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Painted Mycenaean Larnakes

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 September 2015

E. D. T. Vermeule
E. D. T. Vermeule*
Affiliation:
Boston University
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Extract

Nearly ten years ago the first specimens of a new group of painted Mycenaean sarcophagi, or larnakes, began to become known in Greece. They attracted immediate attention, and some disbelief. The group has not yet been studied as a whole, or evaluated as a relic of Aegean art, for the circumstances of discovery and dispersal have made close examination difficult. The scenes of mourning figures painted on them have considerable interest, however, and it seems timely to put together what is known about them in spite of the incomplete evidence. Once the larnakes become better known it will be a pleasurable task for scholars to relate them as harmoniously as possible to neighbouring monuments of Aegean painting and to the late Mycenaean environment which produced them.

Until the discovery of these Greek larnakes, scholars rightly believed that the practice of using clay coffins for burial was essentially a Minoan one, not Mycenaean. The great number of larnakes on display in the Herakleion Museum in Crete demonstrates how widespread larnax-burial was in the Late Minoan period, apparently gathering momentum after the destruction of the Cretan palaces. While the earliest terracotta larnakes known in Crete are as old as the latter part of the Early Minoan period, they were not used extensively among the middle classes until the fourteenth and thirteenth centuries B.C. The first preserved wooden coffins of Crete are found in chamber tombs of sea-captains and soldiers who died in the late fifteenth century. Perhaps they adapted the custom from Egypt in an age when relations between coastal Crete and the Nile Valley were particularly active. One of the coffins in the harbour cemetery of Katsaba near Knossos was painted blue; otherwise there are no traces of rich surface elaboration in the Egyptian fashion. As far as one can tell from the rotted condition of wood in the Aegean climate, the Minoans did not use external face masks, or gilding, but made simply carpentered containers for simple inhumations.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Journal of Hellenic Studies , Volume 85 , November 1965 , pp. 123 - 148
Copyright
Copyright © The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies 1965

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References

1 It is a pleasure to thank many persons who have offered information about the larnakes and have suggested new perspectives on their significance: among them, St. Alexiou, E. Borowski, D. von Bothmer, H. Cahn, K. Deppert, R. Hampe, R. Lullies, Sp. Marinatos, N. Platon, J. Porter, L. Talcott, the late J. Threpsiades, E. Vanderpool, C. Vermeule, F. Whitmore, and W. Young.

2 Katsaba: Alexiou, St., Kretika Chronika vi (1952) 9.Google Scholar Knossos: Hood, M. S. F., BSA xlvii (1952) 248.Google Scholar

3 Wooden biers or coffins in Greece: Dendra-Midea, , Persson, A. W., New Tombs at Dendra (1942) 111 Google Scholar; Prosymna, Blegen, C. W., Prosymna (1937) Tombs 10, 26, 29, 42.Google Scholar

Stone larnakes in Mycenaean burials: Kephallenia, LH III B–C context, Sp. Marinatos, , Praktika 1951, 186 (Parisata)Google Scholar; Ephemeris 1933, 79, fig. 22 (Kontogenada); Pylos: Blegen, C. W., AJA lviii (1954) 31 Google Scholar; Cypriote-Mycenaean, from Nikaia near Larnaca, information courtesy of V. Karageorghis.

Terracotta larnakes: Prosymna: clay tub, C. W. Blegen, Prosymna fig. 10 no. 1 and fig. 101 no. 1206; Mycenae: Wace, A. J. B., Chamber Tombs at Mycenae (1932) 9, 139, 184Google Scholar; Thebes: Keramopoullos, A., Deltion iii (1917) 92 Google Scholar; Attica: Mylonas, G., Aghios Kosmas (1959) 61 Google Scholar; Naxos (Grottes) information courtesy N. Kontoleon; Assarlik: Paton, J., JHS viii (1887) 70 Google Scholar and Forsdyke, E. J., BM Catalogue of Vases i 1 (1925) nos. 1110–1116 Google Scholar; Rhodes (Ialysos): Jacopi, G., Annuario xiii–xiv (1930–1931) fig. 59, T. 71Google Scholar (fragments of two). The painted bathtub larnax from Mycenae was said not to be funerary, or at least the context did not justify a decision, French, E. W., BSA lvi (1961) 88.Google Scholar The painted fragment from Tiryns water-channels is illustrated though not discussed by Verdelis, N., Deltion 18 (1963) Chron., pl. 85a.Google Scholar

4 A sample of clay from one larnax was tested by both X-ray diffraction and by spectrochemical analysis in the research laboratory of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, in May 1964. Extracts from the report of William J. Young follow.

‘Examination 64.64. A sample of clay was removed, ground in an agate mortar, and divided into two parts. One half was mixed with collodion and centered in the beam of an X-ray spectrometer and an X-ray diffraction chart made. The ‘d’ spacings of the chart were calibrated and compared with the “d” spacings and patterns of clays from objects purporting to have been found in Athens, Crete, Cyprus, the Kabeirion in Boeotia, Plataea, Salamis in Attica, and Thebes; and from objects certified as excavated in Athens, Cyprus, Dramesi, Eretria, Eutresis, Knossos and Tanagra.

‘The other half of the samples was inserted in a drilled carbon electrode, situated in an arc gap, and an arc struck at 150 D.C. volts, and an optical emission spectrographic analysis made in juxtaposition with samples from the above sites.

‘On close analysis, the samples compared in their X-ray diffraction pattern and spectrochemical analysis most closely with the samples from Tanagra, Boeotia, and next most closely with clay originating in Eretria, Euboea.

‘A sample was also tested by infra-red and ultraviolet rays, and by microscopic examination, and proved without any doubt to be ancient. The incrustation and rootmarks were judged to be of types not yet within the capabilities of forgers.’

5 Lullies, R., Griechische Plastik, Vasen und Kleinkunst (Kassel, 1964) no. 37 Google Scholar, with pls. I am obliged to Dr. R. Lullies and Fraulein Dr. Spartz for examining details of this larnax in the Kassel Museum.

6 Alexiou, St., Kretika Chronika xii (1958) 285, pl. 14 fig. 3Google Scholar; Brock, J., Fortetsa (1957) 125, pls. 77, 163Google Scholar; Marinatos, Sp., AA 1933, 307.Google Scholar

7 See also larnakes Nos. 11 and 12; it is not clear whether two or three painted larnakes, exclusive of No. 3, reached Paris between 1956 and 1961. The report of No. 2 comes from a reliable source, but it does not seem to have been exhibited or photographed.

8 Munzen, and Basel, Medaillen AG, Auktion xviii (1958) no. 74, pl. 18.Google Scholar

9 von Bothmer, D., Ancient Art in New York Private Collections (1961) no. 102, p. 23.Google Scholar

10 Photograph courtesy of a Swiss collector.

11 See note 7. The description of No. 11 with two black mourningwomen is very reliable; the description of No. 12 is hearsay.

12 Interesting forerunners of the Close style in contexts of LH III A 1: Mycenae, Papademetriou, J., Praktika 1950, 220 Google Scholar, fig. 23; Koukounara, Marinatos, Sp., Ergon 1963, figs. 88–91.Google Scholar

13 Cf. BSA xlvii (1952) 81, fig. 5, no. 40 (Euboia); BSA lvi (1961) pl. 23 a (Lakonia).

14 Evans, A., Prehistoric Tombs at Knossos (1906) 28–29.Google Scholar

15 Prehistoric Tombs at Knossos (1906) 98; Alexiou, St., Kretika Chronika xii (1958) 218.Google Scholar A smaller companion piece has eighteen holes bored through the floor.

16 Alexiou, op. cit., pl. 11. fig. 2; Zervos, Chr., L'Art de la Crète (1956)Google Scholar fig. 778; Marinatos, Sp., AA 1934, 247 Google Scholar, fig. 1.

17 Reusch, H., Die Zeichnerische Rekonstruktion des Frauenfreises im Boiötischen Theben (= AbhBerlin) 1956, 38.Google Scholar

18 Dr. Platon reports a larnax from near Canea (Ta Dramia) with red and blue pigments, representing clumsy monsters or bulls.

19 The plumed cap is briefly discussed by Evans, A., Palace of Minos ii 777 Google Scholar; Furumark, A., The Mycenaean Pottery 239 Google Scholar; the best fresco example: the Sphinx Gate from Pylos, Blegen, C., AJA lxvi (1962) pl. 40 Google Scholar, fig. 12; a good example on a chariot krater, Louvre AM 625, Pottier, E., BCH xxxi (1907) 230 Google Scholar, figs. 8 and 9.

20 Wace, A. J. B., Chamber Tombs at Mycenae, pls. 18–19 no. 5Google Scholar; Furumark, A., The Mycenaean Pottery 459.Google Scholar

21 Fig. 4e after Rodenwaldt, G., Tiryns ii pl. 4, no. 6Google Scholar; Fig. 4ƒ after Furtwängler, A. and Loeschke, G., Mykenische Vasen, 67, fig. 37.Google Scholar

22 Among others, Karageorghis, V., ‘Myth and Epic in Mycenaean Vase-Painting,’ AJA lxii (1958) 383 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; ‘Les personnages en robe,’ BCH lxxxiii (1959) 193; Å. Åkerström, , ‘Some Pictorial Vase Representations,’ OpAth i (1953) 9 Google Scholar; Furumark, A., The Mycenaean Pottery 453 ff.Google Scholar; Lorimer, H., Homer and the Monuments 48.Google Scholar

23 Tsountas, Chr., Ephemeris 1896, 1, pl. 1Google Scholar; Rodenwaldt, G., Tiryns ii 186 Google Scholar; Furumark, A., The Mycenaean Pottery 453.Google Scholar Though reused in the door packing, there is no reasonable doubt that the stele was designed (twice) for funeral display.

24 Alexiou, St., Kretika Chronika xii (1958) 179 ff.Google Scholar

25 Iakovides, Sp., AJA lxix (1965)Google Scholar and Ergon 1961, fig. 11 (Perati); Kontoleon, N., Ergon 1960, figs. 216–217 (Naxos)Google Scholar; Maiuri, A., Annuario vi–vii (1926) 174, fig. 101Google Scholar; 143, fig. 65 (Ialysos); cf. British Museum Catalogue of Vases i 1, A 950. Virtually the same type is popular in seventh-century Attic graves, e.g. on the gaming-table from Vari ( Kallipolitis, V., Deltion xviii (1963) pls. 53–55 a Google Scholar) or in the Stathatos, . Collection, BCH lxxix (1955) pl. 12.Google Scholar

26 A. Furtwängler and G. Loeschke, Mykenische Vasen fig. 17; A. Furumark, The Mycenaean Pottery, Motive 1 no. 10; Type 55 no. 7; MMA: CP 1405.

27 Karageorghis, V., JHS lxxvii (1957) 269.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

28 E.g., Furumark, A., The Mycenaean Pottery 451 ff.Google Scholar

29 Chariot vases as funerary, Lorimer, H., Homer and the Monuments 48.Google Scholar

30 Mylonas, G., ‘The Figured Mycenaean Stelai,’ AJA lv (1951) 134.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

31 Nilsson, M., The Minoan-Mycenaean Religion 2 441.Google Scholar

32 See note 3 above, end.

33 Horse burials in Cyprus (Salamis, Palaipaphos): Karageorghis, V., BCH lxxxvii (1963) 265, 377CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Illustrated London News 30 August and 5 September, 1964. Marathon horse burial, Papademetriou, J., Ergon 1958, 23 Google Scholar; burial of a horse with kylikes, at Lerna, Caskey, J., Hesperia xxiii (1954) 11.Google Scholar

34 Larnax from Dhekelia, near Larnaka; cf. note 3 above. The pictorial sherd from the Athenian Agora representing horns of consecration flanking a double axe on top of an altar seems to be unique in Mycenaean vase-painting, and is probably directly inspired by the many Minoan versions of this theme, cf. Immerwahr, S., Archaeology xiii (1960) 8, fig. 7.Google Scholar

35 See note 19 above.

36 Gazi: Marinatos, Sp., Ephemeris 1937, 278 Google Scholar; Kannia: Levi, D., BdA xlvi (1959) 249 Google Scholar; Karphi: Pendlebury, J., BSA xxxix (1938–1939) 57 Google Scholar; Seiradakis, M., BSA lv (1960) 1.Google Scholar

37 Cf. Müller, V., Der Polos (1915)Google Scholar; Palmer, H., Archaeology vi (1953) 36.Google Scholar

38 Homage Krater: Karageorghis, V., AJA lxii (1958) pl. 99 Google Scholar, Pottier, E., BCH xxxi (1907) 232.Google Scholar Shield pinax: Tsountas, Chr., Ephemeris 1887, pl. 10, 2Google Scholar; Rodenwaldt, G., AM xxxvii (1912) 129 Google Scholar; Evans, A., Palace of Minos iii (1930) 135 Google Scholar; Vermeule, E., CJ 1958, 99.Google Scholar

Winged warriors on a Zakro sealing may be human, are more likely male counterparts of the Zakro ‘eagle-women’ ( Levi, D., Annuario viii–ix (1925–1926) 175 Google Scholar, no. 175, fig. 213, pl. 17).