The urban labor force in the capital of Guatemala holds a potential strength out of proportion to its numbers. The power of the urban labor force stems from the fact that (1) though a minority of the total population of the republic, it forms a numerical majority in Guatemala City where national decisions are made; (2) it is a compact group which can be more readily and efficiently organized than the sprawling agrarian labor force; and (3) once organized, it is an available and effective political force. Party dialectic aside, these factors are sufficient to make urban labor an attractive instrument for international Communist propaganda and infiltration.

En el curso de estos últimos años, los países hispanoamericanos han venido celebrando con singular júbilo el sesquicentenario de sus independencias nacionales. El pensamiento de sus más altos valores humanos ha enriquecido la historiografía de nuestra América, y ha venido a confirmar en sentido crociano, que toda nuestra Historia es también hazaña de libertad. Nuestra lucha se agita contemporáneamente, pues cada día conquistamos y reconquistamos nuestra libertad. El hombre de nuestras naciones todavía se debate en servidumbres y esclavitudes, mas su libertad y dignidad son valores permanentes.

La obra más popular de Sarmiento es la que dedicó a Facundo y publicó con este nombre y el agregado de Civilización y barbarie en 1845. Este libro es, también, el que más ha sido leído, entre sus cincuenta y dos volúmenes de obras completas, y el que más comentarios, buenos y malos, ha suscitado. Sobre él han llovido los elogios y han caído los ataques. Lo mejor que se ha dicho es que constituye la obra maestra más extraordinaria de las letras americanas; lo peor, que todas sus páginas son una calumnia y un monumento de ignorancia. Entre los escritores modernos, Manuel Gálvez lo ha atacado con independencia y valentía, más movido por un raro odio que por una sabia comprensión.

A backward glance, a thumbnail sketch of the Chilean press from the colonial period to 1823, sets the stage for the story of the press from 1823 to 1842. To begin with, Chile was off to a late start — 1747. Mexico had a press in 1540; Lima, 1584; Santo Domingo, 1600; and Paraguay, 1715. Second, the press was closely related with the struggle for independence. Foreign influences were felt through a number of colorful figures such as Mateo Arnaldo Hoevel, a Swedish refugee involved in the assassination of Gustave III, the North-American Procopio Polloc, and three North-American typesetters. Camilo Henríquez, a priest, was “the mentor of the revolution,” while the prócer, Bernardo O'Higgins, also played an important role.

The policy of the United States. toward social and economic revolutions in Latin America is a subject of wide U. S. concern. The rumblings of discontent in this area, coupled with the current crisis in Cuban- American relations, have stimulated the writing of numerous articles and books. In order to grasp some understanding of the current situation, however, it is necessary to place the subject in its historical perspective. This in itself will not automatically furnish any solutions, but perhaps it will give some coherence to a complex subject which has its roots in the past development of United States foreign policy.

In Enrique Bunster's satirical novel Un ángel para Chile, set in the year 2015, Turcos” hold sway in the Club de la Unión, traditionally the exclusive redoubt of Chile's upper class. In 2015, high and mighty Turcos place orders for wines carrying the names of present-day Arab-Chilean textile millionaires with waiters descended from presentday aristocratic wine-making families. Bunster's fanciful vision of future Chilean society takes what basis of credibility it has from the remarkable economic and political progress achieved by Arab-Chileans in recent years. This progress was accelerated during the 1952-1958 government of Carlos Ibáñez and became a focus for political controversy.

Prevalece no momento a opinião, conforme a qual essa região se encontraría em pleno processo de “revolução social”, sem quaisquer precedentes nesse sentido no passado, mesmo recente.

Quer nos parecer, realmente, muito acertada tal interpretação dos fenômenos de dinamismo social como principal característica do cenário turbulento, em 1961, dessa região tôda: 20 países com mais de 205 milhóes de habitantes.

Depois de sair de longo período de estagnação pós-colonial, essa parte do Hemisferio Ocidental — primeira grande região do “mundo subdesenvolvido em vésperas de se incorporar plenamente ao ciclo de civilização material adiantada — entrou, no período de após guerra, numa fase de alteracóes bruscas e febris que, simultáneamente, abrangem a sua estrutura política, as suas bases económicas, os seus fundamentos populacionais, mas, sobretudo, o seu panorama social.

Se entiende por conceptos fundamentales a aquellos que permiten dar una idea cabal del contenido esencial de vocablos y de instituciones por ellos designados, que constituyen la base y fundamento de todo el tema desarrollado en este breve ensayo.

Esto resulta indispensable, si se pretende elevar a un plano científico, lo que hasta ahora representa el tema preferido de quienes opinan y juzgan en materia agraria, sin tener mayores conocimientos acerca de ella, sobretodo en el orden jurídico, y pretenden participar en una polémica surgida con motivo de la Reforma Agraria, para denostarla al sólo efecto de preservar y defender sus intereses, aún a costa de la miseria y del atraso de millones de individuos que soportan el desequilibrio económico de América Latina y que viven propensos a la perturbación política de suma gravedad para la seguridad de los países latinoamericanos.

The Cuban revolution has profoundly shaken the economic and political foundation traditional in most of the 20 Latin American republics. The demand by the rest of Latin America for Cuban type reforms has also required a reappraisal of U. S.-Latin American relations, which with the breaking off of diplomatic intercourse between Cuba and the U. S., January 4, 1961, have reached their lowest point since the initiation in the mid 1930's of the Good Neighbor Policy by President Roosevelt. Furthermore, the spread of the Cuban revolution, with its ideals and aspirations for the fulfilment of the age-old political, social, and economic aspirations of the downtrodden masses, is now an imminent threat for the remaining undemocratic Latin American governments. There is no denying the fact that most Latin American countries are still run by an oligarchy of landlords and the military.

The United States of 1783 was composed of thirteen former English colonies and their hinterland extending to the Mississippi River. Except on the Atlantic side, the new republic was surrounded by European possessions. In fact, the remainder of the New World was claimed by European nations. It was inevitable, therefore, that the United States from the beginning would concern itself with these European possessions.

The degree of concern has been determined largely by three factors: (1) the geographic location of the areas, (2) their economic and strategic value, and (3) the relative power and prestige of their current or prospective possessors. As regards the geographic location of the areas, the interest of the United States has expanded roughly in broad concentric arcs: (a) contiguous continental lands (Florida, Louisiana, Texas, California, Oregon Territory); (b) Alaska, Central America, and the Caribbean; (c) South America and off-shore islands; and (d) the Antarctic. This expansion of interest has been concomitant with the territorial and economic growth of the United States, the development of ever-more-rapid means of transportation and communication, and the changing concepts of national defense.

The impact upon Europe of the discovery and conquest of the New World is conventionally described in terms of political and economic effects. That there was an aesthetic and intellectual impact of equallygreat import is seldom recalled. The discovery and exploration of a totally new and unknown world of strange beasts, flora, and human beings affected European predilections and patterns of thought in a fashion which can only be likened to the reaction of thoughtful men today, when confronted with the wonders and potentialities implicit in the exploration of outer space.

The battle of Pavón was one of the most important in Argentine history, for it symbolized the definitive union of all the Argentine provinces. This battle took place on the plains of Pavón, in the province of Santa Fe, on September 17, 1861. Most historians agree that it signalled the beginning of Argentina as a nation.

For nearly a decade prior to this battle, Argentina had suffered from internal strife and division. On February 3, 1852, the forces of Justo José de Urquiza, Governor of the province of Entre Ríos, had overthrown the army of Juan Manuel de Rosas, the violent caudillo who had ruled the province of Buenos Aires with a heavy hand since 1829;1 during the greater part of his regime, Rosas had handled foreign affairs for all fourteen of the provinces of the Argentine Confederation. Rosas was forced into exile in England. As a matter of course, Argentine then looked to Urquiza for leadership.

Petit pays caractérisé par une production agricole déficiente, une densité alimentaire alarmante, un rythme inquiétant d'accroissement de la population et un chômage endémique, Haïti possède une main-d'oeuvre excédentaire que seul un fort courant d'émigration pourrait absorber. Malheureusement, il est fort difficile de trouver des débouchés pour cette main-d'oeuvre noire non qualifiée que plusieurs pays considèrent comme indésirable. Ces obstacles (couleur et absence de formation professionnelle) n'ont jamais permis au gouvernement d'arriver à une politique d'émigration; cependant, individuellement, les travailleurs haïtiens ont toujours essayé d'aller tenter leur chance à l'extérieur, puisque chez eux la main-d'oeuvre reste inactive.

En la recopilación que presentamos aquí, hemos incluido las voces y locuciones que conforman un vocabulario nacional generalizado en Chile y que hace referencia al dinero, a los valores en uso en el país y a ciertos aspectos de la vida económica diaria. Hemos incluido, también, algunas variantes semánticas que esas voces y locuciones han originado y que constituyen una importante porción del léxico chileno.

Sin embargo, no hemos considerado, para el presente estudio, las denominaciones y giros propios de una lengua comercial o técnica, de una lengua de minoría.

“Far, far away!” For the romantic imagination of Americans living in the second decade of the nineteenth century, these words identified, from the geographical viewpoint, Spain. To the average American, indeed to all but a few, Spain was as close to a terra incognita as there could exist in the Western World, a legendary land of old castles and beautiful landscapes inhabited by lovely dark-eyed maidens, engulfed by a warm climate, religious bigotry, and ignorance. But it was “far, far away,” and to the complacent inhabitants of a new and prosperous country which was politically stable and economically secure, Spain symbolized romantic adventure.

Tema apasionante, sin duda, el contenido en el epígrafe que sirve de título al presente estudio, no sólo por el caudal de observaciones que ofrece, sino, lo que es más, por la serie trascendente de implicaciones y consecuencias que han derivado de ese acontecimiento histórico que fue la lucha titánica, heroica y tenaz, por la emancipación de la corona ibérica.

Hace más de un siglo que ocurrió tan magno y grávido suceso envuelto en oleadas cárdenas de luz y de fuego depurador de instituciones y hombres y, sin embargo, cuan actual se torna cada vez, mostrando a las claras influjos y secuelas como si fuese ayer, en una rotación sin término, emuladora e incitante.