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Constantinian Influence upon Julian's Pagan Church
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 03 January 2017
Abstract
Constantine's endorsement of and support for the Church left their marks in certain areas. His nephew Julian reacted against state-supported Christianity and promoted his own unique version of state-supported paganism. Previous scholarship had identified this as a ‘pagan Church’ co-opting features from Christianity, but this view has recently been challenged. This article argues that the traditional understanding of a ‘pagan Church’ is correct, and that it drew specifically upon some features of the Constantinian Church in the areas of theological content, leadership and symbols.
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References
1 I realise the limitations of the term ‘paganism’, but believe that it is the least poor description of the diverse group referred to. See the careful discussion in Cameron, Alan, The last pagans of Rome, New York 2011, 14–32 Google Scholar.
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27 Idem, epp. lxxxix.289b–292d; lxxxiva.430c–431b.
28 Ammianus xxii.9.5.
29 Julian, ep. lxxxiva.429d–430a. The text of Julian's epistle is from Iuliani epistulae leges poemata fragmenta varia, ed. Joseph Bidez and Franz Cumont, Oxford–Paris 1922; the translation is my own.
30 Nesselrath, Kaiser Julian, 171–5, 184.
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38 Hippolytus, Traditio apostolica xxxvi.2–6; cf. Mark xv.25; Luke xxiii.44; John xix.34.
39 Koch, ‘Comment l'empereur’, 49.
40 1 Tim. vi.11; Julian, epp. lxxxixb.299b, 300c; lxxxiva.
41 1 Tim. iv.13; 2 Tim. iv.2; Titus i.9; Julian, ep. lxxxixb.289a.
42 Titus i.8; 1 Tim. vi.11; Julian, ep. lxxxixa.
43 1 Tim. iii.2; Titus i.8; Julian, epp. xxii; xx; lxxxixb.289b; lxxxiva.430bc; lxxxixb.291bc.
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49 Nesselrath, Kaiser Julian, 101.
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51 Panegyrici Latini vi.1.5–2.5.
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57 Mango, ‘Constantine's mausoleum’, 58. According to a tradition preserved by the fourteenth-century historian Nicephorus Callistus the structure was built over the site of an altar of twelve gods of the pagan pantheon: Historia ecclesiastica viii.55, PG cxlvi.220.
58 It is important to note that those supervising Julian's education, Eusebius of Nicomedia and George of Cappadocia, were both associated closely with Eusebius, and that Julian knew Eusebius’ writings well enough to cite him as ‘the wretched Eusebius’: Contra Galileos 222a, citing Eusebius, Preparatio evangelica xi.5.5. Bouffartigue has demonstrated the extent of Julian's ‘direct consultation’ of the Praeparatio Evangelica in his own Contra Galilaeos: L'Empereur Julien, 385–6.
59 Eusebius, Vita Constantini. i.12.1, 39.1; cf. Cameron, Averil, Christianity and the rhetoric of empire: the development of Christian discourse, Berkeley 1991, 55 Google Scholar; and ‘Eusebius’ Vita Constantini and the construction of Constantine’, in Edwards, Mark and Swain, Scott (eds), Portraits: biographical representation in the Greek and Latin literature of the Roman Empire, Oxford 1997, 158–63Google Scholar; Eusebius, Life of Constantine, 42.
60 Eusebius, Vita Constantini i.3.17.
61 Ibid. i.12.1, 20.2; ii.12.1; cf. Cameron, ‘Eusebius’ Vita Constantini’, 158.
62 Eusebius, Demonstratio evangelica iii.2.6–7.
63 Idem, Vita Constantini i.3.4, 5.1.
64 Ibid. ii.64–5, 55.1; cf. De laudibus vi.21.
65 Idem, Vita Constantini ii.55.2.
66 Idem, De laudibus x, xviii.
67 Idem, Vita Constantini iv.24. Constantine declared himself the ἐπίσκοπος, ‘bishop’ or ‘overseer’, of those outside the Church, although both the sense and the off-hand context indicate that he was not establishing himself as its functional head, and may have been reassuring bishops that he would not encroach upon their jurisdiction.
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70 ἄνω βλέπων κατὰ τὴν ἀρχέτυπον ἰδέαν τοὺς κάτω διακυβερνῶν ἰθύνει: Eusebius, De laudibus iii.5.
71 Eusebius, In praise of Constantine, 75; Cameron, Christianity and the rhetoric of empire, 56.
72 Eusebius, De laudibus ii.2.
73 Ibid. ii.3.
74 Ibid. ii.4.
75 Ibid. ii.5.
76 Shepherd: Eusebius, De laudibus ii.3; cf. ii.5; John x; charioteer: De laudibus iii.4; vi.9; prefect: De laudibus vii.13. Note the parallel to Julian as the new ἐπίτροπον or ‘steward’ of the gods from Oratio vii.232c.
77 Alan Cameron argues convincingly that Constantine retained the title: ‘The imperial pontifex’, Harvard Studies in Classical Philology xiii (2007), 341–3.
78 Liddell, H., Scott, R., Jones, H. and McKenzie, R., A Greek-English Lexicon, 9th edition, with a revised supplement, New York 1995, 252 Google Scholar, s.v. ἀρχιεράομαι.
79 Julian, ep. lxxxixb.298c (Wright edn); cf. epp. xvii, lvii.
80 Julian, ep. x.
81 Browning, Emperor Julian, 178; Simons, ‘Kaiser Julian’, 501.
82 Julian, epp. xxvi.415cd; xxviii.382c; Libanius, Oratio xii. 87; Ammianus xv.4.17; Gregory Nazianzen, Oratio iv.77.
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85 Heracles: Libanius, Oratio xii.28; xv.36; Asclepius: Libanius, Oratio xiii.42, 47; xv.69; xvii.36; Son of Helios: Himerius, Orationes xli.8; Libanius, Oratio xiii.47; Eunapius, Fragments 28.4; 28.5; 28.6, in Blockley, R. C., The fragmentary classicising historians of the later Roman Empire, ii, Liverpool 1983 Google Scholar. Athanassiadi-Fowden notes that ‘his panegyricists had not ceased to proclaim in him Asclepios incarnate, greeting him as the superhuman healer who had come to resurrect not just one man, but the whole oikoumene’: Julian and Hellenism, 168.
86 Eusebius, Vita Constantini iii.3.1–3; cf. Mango, Cyril, The brazen house: a study of the vestibule of the imperial palace of Constantinople, Copenhagen 1959, 22–4Google Scholar. There was coinage with the same imagery: Bruun, Patrick M., The Roman imperial coinage, VII: Constantine and Licinius, A. D. 313–337, London 1966 Google Scholar. Constantinople, no. 19.
87 The interpretation of Constantine's tomb surrounded by twelve apostolic tombs that equated Constantine with Christ may have occurred to Julian, although I agree with Barnes (Constantine, 129) that it was more likely to have been Constantine's iconographic claim to apostolic status.
88 Eusebius, Vita Constantini iii.2–3; cf. Bardill, Jonathan, Constantine, divine emperor of the Christian Golden Age, Cambridge 2011, 338–96Google Scholar. Bardill argues, from Constantine's building programme, that the emperor was equating himself with Christ, particularly referencing the Church of the Holy Apostles and the palace tableau with Constantine piercing the serpent with the labarum.
89 Eusebius, Vita Constantini iii.48.1.
90 Ibid. iii.49.
91 Eusebius, Life of Constantine, 299.
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94 Libanius, Oratio xviii.127, cf. Oratio xii.80–1 (Norman edn). Bidez (Vie, 219) describes Julian as ‘le grand maître des conventicules mithraiques’, although Robert Turcan holds that Julian's thoroughgoing Mithraism is only ‘une extrapolation des historiens modernes’: Mithras Platonicus: recherches sur l'hellénisation philosophique de Mithra, Leiden 1975, 128 Google Scholar.
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100 Himerius, Oratio xli.8 (Penella edn) = Himerius, Oratio xli.84–9 (Colonna edn).
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102 Eusebius, Vita Constantini i.19; cf. Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 41–2, 55.
103 Averil Cameron, ‘The reign of Constantine, ad 306–337’, in Cameron and Garnsey, Cambridge ancient history, xiii. 100.
104 Cyril of Jerusalem, Catechesis xiii.28; cf. Walker, Peter, Holy city, holy places? Christian attitudes to Jerusalem and the Holy Land in the fourth century, Oxford 1990, 236 Google Scholar. The significance is recognised by Bardill, who writes that there is ‘little doubt that this project held great symbolic power for the emperor’: Constantine, divine emperor, 256.
105 Eusebius, Vita Constantini iii.26.
106 Ibid. iii.25, 29.
107 Ibid. iii.25, 27.
108 Ibid. iv.43; Eusebius, In praise of Constantine (Drake edn), 42–3. The actual date for the Tricennalia should have been July 335, but the celebration was possibly delayed in order to get bishops there as participants.
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112 Eusebius, De laudibus ix.16.
113 Idem, Vita Constantini iii.33.1–2; cf. Revelation xxi.1–3.
114 Eusebius, Life of Constantine, 285.
115 Sozomen, Historia ecclesiastica v.12.
116 Intent: Julian, Oratio vii.228bc, 234c; ep. ix.415cd; Laws: Historia acephala ix (4 Feb. 362); Codex Theodosianus xv.1.3 (29 June 362); cf. Libanius, Oratio xviii.126; Greenwood, ‘Pollution wars’, 289–96.
117 ὑμεῖς δὲ οἱ τὴν καινὴν θυσίαν εὑρόντες, οὐδὲν δεόμενοι τῆς Ἱερουσαλήμ, ἀντὶ τίνος οὐ θύετε: Julian, Contra Galilaeos 306a (translation mine).
118 Ibid. 351d, 324cd.
119 Ephrem, i.5.3; vii.3; x.1.
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123 Ammianus xxiii.1.2–3, 2.6; cf. Zosimus iii.12.1; Bowersock, Julian the Apostate, 6.
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128 Justin, 1 Apology xlvii.5–6; Dialogue with Trypho lxxx.
129 Eusebius, Vita Constantini iii.33.1.
130 Athanasius, De incarnatione xl.12–24, 49–55. Scholars agree that Contra gentes/De incarnatione is Athanasius’ first work, but it may plausibly date from between the Arian controversy in 323 and 335: Athanasius, Contra gentes and De incarnatione, ed. Robert Thomson, Oxford 1971, p. xxi.
131 Rufinus x.38.
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134 Eusebius, Vita Constantini i.3.17; Julian, Orationes vii.232c; x.336c.
135 Eusebius, Vita Constantini i.12.1; ii.12.1; Julian, Oratio vii.232c.
136 Eusebius, Vita Constantini ii.28.2; 55.1; 64–5; iv.9; De laudibus vi.21; Julian, Orationes vii.234c, 231d.
137 Eusebius, Vita Constantini ii.12.1; Julian, ep. lxxxviii.451b.
138 Julian, ep.. lxxxiva.429d–430a.
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