Published online by Cambridge University Press: 03 March 2009
The proportion of a household's budget spent on diet has commonly served as an important measure of material welfare. This paper pulls together data concerning trends in food expenditures for early modern England and draws comparisons with figures for later periods. The usefulness of wage assessments, a new source for estimating the proportion of outlays devoted to diet, is examined. The impact on food expenditures of new commodities and other dietary shifts is also explored. The findings call into question earlier estimates of the proportion of total expenditure devoted to food and drink in the pre-industrial period and the assumption that food expenditures are always inelastic.
1 On Engel studies see Stigler, George J., “The Early History of Empirical Studies of Consumer Behavior,” Journal of Political Economy, 42 (04 1954), 95–113;Google ScholarWilliamson, Jeffrey G.,“Consumer Behavior in the Nineteenth Century: Carroll D. Wright's Massachusetts Worker in 1875,” Explorations in Entrepreneurial History, 4 (Winter 1967), 98–135;Google Scholar and more recently, Dubnoff, Steven, “A Method for Estimating the Economic Welfare of American Families of any Composition: 1860–1909,” Historical Methods, 13 (Summer 1980), 171“80.Google Scholar
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3 Andrew, B. “Grain Prices and Subsistence Crises in England and France, 1590–1740,” this Journal, 39 (12 1979), p. 867;Google Scholarand Wrigley and Schofield, Population History, pp. 371–72, 399. Appleby“Grain Prices,” p. 882, mentions that the “only likely candidate” for being an exception to the generalization is a group of Midlands parishes between 1727 and 1730.Google Scholar
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8 The standard guide to wage assessments for England is Minchinton, W. E., ed., Wage Regulation in Pre-lndusrial England (Newton Abbot, 1972).Google ScholarWoodward, Donald, “Wage Rates and Living Standards in Pre-Industrial England,” Past and Present, 91 (05 1981), 28' wages were not their entire income.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
9 Master carpenters' food percentages are probably too high because they had other sources of income. Woodward, “Wage Rates.”Google Scholar
10 The close inverse correlation between the real wage index and the food percentages for the North is especially interesting because the data on which the index is based are from the South.Google Scholar
11 The tables in Stigler, “History of Consumer Behavior”, p. 97, show this clearly.Google Scholar
12 The Eden and Davies data yield 193 usable observations and produce an elasticity for food of 1.069 (double log form with the log of household size included in the regression). Crafts, N. F.R., “Income Elasticities of Demand and the Release of Labour by Agriculture during the British Industrial Revolution,” Journal of European Economic History, 9 (Spring, 1980), p. 157, separating Davies and Eden and using many fewer observations, obtained slightly different results although he also stresses high elasticity. Unlike Crafts, I used expenditures rather than income so that my figures would be comparable to those of other budget studies.Google Scholar
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