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Bringing the Economic Back In: Andean Indians and the Construction of the Nation-State in Nineteenth-Century Bolivia*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  25 August 2009

ERICK D. LANGER
ERICK D. LANGER
Affiliation:
Erick D. Langer is Associate Professor in the School of Foreign Service and History, Georgetown University. Email: langere@georgetown.edu.
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Abstract

Using the example of nineteenth-century Bolivia, this article argues that economic motivations need to be taken into account in understanding the role of peasants in constructing Latin American nation-states, especially in the Andes. Based on local archives, it considers the case of the altiplano region of Oruro-Poopó. From this perspective, during the half-century that followed independence, Andean communities were mostly in favour of a free-trade regime. They were integrated into the nation-state, but in a subordinate position. By the 1850s there was such prosperity in trading activities that community members refused to participate as authorities in their communities due to the time it would consume. However, the assault on community lands that began in the 1860s impoverished the Indians and marginalised them as peasants, turning them into a threat to the new, racist nation-state.

Abstract

Utilizando el ejemplo de Bolivia en el siglo XIX, este artículo argumenta que las motivaciones económicas necesitan ser tomadas en cuenta para entender el papel de los campesinos en la construcción de los Estados-nación en América Latina, especialmente en los Andes. Basado en archivos locales, considera el caso de la región del altiplano de Oruro-Poopó. Desde esta perspectiva, durante el medio siglo que siguió a la independencia, las comunidades andinas se encontraban en su mayoría a favor de un régimen de libre comercio. Éstas estaban integradas dentro del Estado-nación pero en una posición subordinada. Para los años 1850 había tal prosperidad en las actividades comerciales que los miembros de las comunidades se negaron a participar como autoridades en sus comunidades dado el tiempo que les quitaba. Sin embargo, el asalto a las tierras comunales que empezó en los 1860s empobreció a los indios y los marginó como campesinos, volviéndolos una amenaza al nuevo y racista Estado-nación.

Abstract

Utilizando o exemplo da Bolívia do século dezenove, o artigo argumenta que é preciso levar em consideração as motivações econômicas para compreendermos o papel dos camponeses na construção de estados-nações latino-americanos, particularmente ao se tratar dos Andes. Baseado em arquivos locais ele considera o caso da região do altiplano de Oruro-Poopó. Desta perspectiva, ao longo do meio século que seguiu à independência, comunidades andinas em sua maioria apoiavam um regime de livre comércio. Eram integrados ao estado-nação, embora ocupassem posição subordinada. Pela década de 1850 a prosperidade era tal que membros comunitários se recusavam a exercer o papel de autoridade em suas comunidades devido ao tempo que esta atividade consumiria. Entretanto o ataque às terras comunitárias iniciado nos anos 1860 empobreceu os índios e os marginalizou como camponeses, transformando-os em ameaça ao novo e racista estado-nação.

Keywords

Boliviapeasantsnationalismfree tradenation buildingIndian communitiesespacio económico andinonineteenth centuryBolíviacamponesesnacionalismolivre comércioconstrução nacionalcomunidades indígenasespacio econômico andinoséculo dezenoveBoliviacampesinosnacionalismolibre comercioconstrucción nacionalcomunidades indígenasespacio económico andinosiglo XIX
Type
Research Article
Information
Journal of Latin American Studies , Volume 41 , Issue 3 , August 2009 , pp. 527 - 551
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2009

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References

1 For Mexico, see Florencia Mallon, Peasants and Nation: The Making of Postcolonial Mexico and Peru (Berkeley, 1995); Peter Guardino, Peasants, Politics, and the Formation of Mexico's National State: Guerrero, 1800–1857 (Stanford, 1996). Also see Guardino's The Time of Liberty: Popular Political Culture in Oaxaca, 1750–1850 (Durham NC, 2005). For Peru, see Mallon, Peasants and Nation; Mark Thurner, From Two Republics to One Divided: Contradictions of Postcolonial Nationmaking in Andean Peru (Durham NC, 1997). For a different perspective, though for an earlier period, see Cecilia Méndez, The Plebeian Republic: The Huanta Rebellion and the Making of the Peruvian State, 1820–1850 (Durham NC, 2005). For an excellent summary of the position of the Andean republics with regard to the ‘Indian question’, see Brooke Larson, Trials of Nation Making: Liberalism, Race, and Ethnicity in the Andes, 1810–1910 (Cambridge, 2004).

2 For the connection to subaltern studies, see Mallon, Florencia, ‘The Promise and Dilemma of Subaltern Studies: Perspectives from Latin America’, American Historical Review, vol. 99, no. 5 (1997), pp. 1491–1515CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui and Rossana Barragán, Debates post coloniales: Una introducción a los estudios de la subalternidad (La Paz, 1997). For subalterns other than peasants see, for example, Christine Hünefeldt, Liberalism in the Bedroom: Quarreling Spouses in Nineteenth-Century Lima (University Park, 2000); James E. Sanders, Contentious Republicans: Popular Politics, Race, and Class in Nineteenth-Century Colombia (Durham NC, 2004); Roger A. Kittleson, The Practice of Politics in Postcolonial Brazil: Porto Alegre, 1845–1895 (Pittsburgh, 2006).

3 Tristan Platt, Estado boliviano y ayllu andino: Tierra y tribute en el norte de Potosí (Lima, 1982). Platt also provides a religious interpretation of the meaning of independence for Andean Indians in ‘Simón Bolívar, the Sun of Justice and the Amerindian Virgin: Andean Conceptions of the Patria in Nineteenth-Century Potosí’, Journal of Latin American Studies, vol. 25, no. 1 (1993), pp. 159–85.

4 Tristan Platt, Estado tributario y librecambio en Potosí (siglo XIX): Mercado indígena, proyectos proteccionistas y lucha de ideologías monetarias (La Paz, 1986); and ‘Divine Protection and Liberal Damnation: Exchanging Metaphors in Nineteenth-Century Potosí (Bolivia)’, in Roy Dilley (ed.), Contesting Markets: Analyses of Ideology, Discourse, and Practice (Edinburgh, 1992), pp. 131–58.

5 Marta Irurozqui, A bala, piedra y palo: La construcción de la ciudadanía política de Bolivia, 1826–1952 (Seville, 2000).

6 Marta Irurozqui, ‘“Los hombres chacales en armas”: Militarización y criminalización indígenas en la revolución federal boliviana de 1899’, in Marta Irurozqui Victoriano (ed.), La mirada esquiva: Reflexiones históricas sobre la interacción del estado y la ciudadanía en los Andes (Bolivia, Ecuador y Perú), siglo XIX (Madrid, 2005), pp. 285–320.

7 Ibid., pp. 286–7; see Rossana Barragán for the best analysis of citizenship and voting based on a reading of the Bolivian constitutions in Asambleas Constituyentes: Ciudadanía y elecciones, convenciones y debates (1825–1971) (La Paz, 2006). Pilar Mendieta Parada analyses the differences between Platt's and Irurozqui's arguments in ‘En defensa del pacto tributario: Los indígenas bolivianos frente al proyecto liberal: Siglo XIX’, Revista Andina, vol. 41 (2006), pp. 131–54. For other perspectives on Indians and nationalism, see Marie-Danielle Démelas, Nationalisme sans nation? La Bolivie aux XIXe–XXe siècles (Paris, 1980); and L'invention politique: Bolivie, Equateur et Perou au XIXe siècle (Paris, 1992).

8 José María Dalence, Bosquejo estadístico de Bolivia (La Paz, 1975 [1848]), p. 201. Bolivia lost the Litoral territory to Chile in 1879, during the War of the Pacific. Interestingly, Dalence does not distinguish between whites and mestizos, unlike most of his contemporaries. Dalence presumed that the children of whites with Indians were identical to whites (p. 206).

9 For the missions, see Pilar García Jordán, ‘Yo soy libre y no soy indio: soy Guarayo’: Para una historia de Guarayos, 1790–1948 (Lima, 2006); Thierry Saignes, Historia del pueblo chiriguano (Lima, 2007); Isabelle Combès, Etno-historias del Isoso: Chané y chiriguanos en el Chaco boliviano (siglos XVI a XX) (La Paz, 2005); Erick D. Langer, Expecting Pears from an Elm Tree: Franciscan Missions on the Chiriguano Frontier in the Heart of South America (Durham NC, forthcoming).

10 See for example ‘No 112 Salinas de Garcimendoza 1858’, 1850–1856 Civiles; ‘No. 68 1862’, ‘Poopó: Civil Ejecutivo contra Marcelo Gutierrez por el apoderado José María Castillo representante del Cno Eusebio Grandi 1861’, 1862–1865 Civiles, both in the Archivo Judicial de Poopó (AJP). See also Tristan Platt, ‘Ethnic Calendars and Market Interventions among the Ayllus of Lipes during the Nineteenth Century’, in Brooke Larson and Olivia Harris (eds.), Ethnicity, Markets, and Migration in the Andes: At the Crossroads of History and Anthropology (Durham NC, 1995), pp. 259–96. Of course, these kinds of activities left more of a paper trail than subsistence agriculture. Subsistence agriculture is visible in the documents in this region, but clearly subsidiary to merchant and mining activities.

11 Carlos Sempat Assadourian, El sistema de la economía colonial: Mercado interno, regiones y espacio económico (Lima, 1982); Antonio Mitre, El monedero de los Andes: Región económica y moneda boliviana en el siglo XIX (La Paz, 1986); Langer, Erick D., ‘Espacios coloniales y economías nacionales: Bolivia y el norte argentino’, Siglo XIX: Revista de Historia, vol. 2, no. 4 (1987), pp. 135–60.Google Scholar

12 These are the kinds of ties that I have researched over the past couple of decades. See, for example, Langer, Erick D. and Hames, Gina, ‘Commerce and Credit on the Periphery: Tarija Merchants, 1830–1914’, Hispanic American Historical Review, vol. 74, no. 2 (1994), pp. 285–316Google Scholar; Langer, Erick D., ‘Bajo la sombra del Cerro Rico: Redes comerciales y el fracaso del nacionalismo económico en el Potosí del siglo XIX’, Revista Andina, vol. 37, no. 2 (2003), pp. 77–94Google Scholar; Erick D. Langer, ‘Contraband and Credit: Merchants and Miners in the South-Central Andes, 1830–1930’, in Rory M. Miller and Colin Lewis (eds.), Consumption, Markets and Trade in Spanish America, 1750–1950 (London, forthcoming).

13 ‘Libro Manual Duplicado de la Aduana Nacional de Oruro del cargo del Administrador Francisco Paula Belzu, Para la cuenta del año de 1836’, Biblioteca Municipal de Oruro (BMO). In addition to 1836 there are similar books for 1830, 1832 and 1835, although the ethnic breakdown of the sellers of the cotton is only available for 1832 and 1835. The Indians did not pay customs duties, since presumably the cotton was the ‘second sale’ in Bolivian territory.

14 ‘Libro Copiador de las Correspondencias con la Prefectura en el Año de 1832’, BMO, 1833, p. 17. Paria was the market town in Oruro where the Indians sold the Peruvian cotton to Cochabamba merchants: see Joseph Pentland, Informe sobre Bolivia 1826 (Potosí, 1975), p. 103.

15 ‘No. 112 Salinas de Garcimendoza 1858’, 1850–1856 Civiles, AJP, f. 3.

16 Ibid., f. 1. It was illegal for non-miners to possess piña plata, since the miners were obliged by law to take the silver to the mining banks and have it converted to coin.

17 ‘Verbal ejecutivo seguido por Isidro Nina contra Cruz Gabriel, por cobro de pesos. Año 1839’, 1834–1839 Civiles, AJP, f. 4.

18 5 Jan. 1843, Notary Angel Mno Delgado, Fondo Notarial, Corte Superior de Oruro.

19 For an explanation of this smuggling circuit, see Langer, ‘Contraband and Credit’. This information is based on copies of Pacheco's correspondence located in the main university library of the Universidad de San Andrés in La Paz. A marco equals 230 grams of silver. Antonio Mitre discusses the transport of silver in Los patriarcas de la plata: Estructura socioeconómica de la minería boliviana en el siglo XIX (Lima, 1981), pp. 156–79.

20 ‘Poopó: Civil Administrativo Seguido por José Manuel Idalgo, Juan López y otros. Pidiendo la adjudicación del Socabon de la mina de Machacamarca en el cerro Alcalá de Poopó. Año 1853’, 1850–1856 Civiles, AJP.

21 ‘Civil: Sobre la entrega que hace el apoderado Antonio Rivera á los indígenas Mariano y Juan Gomes tutores de los menores Miguel y Manuela Mamani de los bienes pertenecientes á estos de la Testamentaria de Jeronimo Mamani y Biviana Gomes. No 5 1863’, 1862–1865 Civiles, AJP.

22 For 1855, see ‘Libro borrador de Notas de los Corregidores. No 68 1855’, 1850–1856 Civiles, AJP, f. 11; for 1860, see ‘Poopó: Copiador de comunicaciones oficiales con las Jefaturas Políticas de la República, Año de 1860’, 22 Sep. 1860, AJP. For Chichas, see Silbestre Villegas to Prefect, Cotagaita, 4 Jan. 1840, PD 352 ‘Subprefectura de Nor Chichas (1840)’, Archivo de la Casa de la Moneda (Potosí) and El Orureño, no. 6 (10 Aug. 1875), 1:1, M835, Archivo Nacional de Bolivia. Tristan Platt has noted this contraband in his ‘Historias unidas, memorias escindidas: las empresas mineras de los hermanos Ortíz y la construcción de las elites nacionales, Salta y Potosí, 1800–1880’, Andes: Antropología e Historia, no. 7 (1995–96), p. 200. For an example earlier in the nineteenth century, see William Lofstrom, Dámaso de Uriburu, un empresario minero de principios del siglo XIX en Bolivia (La Paz, 1982).

23 See Platt, Estado boliviano.

24 Tristan Platt, as quoted in Larson, Trials of Nation Making, p. 212. The importance of Indian tribute for nineteenth-century state finance was first discussed in Nicolas Sánchez Albornoz, Indios y tributos en el Alto Perú (Lima, 1978), pp. 187–218.

25 Thurner, From Two Republics, passim; Andrés Guerrero, La semántica de la dominación: El concertaje de indios (Quito, 1991).

26 Charles Walker, Smoldering Ashes: Cuzco and the Creation of Republican Peru, 1780–1840 (Durham, 1999), pp. 212–21.

27 For an overview of these differences, see Démelas, L'invention politique.

28 Platt, ‘Historias unidas, memorias escindidas’.

29 The exaltation in nationalist discourse of Eduardo Abaroa, who was one of the very few who resisted the Chilean troops in Calama, seems to bear this out: see Roberto Querejazú Calvo, Guano, salitre y sangre: Historia de la Guerra del Pacífico (Cochabamba, 1979), pp. 289–306.

30 See, for example, Jefe Político of Poopó to Prefect of Oruro, Poopó, 21 March 1860, ‘Poopó: Copiador de comunicaciones oficiales con las Jefaturas Políticas de la República Año de 1860’, 1860–1861 Civiles, AJP.

31 See Sánchez Albornoz, Indios y tributos.

32 See Platt, ‘Simón Bolívar’, passim.

33 See Jorge Alejandro Ovando Sanz, El tributo indígena en las finanzas bolivianas del siglo XIX (La Paz, 1985), pp. 9–28; see also Langer, Erick D., ‘El liberalismo y la abolición de la comunidad indígena en Bolivia en el siglo XIX’, Historia y Cultura, vol. 14 (1988), pp. 59–95Google Scholar, and Démelas, L'invention politique.

34 Much ink has been spilled on Indian tribute in the Andes. For Bolivia, see Grieshaber, Erwin P., ‘Survival of Indian Communities in Nineteenth-Century Bolivia: A Regional Comparison’, Journal of Latin American Studies, vol. 12, no. 2 (1980), pp. 223–69Google Scholar; Sánchez Albornoz, Indios y tributos; Gustavo Rodríguez Ostria, ¿Expansión del latifundio o supervivencia de las comunidades indígenas? Cambios en la estructura agraria boliviana del siglo XIX (Cochabamba, 1983). For Peru, see Nils Jacobsen, ‘Taxation in Early Republican Peru, 1821–1851: Policy Making between Reform and Tradition’, in Reinhard Liehr (ed.), América Latina en la época de Simón Bolívar (Berlin, 1989), pp. 324–30; Víctor Peralta Ruíz, En pos del tributo en el Cusco rural, 1826–1854 (Cuzco, 1991); Hünefeldt, Christine, ‘Poder y contribuciones: Puno, 1825–1845’, Revista Andina, vol. 7, no. 2 (1989), pp. 367–407Google Scholar. For Ecuador, see Van Aken, Mark, ‘The Lingering Death of Indian Tribute in Ecuador’, Hispanic American Historical Review, vol. 61, no. 3 (1981), pp. 429–60Google Scholar; Guerrero, Andrés, ‘Curagas y tenientes politicos: La ley de la costumbre y la ley del estado (Otavalo 1830–1875)’, Revista Andina, vol. 7, no. 2 (1989), pp. 321–66.Google Scholar

35 Rossana Barragán, Indios, mujeres y ciudadanos: Legislación y ejercicio de la ciudadanía en Bolivia (siglo XIX) (La Paz, 1999), p. 53.

36 Colección oficial de leyes, decretos, órdenes y resoluciones supremas que se han expedido para el régimen de República Boliviana, vol. 5 (Sucre, 1857), p. 231. For 1843 and 1860, see Meliton Torrico, Indice general de leyes, decretos, resoluciones, órdenes y demás disposiciones administrativas de le República de Bolivia desde 1825 hasta 1882 inclusive (Rosario, 1884), pp. 242–3.

37 See Sánchez Albornoz, Indios y tributos, pp. 187–218.

38 Also, not all tribute collectors were indigenous in nineteenth-century Bolivia: see Tristan Platt, ‘The Andean Experience of Bolivian Liberalism, 1825–1900: Roots of Rebellion in 19th-Century Chayanta (Potosí)’, in Steve J. Stern (ed.), Resistance, Rebellion, and Consciousness in the Andean Peasant World, 18th to 20th Centuries (Madison, 1987), pp. 280–323. The cleavage between indigenous leaders and community members was not isolated to the Andes: see, for example, Greg Grandin, The Blood of Guatemala: A History of Race and Nation (Durham NC, 2000), where the author shows the divides between the indigenous elites and commoners in Quetzaltenango, Guatemala.

39 In most cases the lists included both husbands' and wives' names. It appears that the whole household worked as a unit in the various offices, in which men, their wives and probably their children had duties.

40 ‘Obrados seguidos por Romualdo Poquechoque contra el corregidor de Challapata. Pidiendo se le deje pasar el Alferezco de San Juan. Año 1842’, 1840–1849 Civiles II, AJP, fs. 1v–2.

41 This is a system that has been described in many places in the Andes. For some examples, see Roger Neil Rasnacke, Domination and Cultural Resistance: Authority and Power among an Andean People (Durham NC, 1988). For a description of groups in the area around Challapata, see Thomas A. Abercrombie, Pathways of Memory and Power: Ethnography and History among an Andean People (Madison, 1998).

42 ‘Obrados seguidos por Romualdo Poquechoque’, f. 4.

43 Ibid., fs. 6–7. The tinca was a sprinkling of alcohol as a libation.

44 Ibid., f. 7v.

45 Robert Smale, ‘Above and Below: Peasants and Miners in Oruro and Northern Potosí, Bolivia (1899–1929)’, unpubl. PhD diss., University of Texas, 2005, pp. 150–5.

46 ‘Libro borrador de Notas de los Corregidores’, no. 68 1855, AJP, f. 2.

47 ‘Poopó: Copiador de comunicaciones oficiales con las Jefaturas Políticas de la República Año de 1860’, 26 and 28 Nov. 1860, 1860–1861 Civiles, AJP. In fact, the Indians only captured a hapless German mining engineer, Hugo Reck, and his entourage, who were released once their identities had been established. For a short summary of this movement, which began in Santa Cruz, see Nicanor Aranzaes, Las revoluciones en Bolivia (La Paz, 1980 [1918]), pp. 164–5.

48 ‘Poopó: Copiador de comunicaciones oficiales’, 5 Oct. 1860.

49 The Andean cargo system is complex and varied across ethnic groups and also over time. There are no good descriptions of cargo systems for the nineteenth century except for fragments such as the one above. However, there are certain constants, such as the use of wealthy members to occupy these offices and their collateral sponsorship of other activities such as fiestas and reciprocal giving. The movement up the community hierarchy as a household ages and increases in resources is a common feature. For ethnographic studies within the region under study that include historical perspectives, see Abercrombie, Pathways of Memory and Power, and Rasnacke, Domination and Cultural Resistance.

50 See, for example, Karen Spalding, ‘Social Climbers: Changing Patterns of Mobility among the Indians of Colonial Peru’, Hispanic American Historical Review, vol. 50, no. 4 (1970), pp. 645–64; Sergio Serulnikov, Subverting Colonial Authority: Challenges to Spanish Rule in Eighteenth-Century Southern Andes (Durham NC, 2003).

51 ‘Challapata: Obrados seguido por Manuel Mamani, sobre reclamo y exhimición del nombramiento de alcalde cobrador, del Aillo Andamarca. Año 1854’, 1850–1856 Civiles, AJP, f. 2v. Also see ‘No. 189 1865’, 1862–1865 Civiles, AJP.

52 This is a pattern that goes back to pre-Inca days but has continued to exist up to the present in many communities. For the pioneering work on this, see John Murra, Formaciones políticas y económicas en el mundo andino (Lima, 1975). For a twentieth-century analysis, see Tristan Platt, ‘The Role of the Andean Ayllu in the Reproduction of the Petty Commodity Regime in Northern Potosí (Bolivia)’, in David Lehman (ed.), Ecology and Exchange in the Andes (Cambridge, 1982), pp. 27–69.

53 ‘Civil de Huari. Ejecutivo por cobro de pesos. Agustin Carata contra Mamani Choque y Ocsa 1851’, 1850–1856 Civiles, AJP. These were not the only valley lands in this region where many of the residents had been turned into arrenderos: see the case of Hacienda Piosera, which belonged to the Urmiri de Quillacas community in the highlands; ‘Hacienda Piosera’, No. 3745, Servicio Nacional de Reforma Agraria (Sucre).

54 There are many cases in probate records where creoles and mestizos owe money to community Indians, although there are many more cases in which Indians owe other Indians. See, for example, ‘Ejecutivo seguido por Juan Beliz contra Guillermo Sempertegui, cobrando pesos 1839’, ‘Ejecutivo: Agustin Nina contra Jacinto Orosco. Cobro de pesos. Año 1834’, 1834–1839 Civiles, AJP; ‘No. 4 Toledo Civil: Juicio de esperas promovido por Gregorio Alarcon y que pide á sus acreedores 1871’, ‘1869: Manuel Mamani contra Emeterio Gonzales, por coca’, 1869–1971 Civiles, AJP. See also Erick D. Langer, ‘Género y comercio a mediados del siglo XIX en Bolivia: El caso de Antonia Lojo, una acaudalada mujer indígena en Challapata’, Archivo y Biblioteca Nacionales de Bolivia, Anuario 2002 (Sucre, 2002), pp. 107–29, where one case is analysed in depth.

55 Since most cases were abandoned before final judgment, it is very difficult to know the outcome of these disputes. One suspects that the use of the courts served as a device to pressure litigants to settle and thus proved useful, despite the lack of final verdicts.

56 For the best summary of the impact of Melgarejo on the communities, see Larson, Trials of Nation Making, pp. 216–19.

57 Erwin P. Grieshaber, ‘Survival of Indian Communities in Nineteenth-Century Bolivia’, PhD diss., University of North Carolina, 1977, p. 199.

58 ‘Toledo: Posesorio por Maria Choque del Aillo Pumasava 1870 Año 1879’, 1869–1871 Civiles, AJP. The testament in question was written in 1866.

59 For the argument on credit, see Langer, ‘Contraband and Credit’.

60 See, for example, ‘Verval: Humire No. 255 1881’, 1880–1881 Civiles, AJP.

61 See Grieshaber, ‘Survival of Indian Communities’ (1977).

62 For an example of the effects by the early twentieth century in Chichas, see Ana Teruel, ‘La desamortización de la propiedad comunal indígena: Pervivencias y transformaciones en la estructura agraria de la Provincia de Sud Chichas’, Anuario del Archivo y Biblioteca Nacionales de Bolivia (Sucre, 2007), pp. 639–80.

63 See Langer, ‘El liberalismo y la abolición’, and Démelas, Nationalisme sans nation?

64 On the 1898–99 Federalist War and the Peñas episode, see Ramiro Condarco Morales, Zárate, el temible Willka: Historia de la rebelión indígena de 1899 (La Paz, 1966); Pilar Mendieta Parada, Tupac Katari a Zárate Willka: Alianzas, pactos, resistencia y rebelión en Mohoza, 1780–1899 (La Paz, 2001); Pilar Mendieta Parada, Indígenas en política: Una mirada desde la historia (La Paz, 2008); Hylton, Forrest, ‘El federalismo insurgente: una aproximación a Juan Lero, los comunarios y la Guerra Federal’, Tinkazos: Revista Boliviana de Ciencias Sociales, vol. 16 (2004), pp. 99–118.Google Scholar

65 See also Langer, Erick D., ‘Indian Trade and Ethnic Economies in the Andes, 1780–1880’, Estudios Interdisciplinarios de América Latina y el Caribe, vol. 15, no. 1 (2004), pp. 9–33.Google Scholar