Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-s2hrs Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-17T02:40:18.507Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

A Spatial Approach to Structural Change: The Making of the French Hexagon

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 March 2009

Ulrich Blum
Affiliation:
Professor of Political Economy, Universität Bamberg, Postfach 1549, D-8600, Bamberg, German Federal Republic
Leonard Dudley
Affiliation:
Professor of Economics, Université de Montréal, Montreal, Quebec, Canada H3C 3J7.

Abstract

Previous studies explain the extension of royal power in fifteenth-century France by the professionalization of military combat or by the commercialization of economic activity. Neither approach can account for the turnaround in Charles VII's fortunes between 1435 and 1445. Using Lösch's model of spatial competition to examine the determinants of state borders, we suggest that the key factor in the formation of the French hexagon was an innovation in artillery projectiles that increased military scale economies. A reduction in state economic intervention apparently accompanied this development rather than the increase suggested elsewhere.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © The Economic History Association 1989

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 In the words of Braudel, Fernand, Civilization and Capitalism, Vol. 2: The Wheels of Commerce (New York, 1979), p. 515, “The new state … was borne along on the economic upsurge which favored its growth”.Google Scholar Similarly, Friedman, David, “A Theory of the Size and Shape of Nations”, Journal of Political Economy, 85 (02 1977), p. 61, argues that feudalism's rise and fall was the result of an exogenous rise and fall in trade flows.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2 According to Bean, Richard, “War and the Birth of the Nation State,” this Journal, 33 (03 1973), p. 208, “the revival of professional infantry as an important military force strengthened the centralized state relative to the decentralized state and strengthened the monarch relative to his feudal barons. The sudden maturation in 1450 A.D. of the cannon, after a long infancy, as the destroyer of castles made a further and larger change in the art of war in favor of the centralized state”. William H. McNeill's explanation of the case of France is similar: “The Kingdom of France emerged on the map of Europe between 1450 and 1478, centralized as never before and capable of maintaining a standing professional army of about 25,000 men” (The Pursuit of Power [Chicago, 1982] p. 83). The French kings' success was due in part to heavy artillery pieces that brought down “previously formidable defenses … in a matter of hours.”Google Scholar

3 The large artillery pieces mentioned in a 1442 document by Jean Bureau, Charles VII's artillery captain, are all of the traditional wrought-iron type. See Contamine, Philippe, Guerre, état et société à la fin du moyen âge. Etude sur les armées des rois de France, 1337–1494 (Paris, 1972), p. 666.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

4 North, Douglass C., Structure and Change in Economic History (New York, 1981), p. 66.Google Scholar

5 Theory of Location (first published as Die räumliche Ordnung der Wirtschaft, 1940; English translation, New Haven, 1954). The title of the original German edition, The Spatial Order of the Economy, perhaps gives a better idea of Lösch's intentions than does the English.Google Scholar

6 This problem of spatial allocation of public goods has been considered previously by Walter Christaller, Central Places in Southern Germany (first published as Die zentralen Orte in Süddeurschland, 1933; trans. by C. W. Baskin, Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1966). For a recent application,Google Scholar see Kooij, Pim, “Peripheral Cities and their Regions in the Dutch Urban System until 1900,” this Journal, 48 (06 1988), pp. 357–71. However, Christaller's approach does not treat the fiscal implications of public-service provision explicitly.Google Scholar

7 The concept of the ruler as a revenue-maximizing predator has been proposed and applied to other historical periods by Levi, Margaret, Of Rule and Revenue (Berkeley, 1988).Google Scholar

8 For an analysis of the effects of geography on the structure of medieval states, see Fox, Edward Whiting, History in Geographical Perspective: The Other France (New York, 1971).Google Scholar

9 See fn. 2.Google Scholar

10 Bean, The Nation State, p. 217,Google Scholar and North, Douglass C. and Thomas, Robert Paul, The Rise of the Western World: A New Economic History (Cambridge, 1973), p. 122.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

11 Those familiar with the Lösch model will note that we have multiplied his individual demand function by population density to obtain the demand-density schedule, D(c).Google Scholar

12 The more the marketing area is reduced, the more the point S. at which the demand curve starts to bend inward, moves up. In equilibrium, this point will lie at a distance of do below the point R at which the demand curve intersects the price axis. A possible competitor from outside the marketing area would be unable to recoup his transport costs if he tried to capture this part of the original producer's market.Google Scholar

13 For a discussion of the properties of these demand curves, see Batten, David F., “Technical Progress and the Implicit Dynamics of Löschian Spatial Analysis,” in Funck, R. H. and Kuklinski, A., eds., Space-Structure-Economy (Karlsruhe, 1986), p. 181.Google Scholar

14 See, for example, Parts III and V of Cornes, Richard and Sandler, Todd, The Theory of Externalities, Public Goods and Club Goods (Cambridge, 1986).Google Scholar

15 See Capozza, D. T., and Van Order, R., “A Generalized Model of Spatial Compertition”, American Economic Review, 68 (12 1978), pp. 896908.Google ScholarGreenhut, Melvin L., Norman, George, and Hung, Chao-Shun, The Economics of Imperfect Competition: A Spatial Approach (Cambridge, 1987), p. 20, define this condition as Hotelling-Smithies competition.Google Scholar

16 The ability to destroy one's competition has implications for another pricing policy not discussed in the text, namely, price discrimination, whereby the entrepreneur charges higher prices to those near the center of its marketing area and lower prices to those on the periphery. In the case of private goods the equilibrium total quantity sold by each firm and its marketing area will be smaller than under uniform mill or delivered pricing, because of the interaction among spatial competitors (Greenhut, Norman, and Hung, Economics of Imperfect Competition, pp. 166–68). In the public-good case, however, the result will be a larger territory controlled, since competitors can be prevented by force from offering lower “prices” to residents in border regions.Google Scholar

17 It should be noted that Lösch also considered technological change. An increase in production scale economies will cause the average-cost curve, AC in Figure 1b, to shift downward. Provided that the density curve in Figure Ia is “not very convex,” Löschian competition, under which each producer acts as a monopolist, will lead to a new equilibrium with a smaller typical marketing area. Under alternative forms of competition, however, the market area increases, as it does in the bureaucratic model presented here. See Greenhut, et al., Imperfect Competition, p. 21.Google Scholar

18 In considering the relationship between trade and the state, one must distinguish two issues. First, when military technology changes, what is the relationship between the size of the state and the extent of trade? It is this question that we address, explaining why changes in trade and state size were positively correlated. A second question is for a given military technology, how do differences in the fiscal capacity of the state relate to its size? Along the trade routes of medieval Germany, where tax levels were constrained by the mobility of factors of production, political units were necessarily small. In France, where immobile agricultural land could be taxed more heavily, political units could grow much larger. Thus trade and state size were negatively correlated.Google Scholar

19 The Nation State, pp. 205–9.Google Scholar

20 War in the Middle Ages (Oxford, 1984), p. 122.Google Scholar

21 Dupuy, R. Ernest and Dupuy, Trevor. The Encyclopedia of Military History from 2500 B.C. to the Present (2nd edn., New York, 1986), p. 335.Google Scholar

22 Favier, Jean, La guerre de cent ans (Paris, 1980), p. 566.Google Scholar

23 The Nation State, p. 220.Google Scholar

24 The Pursuit, p. 80.Google Scholar

25 Contamine, War in the Middle Ages, p. 145.Google Scholar

26 Gaussin, Pierre-Roger, Louis XI: Un roi entre deux mondes (Paris, 1976), p. 191.Google Scholar

27 Daumas, Maurice, Histoire générale des techniques. Vol. 2: Les premières étapes du machinisme (Paris, 1965), p. 92.Google Scholar

28 See Contamine, War in the Middle Ages, p. 200. The wagon forts of John Ziska during the Hussite wars were perhaps an exception to this general rule. Bombards were placed between the wagons at a site that the enemy was expected to attack. See Dupuy and Dupuy, Encyclopedia of Military History, p. 404.Google Scholar

29 Gaier, Claude, L'indusrrie et le commerce des armes dans les anciennes principautés belges du XIIIène à la fin du XVème siècle (Paris, 1973), p. 189.Google Scholar

30 Daumas, Histoire générate, p. 56.Google Scholar

31 H. Dubled, “L'artillerie royale française à l'époque de Charles VII et au début du régime de Louis XI (1437–1469): Bureau, Les Frères,” Sciences et techniques de l'armement, 50 (4e fasc. 1976), p. 579.Google Scholar

32 Gaier, L'industrie et le commerce des armes, p. 96, fn. 110.Google Scholar

33 Partington, J. R., A History of Greek Fire and Gunpowder (Cambridge, 1960), p. 117.Google Scholar

34 Contamine, Guerre, état, et société, p. 238.Google Scholar

35 Dubled, “L'artillerie royale française,” p. 579.Google Scholar

36 The Nation State, p. 207.Google Scholar

37 Wolfe, Martin, The Fiscal System of Renaissance France (New Haven, 1972), p. 20.Google Scholar

38 Contamine, Guerre, état et sociéré, p. 263.Google Scholar

39 Wolfe, The Fiscal System, pp. 34–35.Google Scholar

40 Favier, La guerre, p. 554.Google Scholar

41 Wolfe, The Fiscal System, p. 25.Google Scholar

42 See, for example, North and Thomas, The Rise of the Western World, p. 122, and Bean, The Nation State, p. 217.Google Scholar

43 Contamine, Guerre, état et société, p. 268.Google Scholar

44 Favier, La guerre, p. 566.Google Scholar

45 Contamine, War in the Middle Ages, p. 266.Google Scholar

46 Contamine, Guerre, état et société, p. 278.Google Scholar

47 Ibid., p. 282.

48 Ibid., p. 291.

49 Ibid., p. 304.

50 Wolfe, The Fiscal System, p. 309.Google Scholar

51 Dubois, Henri, “Le commerce de la France au temps de Louis XI: expansion ou défensive?” in Chevalier, B. and Contamine, P., eds., La France à la fin XVe siècle (Paris, 1985), p. 21.Google Scholar

52 Favier, La guerre, p. 583.Google Scholar

53 Contamine, Philippe, “La France à la fin du XVe siècle: Pour un état des questions,” in Chevalier, B. and Contamine, P., eds., La France à la fin du XVe siècle (Paris, 1985), pp. 34.Google Scholar

54 For a review of the evidence concerning this period as an apogee of the French economy, see ibid.