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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 25 March 2011
Sixteenth-century reformers, led by Martin Luther, justified their resistance to the Roman Church on the basis of Scripture literally understood. Were they influenced by the foremost medieval authority on the literal meaning of Scripture, Nicholas of Lyra? At one time, it seemed obvious that the answer was, ‘yes’. According to a couplet famous in the sixteenth century: Si Lyra non lyrasset, totus mundus delirasset, Lutherus non saltasset.
1 Labrosse, Henri, ‘Sources de la biographie de Nicolas de Lyre’, Études Franciscaines, 16 (1906), 383Google Scholar.
2 Jaroslav Pelikan'splea that Luther should be understood in his own terms as a man whose ideas came from Scripture, not from traditional exegesis, must be heeded. But comparisons of Luther with medieval precursors need not detract from the originality of his biblical insights as is evident in recent studies on Psalms and Hebrews: Pelikan, Jaroslav, Luther the Expositor, Saint Louis 1959, 42Google Scholar; Boendermaker, Johannes P., Luthers Commentaar op de Brief aan de Hebreen, Assen 1965Google Scholar; Hagen, Kenneth, A Theology of Testament in the Young Luther, Leiden 1974Google Scholar; Hendrix, Scott H., Ecclesia in via, Leiden 1974Google Scholar. See also Preus, James S., From Shadow to Promise, Cambridge Mass. 1969CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ebeling, Gerhard, Evangelische Evangelienauslegung. Darmstadt 1962Google Scholar.
3 Labrosse, Henri, ‘Sources de la biographie de Nicholas de Lyre’, Études Franciscaines, 16 (1906), 383n.Google Scholar; Labrosse, Henri, ‘Oeuvres de Nicholas de Lyre’, Etudes Franciscaines, 19 (1908), 368–71Google Scholar. Fora modern introduction to the study of Nicholas of Lyra emphasising his importance in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, see Gosselin, Edward A., ‘A Listing of the printed editions of Nicolaus de Lyra’ in Traditio, 26 (1970), 399–426CrossRefGoogle Scholar. By way of comparison, William of Ockham'schief theological work, his Commentary on the first book of the Sentences exists in 19 MSS. including two abbreviations, 4 fragments and 2 editions: Scriptum in Librum Primum Sententiarum (Ordinatio), ed. Gal, Gedeon and Brown, Stephen, St. Bonaventure NY. 1967, 11–19Google Scholar.
4 Albertus, Erasmus, quoted by Seidemann, J. K., Die Leipuger Disputation imjahre 1519, Leipzig 1843, 278Google Scholar.
5 Tierney, Brian, Foundations of the Conciliar Theory, Cambridge 1955, 40–41Google Scholar.
6 Luther, , ‘Von den Konzillis und Kirchen’, Werke, Weimar 1883f., 50, 640Google Scholar; Melanchthon, , ‘Apologia Confessionis Augustanae’, Opera, Brunswick, 1859, 27, col. 528Google Scholar; Nicholas, Postilla titteralis in Biblia sacra cum glossis, interlineari et ordinaria, Nicolai Lyrani poslilla ac moralitatibus, Burgensis additionibus & Thoringi replicis, Venice 1588 (hereafter cited as P. lit.), Mt. xvi. 19, v, fol. 52 D.F.: Ex quo patet, quod ecclesia non consistit in hominibus ratione potestatis vel dignitatis ecclesiasticae vel secularis, quia multi principes et summi pontifices et alii inferiores inventi sunt apostatasse a fide propter good ecclesia consistit in illis personis in quibus est noticia vera et confessio fidei et veritatis.
7 Smalley, Beryl, ‘The Bible in the Middle Ages’, The Church'sUse of the Bible, ed. Nineham, D. E., London 1963Google Scholar; Smalley, Beryl, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages, Indiana 1964, 300Google Scholar.
8 ‘Die Augsburgische Konfession’: Die Bekenntnischriften der evangelischelutherischen Kirche, Göttingen 1959Google Scholar. Translation cited from the Book of Concord, ed. Theodore G. Tappert, Philadelphia 1959 (hereafter cited as Augsburg Confession), 81.
9 Augsburg Confession, 82–3; P. lit., Jn. xviii. 36–7, v, fol. 237 G, H : & ettaleregnum in nullo impediebat Imperatoris Romani dominium.
10 P. lit., Lk. xii. i3-i4, v, fol. 157 G; Nicholas of Lyra, Postitla moralis in Biblia sacra cum glossis, interlineari et ordinaria, Nicholai Lyrani postilla ac moralitatibus, Burgensis additionibus et Thoringi replias, Venice 1588 (hereafter cited as P. mor.), Lk. xii. 13, v, fol. 157 H: [Plraedicatores evangelii non se debent intromittere de negociis secularibus determinandis.
11 Instead of these major texts, the Lutherans chose to cite 11 Cor. x. 4 and Phil. iii. 20 to demonstrate that bishops could not hold temporal authority ‘by divine right’. But the relevance of these texts to the subject of Church and State is not altogether obvious. Nicholas of Lyra generally discussed the relation of Church and State in the Postilla litteralis only when the meaning of the text obviously required it. He allowed himself more freedom in the Postilla moralis, but unfortunately he did not comment on the Pauline epistles in the Postilla moralis. We do not know, therefore, whether he would have endorsed the Lutheran interpretation of 11 Cor. x. 4 and Phil. iii. 20.
12 P. lit., Mt. xxvi. 52, v, fol. 81 C: [P]rincipes & auctoritatem habent a deo [to use the sword] quia in hoc princeps minister Dei est, ut dicit Paulus.
13 P. lit., 1. Cor. vi. 4, vi, fol. 40 G: frequenter enim contingit quod illi, qui parum sciunt de spiritualibus clarius vident in temporalibus.
14 P. lit., Romans xiii. 1–7, vi, Fol. 28 D, F: Potestatibus sublimioribus, prelatis spiritualibus et principibus terrenis in temporalibus & [E]x officiis superiorum, per quae reprimuntur mala inquantum ex punitione malorum alii terrentur, et sic a malis arcent& [P]er eorum officia reprimuntur mali, et ita promoventur boni. Intentio ehim debet esse, ut subiectos faciant bonos & [S]unt executores suae [God’s] justiciae& servientes scil. Deo et etiam hominibus rempublicam conservantes & [T]ributum scil. principibus. Est enim tributum quod redditur pro tota patria.
15 P. lit., Mt. xxii. si, vi, fol. 69 C, D: Reddite [H]omo sit subitus homini in temporalibus, et Deo immediate in spiritualibus.
16 P. lit., Mt. xviii. 18, v, fol. 57 C: Dico vobis & Considerandum tamen circa praedicta quod si peccatum occultum fratris fuerit in praeiudicium communitatis: ut si aliquis tractaret secrete cum aliquibus civibus qualiter civitas esse hostibus tradenda vel si aliquis haereticus in secreto corrumperet fideles, tune secreta correptio & non esset expectanda.
17 We must beware of exaggerating the significance of Nicholas'sbelief that God was the final authority in spiritual affairs. This belief does not justify disobedience. But it gives full recognition to the universally acknowledged fact that a priest'sdecision on salvation was binding only if it accorded with God'swill. All orthodox theologians agreed that the priestly power of the keys was effective only if approved by God. See for instance Thomas Aquinas, Commentarium in Lib. IV Sententiarum, D. 18, Q. 1, Art. 111, Paris 1889, x. 531. The basic doctine is clear from the fourth book of Peter Lombard's Sentences, Florence 1916, ii. 863–5.
18 Augsburg Confession, 66. According to Tappert, the citation is to Ad inquisitions Ianuarii, ep. 54 2, 2.
19 Augustine, Ad inquisitiones Ianuarii, ep. 55, 19, 35: Corpus Scriptomm Ecdesiasticorum Latinorun, 34, 210; P. mar., Acts xv. 1, vi, fol. 191 D: Per istos & qui super populum catholicum statuta nimis gravia ponunt, et sic libertatem Christianae religionis in servitutem nimis onerosam convertunt, de quibus dicis (sic) Aug. ad inquisitions Ianuarii&
20 The divine command in question at Matthew xv. is ‘honour thy father and thy mother’. Nicholas qualifies the obligation to obey this commandment to provide for monastic obligation to obey religious superiors. But his defence of the elders is not a further weakening of Christ'sinjunction to obey God'slaws, not men’s. It is consistent with the general interpretation cited above.
Though scribes and pharisees were worthy of censure, Nicholas believed the elders deserved esteem. For they were ‘ordained to rule’ the chosen people by Moses, and they were the forerunners of the priests of the New Dispensation. In Nicholas'sview, Christ condemned the scribes and pharisees not for their respect for the decisions of the elders, but their failure to distinguish between statutes whose observance was ‘necessary’ and those intended merely as advice on decorous and decent conduct: P. lit., Mt. xv. 1, 5, fol. 49 A, B.
Nicholas'sdefence of the elders must be understood in the context of contemporary episcopalism, a subject which is beyond the scope of this paper. The best account of episcopalist defence of priestly office is: Yves Congar, ‘Aspects ecclésiologiques de la querelle entre mendiants et seculiers dans la second moitié du XIIIe siècle et le debut du XIVe siècle’, Archives d’histoire doctrinale et litteraire du moyen age, 36(1961), 35–151 especially 63–9. Nicholas improved on the episcopalist biblical defence of the priestly order by identifying Christ's70 (or 72) disciples with the 70 elders as well as the 70 palm trees of Exodus xv. 27: P. lit., Num. xi. 16, 1, fol. 282 D.
21 P. lit., Mt. xv. 4–6, 9, v. 5 fol. 49 B, C, D, F: & [E]x hoc sequebatur ut praeceptum de honore parentum inquantum intelligitur in hoc administratio necessariorum, evacuabatur per talem expositionem falsam post votum obedientiae subvenire patri contra voluntatem superioris efficitur illicitum ipsi religioso & lP]ropter suam avariciam, docebant transgredi mandatum Dei propter traditionem suam ut visum est in falsa expositione praecepti de honore parentum. Et hoc etiam faciebant propter suam superbiam, ut propter doctrinae autoritatem populus deferret eis maiorem reverentiam.
22 P. mor., Mt. xv. 3, 5, fol. 49 D: Simile fit hodie, et in multis locis in quibus maior sollicitudo habetur circa custodiam mandatorum hominum, quam circa custodiam divinorum praeceptorum, quia gravius satis punitur transgrediens mandatum principis vel praelati (quod tamen frequenter non est malum nisi quia prohibitum) quam transgrediens Dei mandatum quod de se semper est illicitum.
23 Augsburg Confession, 68. P. lit., Acts xv. 1, 6, fol. 191 B: per legem novam Iudaei sunt absoluti a debito observandae legis, Gentiles vero nunquam fuerunt ad eam obligati: qui non fuit eis data, nisi quantum ad moralis, quae sunt de dictamine legia naturae. See also P. lit., Acts xv. 10, 6, fol. 191 D.
24 P. mar., Acts xv. 1, 6, fol. 191 D: Et sicut beams Petrus et apostoli apposuerunt conveniens remedium & sic summus pontifex cum suo collegio remedium adhibere debet non solum in statutis praelatorum inferiorum, sed etiam in suis, si nimis gravia videantur.
25 Augsburg Confession, 85–6; P. lit., Jn. xvi. 12–13, 5, fol. 232 F, G: Hie ostendit efficaciam spiritussancri respectu apostolorum, quae consistit in illustratione ipsorum de profundissimis et altissimis fidei secretis & Docebit vos & regimen ecclesiae et fidelium instructionem.& Multa enim de futuris per spiritumsanctum revelata fuerant apostolis, sicut Iohanni& processus ecclesiae&. Et Petro suum martyrium & Et Paulo & tribulationes in Ierosolymis.
26 P. lit., Acts xv. 20, 28–9, 6, fol. 191 H, fol. 192 C: [P]ropter amicabilem societatem scriptum Gentilibus, ut abstinerent& Procedente autem ternpore cessante causa cessavit effectus, manifestata evangelicae doctrinae veritate: quo Salvator dixit, quod nihil quod per os intrat& ad vivendum communiter Iudaeis in ecdesia primitiva. On dispensing apostolic edicts see Kuttner, Stephan, ‘Pope Lucius III and the Bigamous Archbishop of Palermo’, Medieval Studies, ed. by Watt, John A., Dublin 1961, 409–53Google Scholar.
27 P. lit., Col. ii, 22, 6, fol. 106 H; P. mm., Mk. vii. 9, 5, fol. 102 H: Hoc autem faciunt principes et praelati faciente statuta sua sub gravi poena diligenter observari, et parum aut nihil curant de observatione mandatorum Dei.
28 P. mor., Jn. xiii. 16, 5, fol. 225 D: Licet omnes Christiani s um servi Christi, tamen specialiter episcopi & non debent facere maiores ipso Christo & tamen faciunt contarium& Nam praecepti sua et statuta (licet frequenter sint de indifferentibus) servari strictius faciunt quam divina.
29 P. lit., Mt. xvii. 26, 5, fol. 55 D, G: [D]are & tributum non est contra veritatem vitae iusticiae et doctrinae, ideo Christus voluit dare propter scandalum vitandum, eadem ratione ecclesia in aliquibus terris, ubi non est consuetum decimas dare, non repetit decimas ad scandalum vitandum.
30 F. Vernet. Dictionnaire de la Theologie Catholique, s.v. Lyre.
31 Glossa ordinaria in Biblia sacra cum glossis, interlineari et ordinaria, Nicholai Lyrani postilla ac moralitatibus, Burgensis additionibus et Thoringi replicis, Venice 1588. Mt. xvi. 18, 5, fol. 52 A. P. lit., Mt. xvi. 19, 5, fol. 52 F, G: Et tibi dabo. non solum pro te, sed etiam pro aliis. Sicut enim confessio Petri erat confessio aliorum, ita potestas data Petro intelligitur dari aliis, licet Petro principalius in quantum erat aliorum capitaneus. Luther, , ‘Acta F. Martini Luther Augustiniani apud D. Legatum Apostolicum Augustae’, Werke, Weimar 1883f, ii. 20Google Scholar: ‘Tibi dabo’ non intellexerunt ad sensum sacri istius Canonis, super caetoros fuisse Petro dictum, sed ‘unus’ inquiunt, ‘pro omnibus’ ut aequalitas una omnium experimeretur, dum quod Petrus respondet omnes et singuli respondent.
32 Luther, Werke, Weimar 1883f., lvi. 476–81.
33 ‘The Importance of Being Earnest’, The Portable Oscar Wilde, ed. Aldington, Richard, New York 1946, 438Google Scholar.