Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-8ctnn Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-25T18:34:40.410Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

A Tale of Two Currencies: British and French Finance During the Napoleonic Wars

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 March 2009

Michael D. Bordo
Affiliation:
The authors are Professors of Economics, Rutgers University, New Brunswick, NJ 08903
Eugene N. White
Affiliation:
The authors are Professors of Economics, Rutgers University, New Brunswick, NJ 08903

Abstract

The record of British and French finance during the Napoleonic wars presents the striking picture of a financially strong nation abandoning the gold standard, borrowing heavily, and generating inflation, while a financially weaker country followed more “orthodox” policies. This paradoxical behavior is explained by Britain's strong credibility that allowed more flexible policies, while France's poor reputation forced reliance on taxation.

Type
Papers Presented at the Fiftieth Annual Meeting of the Economic History Association
Copyright
Copyright © The Economic History Association 1991

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

For helpful comments and suggestions we thank Levis Kochin, Hugh Rockoff, Mark Rush, Forrest Capie, Stanley Engerman, Angela Redish, Anna J. Schwartz, and Warren Weber, and seminar participants at Northwestern University, the University of Illinois, and Brown University. Howard Bodenhorn provided valuable research assistance.Google Scholar

1 Friedman, Milton, “Bimetallism Revisited,” Journal of Economic Perspectives, 4 (Fall 1990), pp. 85104.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2 Barro, Robert J., “Government Spending. Interest Rates, Prices and Budget Deficits in the United Kingdom,” Journal of Monetary Economics, 20 (09 1987). pp. 221–48;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Barro, Robert J.. “The Neoclassical Approach to Fiscal Policy,” in Barro, Robert J.. ed., Modern Business Cycle Theory (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 236–64.Google Scholar

3 Kydland, Finn E. and Prescott, Edward C., “Rules Rather than Discretion: The Inconsistency of Optimal Plans,” Journal of Political Economy, 85 (06 1977), pp. 473–91;CrossRefGoogle Scholarand Lucas, Robert E. Jr, and Stokey, Nancy L., “Optimal Fiscal and Monetary Policy in an Economy Without Capital,” Journal of Monetary Economics, 12 (07 1983), pp. 5593.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

4 Dickson, P. G. M., The Financial Revolution in England (London, 1967);Google Scholarand Brewer, John, The Sinews of Power: War, Money and the English State, 1688–1783 (New York, 1989).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

5 These data were graciously provided by Larry Neal.Google Scholar

6 For a similar pattern in earlier wars in the eighteenth century, see Barro, “Government Spending”;Google Scholarand Benjamin, D. K. and Kochin, Levis A., “War, Prices and interest Rates: A Martial Solution to Gibson's Paradox,” in Bordo, M. D. and Schwartz, A. J., eds., A Retrospective on the Classical Gold Standard, 1821 to 1931 (Chicago, 1984).Google Scholar

7 During the suspension period, the inflation rate displayed no evidence of persistence. See Barsky, Robert B., “The Fisher Hypothesis and the Forecastability and Persistence of Inflations,” Journal of Monetary Economics, 19 (01 1987), pp. 324:CrossRefGoogle Scholarand Bordo, Michael D. and White, Eugene N., “British and French Finance during the Napoleonic War” (NBER Working Paper No. 3517, 1990).Google ScholarFor other evidence that nominal interest-rate movements largely reflected movements in the real rate, see Black, Robert A. and Gilmore, Claire G., “Crowding Out during Britain's Industrial Revolution,” this Journal, 50 (03 1990), pp. 109–31.Google Scholar

8 Marion, Marcel, Hisroire financière de la France depuis 1715 (Paris, 1914), vol. 1, p. 197.Google Scholar

9 The yields reported for France in Figure 3 are on the stock of the Compagnie des Indes (1770–1793), the inscriptions sur le grande livre de la dette publique (1797), and the tiers consolidé (1798–1821).Google Scholar

10 North, Douglass C. and Weingast, Barry R., “Constitutions and Commitment: The Evolution of Institutions Governing Public Choice in Seventeenth-Century England,” this Journal, 49 (12 1989), pp. 803–32.Google Scholar

11 Fachan, J. M., Historique de la rente française (Paris, 1904), pp. 130–31;Google Scholarand Vührer, Alphonse, Histoire de la dette publique en France (Paris, 1886), pp. 424–25.Google Scholar

12 O'Brien, Patrick, “Government Revenue 1793–1815: A Study in Fiscal and Financial Policy in the Wars Against France” (Ph.D. diss., Oxford University, 1967).Google Scholar

13 Ibid, chap. 5.Google Scholar

14 See Bordo and White, “British and French Finance,” table 2.Google Scholar

15 Fetter, Frank, Development of British Monetary Orthodoxy, 1797–1875 (Cambridge, MA, 1965);Google ScholarSchumpeter, E., “English Prices and Public Finance, 1660–1822,” Review of Economics and Statistics. 20 (02 1938);Google ScholarSilbering, N., “British Prices and Business Cycles,” Review of Economics and Statistics, 5 (10 1923);Google Scholarand Viner, Jacob, Studies in the Theory of International Trade (New York, 1937).Google Scholar

16 Bordo and White, “British and French Finance,” table 3.Google Scholar

17 O'Brien, “Government Revenue,” chap. 5;Google Scholarand Fetter, Frank, “Legal Tender During the English and Irish Bank Restriction,” Journal of Political Economy, 58 (06 1950).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

18 Barro, “The Neoclassical Approach.”Google Scholar

19 Kochin, L., Benjamin, D., and Meader, M., “The Observational Equivalence of Rational and Irrational Consumers if Taxation is Efficient” (Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco West Coast Academic Conference, 1985).Google Scholar

20 For the period 1715 to 1815, using as the dependent variable the ratio of tax receipts to commodity output (T/Y), we obtained the following equation: (T/Y)t = −51.3 + 0.03Time + 0.93(T/Y)1 – t. The R 2 was 0.89, and the Durbin-Watson statistic 1.96. The Dickey-Fuller test was −0.948, well below the critical value of −3.45 at the 5 percent level. We have not reported the coefficients on the lagged differences. Similar results were obtained for the ratio of tax receipts to national income and for the ratio of tax receipts to commodity output for France from 1728 to 1796. See Bordo and White, “British and French Finance.” The power of these tests are weak, and there is considerable controversy about their use.Google ScholarSee MacCallum, Bennett, “On ‘Real’ and ‘Sticky-Price’ Theories of the Business Cycles,” Journal of Money Credit and Banking, 22 (11 1989), pp. 397441;Google Scholarand Rappoport, Peter and Reichlin, Lucrezia, “Segmented Trends and Nonstationary Time Series,” Economic Journal, 99 (Supplement 1989).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

21 Bordo, Michael D. and Kydland, Finn, “The Gold Standard as a Rule” (NBER Working Paper No. 3367, 1990).Google Scholar

22 Feaveryear, A., The Pound Sterling (Oxford, 1963), pp. 224–25;Google ScholarFetter, Development of British Monetary Orthodoxy, pp. 73–76;Google Scholarand Laidler, David, “The Bullionist Controversy,” New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics (London, 1987).Google Scholar

23 Mankiw, N. Greg, “The Optimal Collection of Seigniorage—Theory and Evidence,” Journal of Monetary Economics, 20 (09 1987), pp. 327–41.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

24 See fn. 8; and Goff, B. L. and Toma, M., “Optimal Seigniorage and Central Bank Financing” (University of Kentucky mimeo, 1990).Google Scholar

25 Marion, , Histoire financière, vol. 4, pp. 297304.Google Scholar

26 Courtois, Alphonse C., Histoire des Banques en France (Paris, 1881), pp. 116–17.Google Scholar

27 Neal, Larry, “A Tale of Two Revolutions: International Capital Flows, 1789–1819” (University of Illinois BEBR Faculty Working Paper No. 90–1663. July 1990).Google Scholar

28 Marion, , Histoire financière, vol. 4, pp. 337–38.Google Scholar