerbach had included as ep. cxi, the Leuven theologians approve of Erasmus' decision to move the letter (p. 196). In the censura at ep. clxxxi (p. 307), the editors mention Erasmus for having replaced ep. iii with ep. clxxxxviii.
52 Mellinghoff-Bourgerie, ‘Erasme éditeur et interprète de Saint Augustin’, 53–81.
53 Resp. censurae of Quaestionum lxv dialogus, Erasmus edition, iv, 480, Leuven edition, iv, 420; ep. clxxxi, Erasmus edition, ii. 518, Leuven edition, ii. 307; De salutaribus documentis, Erasmus edition, iv. 750, Leuven edition, iv. 518.
54 For example, Quaestionum lxv dialogus, Erasmus edition, iv. 480, Leuven edition, iv. 420; De trinitate et unitate Dei, Erasmus edn, iv. 673, Leuven edition, iv. 497. For Erasmus' most elaborate digression on pseudepigraphy see Quaestiones veteri et novi testamenti, Erasmus edition, iv. 495–6.
55 For example, in De benedictionibus filiorum Iacob patriarchae, where Erasmus thinks of Beda (iii. 739; removed by the Lovanienses at iii. 427), or De fide rerum invisibilium, where he suggests Hugo of St Victor iv. 695, removed by the Lovanienses at iv. 507).
56 For example, De incarnatione verbi libri ii, Erasmus edition, iv. 660; Leuven edition, iv. 492.
57 For ‘sklèron’ see, for example, Erasmus edition, ep. xix (ii. 45); ep. l (ii. 141); De consensu evangelistarum bk 3 (iv. 342); for ‘psychron’ (iv. 341; i. 360) (Soliloquiorum libri ii, i.2). The comment on Augustine's enumeration (‘hoos paizei’) appears in ep. xlii (ii. 97). The passage in De doctrina christiana concerns ii.15.22 (iii. 20).
58 Soliloquiorum libri ii, ii.2 (Erasmus edition, i. 358 [censura], 369): ‘hoos sophisteuei’ (bk ii. 2), ‘sophistica inductio’ and ‘sophisticatur et hic de vero ac falso’ (bk ii.3). The Lovanienses kept the last two qualifications (i. 226).
59 Leuven edition, iii. 12, 14, 41 respectively.
60 Plantin to Mylius, 20 Jan.1575, Plantin, Correspondance, iv, no. 604, at pp. 235–6.
61 Abraham Ortelius speaks of a ransom of 10,000 florins in a letter to Crato, 22 Nov. 1576, Plantin, Correspondance, ix (Supplément), no. S133, at p. 158.
62 Leon Voet, The golden compasses: the history of the house of Plantin-Moretus, ii, Amsterdam 1972, 392–417.
63 Pabel, ‘Sixteenth-century Catholic criticism’, 261–2.
64 Gravius to the reader, Leuven edition, vii, sig. [aa1v]; Gravius to Baronius, 17 June 1588, cited in Ceyssens, ‘Le “Saint Augustin” du xvii siècle’, 116, nn. 75–6.
65 Pollmann, Judith, ‘Countering the Reformation in France and the Netherlands: clerical leadership and Catholic violence, 1560–1585’, Past and Present cxc (Feb. 2006), 84–120.Google Scholar
66 Pabel, ‘Sixteenth-century Catholic criticism’, 261–2; M. A. Screech, ‘Christian folly and Catholic orthodoxy’, in Jean-Pierre Massaut (ed.), Colloque Érasmien de Liège, Paris 1987, 297–307, and ‘The diffusion of Erasmus's theology and New Testament scholarship in Roman Catholic circles despite the Tridentine index’, in Irena Backus and Francis Higman (eds), Théorie et pratique de l'exégèse, Geneva 1990, 343–53; Pollmann, ‘Countering the Reformation’, 108–9.
67 See also Willocx, L'Introduction des décrets du concile de Trente, esp. pp. 291–302.
68 P. F. X. de Ram (ed.), Joannes Molanus, Historiae Lovaniensium libri XIV, Brussels 1861, pp. xv–xxi.
69 Erika Rummel, The confessionalization of humanism in Reformation Germany, Oxford 2000, 49; cf. 8, 150–2.
70 Backus, Historical method, 194.