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Principal Currents in the Economic Historiography of Latin America
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 May 2010
Extract
It will perhaps clarify the remarks that follow if we observe at the outset that the economic history of Latin America is in its infancy. This is not to say that the development of economic institutions, the operation of economic systems, the formation and growth of economic activities and attitudes, and the formulation and execution of economic policy have gone unnoticed in the history of Latin America. It is only to state that the formal discipline of economic history, even the use of economic history as part of a title, are of recent date. As in the historiography of most areas of the world, political developments and personalities in Latin America have constituted the core of historiography, and even today the “new” interdisciplinary history of half a century ago in the United States or the more recent French school of “total” history have drawn few adherents to Latin America. Many factors may be adduced to explain the delayed interest in economic history, but one may hazard the guess that there is a positive correlation between the degree of criticism of the nature and function of an economy and both the quantity and quality of economic historiography. At least in the United States, economic history owes no small debt to a muck-raking tradition. In Latin America, on the contrary, the nature of the literate elite and the limits on education have tended to stifle until recently the development of a body of economic literature of protest and, by extension, of economic history.
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- Economic History: Retrospect and Prospect. Papers Presented at the Thirtieth Annual Meeting of the Economic History Association
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- Copyright © The Economic History Association 1971
References
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50 Ibid., p. 16.
51 Ibid., p. 52.
52 Ibid., p. 35.
53 Gunder Frank, Capitalism and Underdevelopment …, p. 6.
54 Ibid., p. 7.
55 Ibid., p. 120.
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58 Gunder Frank, Capitalism and Underdevelopment …, p. 99.
59 Some of the terminological difficulty arises from Gunder Frank's casual approach to definition of terms, particularly in the case of his key concept, underdevelopment. It is something more than mere poverty, witness: “The new countries which have developed since (the nineteenth century) had, like the United States, Canada and Australia, already achieved substantial internal and external economic independence … Notably, these now more or less developed countries were not richer when they began their development than was Chile when it made its attempt to do the same. But—and this I believe is the crucial distinction—they were not already underdeveloped…. My view is that Chile remains part of the same capitalist system with the same fundamental contradictions of polarization and surplus appropriation. What has changed in the twentieth century is that Chile is now more underdeveloped, more dependent and becoming still more underdeveloped.” (Gunder Frank, Capitalism and Underdevelopment …, pp. 56, 96–97).
60 Ferrer, The Argentine Economy, p. 124.
61 Ibid., p. 177.
62 Díaz-Alejandro, Essays on the Economic History …, pp. 94–95.
63 Ibid., p. 138–40.
64 Ibid., p. 138.
65 Ferrer is strikingly unconcerned about comparative advantage and the gains from trade. In the whole book there is only one oblique reference to Argentina's being “forced to become self-sufficient to an extent that conspires against its progressive participation in the international division of labor.” (Ferrer, The Argentine Economy, p. 177).
66 The structuralist-dependence approach is present in a number of other historical works, some of the most outstanding being: Furtado, Celso, The Economic Growth of Brazil (Berkeley, 1963)Google Scholar, La economía latinoamericana desde la Conquista Ibérica hasta la Revolución Cubanq (Santiago, 1969); Sunkel, Osvaldo and Paz, Pedro, El subdesarrollo latinoamericano y la teoría del desarrollo (Mexico, 1970)Google Scholar.
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