Article contents
Beyond Law and Order: The Origins of the Jogo do Bicho in Republican Rio de Janeiro*
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 26 July 2007
Abstract
At the beginning of Brazil's First Republic (1889–1930), the clandestine lottery called the jogo do bicho or ‘animal game’, which still exists today, gained enormous popularity in Rio de Janeiro, the city of its origin, and soon in the whole of Brazil. Reconstructing the spread and persecution of the jogo do bicho during its first decades reveals the social process of urbanisation evident in the daily, often informal and quasi-legal, interactions between the state and popular commerce in Latin America. The ambivalent official stance and public sentiment that developed toward this lottery suggest that ‘law and order’ concerns in themselves do not explain the criminalisation of vernacular practices.
Resumen: En los comienzos de la Primera República de Brasil (1889–1930), la lotería clandestina llamada el jogo do bicho o “juego de animal”, que aún existe, adquirió una enorme popularidad en Río de Janeiro, su ciudad de origen, y luego en todo Brasil. Al reconstruir la difusión y persecución de jogo do bicho durante las primeras décadas se revela el proceso social de urbanización evidenciado en las interacciones diarias, con frecuencia informales y semi-legales entre el Estado y el comercio popular en Latinoamérica. La postura ambivalente oficial y el sentimiento popular que se desarrolló durante esta lotería, sugiere que las preocupaciones por la “ley y el orden” no explican en sí mismas la criminalización de tales prácticas vernáculas.
Palabras clave: jogo do bicho, apuestas, mantenimiento del orden, Brasil, Río de Janeiro, República Liberal, urbanización.
Resumo: No início da Primeira Republica do Brasil (1889-1930), o jogo do bicho – a loteria clandestina que continua até os dias de hoje – atingiu enorme popularidade em sua cidade de origem, o Rio de Janeiro, e logo se espalhou pelo resto do Brasil. Ao reconstruir a difusão e perseguição do jogo do bicho no decurso de suas primeiras décadas, revela-se o processo social de urbanização demonstrado nas interações diárias, muitas vezes informais e quase legais entre o estado e o coméricio popular na América Latina. A ambivalente postura oficial e a opinião pública que desenvolveram-se em relação a esse jogo sugerem que preocupações sobre “lei e ordem” são insuficientes para explicar a criminalização de práticas locais.
Palavras-chave: jogo do bicho, jogo, policiamento, Brasil, Rio de Janeiro, República Liberal, urbanização
- Type
- Research Article
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2007
References
1 Exceptions are Felipe Santos Magalhães, ‘Ganhou leva … Do vale o impresso ao vale o escrito: uma história social do jogo do bicho no Rio de Janeiro (1890–1960)’, unpubl. PhD diss., Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, 2005; Amy Chazkel, ‘Laws of Chance: Urban Society and the Criminalization of the Jogo do Bicho in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 1880–1941’, unpubl. PhD diss., Yale University, 2002, and Laws of Chance: The Jogo do Bicho and the Making of Urban Public Life (Durham, forthcoming). For scholarship outside history see Marcelo Pereira de Mello, ‘A história social dos jogos de azar no Rio de Janeiro, 1808–1946’, unpubl. MA thesis, UEIRJ, 1989; Roberto DaMatta and Elena Soárez, Águias, burros e borboletas: um estudo antropológico do jogo do bicho (Rio de Janeiro, 1999), pp. 59–99; and Micael Herschmann and Kátia Lerner, Lance de sorte: o futebol e o jogo do bicho na Belle Époque carioca (Rio de Janeiro, 1993), pp. 61–79. Non-scholarly literature includes Renato José Costa Pacheco, Antologia do jogo do bicho (Rio de Janeiro, 1957), pp. 15–17; Hugo Pedro Carradore, Folclore do jogo do bicho (São Paulo, 1979), pp. 15–21.
2 Joseph, Gilbert M., ‘Preface’, in Salvatore, Ricardo D.et al. (eds.), Crime and Punishment in Latin America: Law and Society since Late Colonial Times (Durham, 2001), p. xiiiGoogle Scholar; and Carlos Aguirre and Ricardo D. Salvatore, ‘Writing the History of Law, Crime, and Punishment in Latin America’, Ibid., p. 4.
3 José Murilo de Carvalho, Os bestializados: O Rio de Janeiro e a República que não foi (São Paulo, 1999), pp. 15–41; Jeffrey D. Needell, A Tropical Belle Epoque: Elite Society and Culture in Turn-of-the-Century Rio de Janeiro (Cambridge, 1987); Martha Abreu, O Império do divino: festas religiosas e cultura popular no Rio de Janeiro, 1830–1900 (Rio de Janeiro, 2002); Emilia Viotti da Costa, The Brazilian Empire: Myths and Histories 2nd ed. rev. (Chapel Hill, 2000).
4 Julio Ramos, Divergent Modernities: Culture and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Latin America, trans. John D. Blanco (Durham, 2001); Joseph, ‘Preface’, pp. xii–xvi.
5 Sílvia Moreira, São Paulo na Primeira República (São Paulo, 1988), p. 27; Gisálio Cerqueira Filho, A Questão Social no Brasil: Crítica do discurso político (Rio de Janeiro, 1982), pp. 28–61.
6 Pablo Piccato, City of Suspects: Crime in Mexico City, 1900–1931 (Durham, 2001); Mark Overmyer-Velázquez, Visions of the Emerald City: Modernity, Tradition, and the Formation of Porfirian Oaxaca, Mexico (Durham, 2006). See also Alejandra Bronfman, Measures of Equality: Social Science, Citizenship, and Race in Cuba, 1902–1940 (Chapel Hill, 2004).
7 Cunha, Olívia Maria Gomes da, ‘The Stigmas of Dishonor: Criminal Records, Civil Rights, and Forensic Identification in Rio de Janeiro, 1903–1940’, in Caulfield, SueAnnet al. (eds.), Honor, Status, and the Law in Modern Latin America (Durham, 2005), pp. 293–315Google Scholar; Carvalho, Os bestializados, pp. 30–1.
8 See for example Juan Pedro Viqueira Albán, Propriety and Permissiveness in Bourbon Mexico, trans. Sonya Lipsett-Rivera and Sergio Rivera Ayala (New York, 1999); Silvia Marina Arrom, Containing the Poor: The Mexico City Poorhouse, 1774–1871 (Durham, 2000); Thomas H. Holloway, Policing Rio de Janeiro: Repression and Resistance in a Nineteenth-Century City (Stanford, 1993). The quotation is from Viqueira Albán, Propriety and Permissiveness, p. xix.
9 Bronfman, Measures of Equality; Piccato, City of Suspects; Dain Borges, ‘Healing and Mischief: Witchcraft in Brazilian Law and Literature, 1890–1922’, in Salvatore et al. (eds.), Crime and Punishment, pp. 181–210.
10 Douglas Hay, ‘Property, Authority, and the Criminal Law’, in Douglas Hay et al., Albion's Fatal Tree: Crime and Society in Eighteenth-Century England (London, 1975), pp. 17–63; John Langbein, ‘Albion's Fatal Flaws’, Past and Present vol. 98 (1980), p. 29–50.
11 Viqueira Albán, Propriety and Permissiveness.
12 E. P. Thompson, Whigs and Hunters: The Origin of the Black Acts (New York, 1975), p. 260.
13 The quotation is from Viqueira Albán, Propriety and Permissiveness, p. xviii.
14 Piccato, City of Suspects.
15 David Garland, Punishment and Modern Society: A Study in Social Theory (Chicago, 1993); Piccato, City of Suspects; Brodwyn Fischer, ‘The Poverty of Law: Rio de Janeiro, 1930–1964’, unpubl. PhD diss., Harvard University, 1999.
16 Benchimol, Jaime Larry, Pereira Passos, um Haussmann tropical: a renovação urbana da cidade do Rio de Janeiro no início do século XX (Rio de Janeiro, 1990), p. 319Google Scholar.
17 Mario Ribeiro da Cruz, Vale o escrito: casos do jogo do bicho (Rio de Janeiro, 2000); Luís da Câmara Cascudo, Dicionário do Folclore Brasileiro (Rio de Janeiro, 1954); Brasil Gerson, História das ruas do Rio, 5th ed. rev. (Rio de Janeiro, 2000), pp. 358–9; June E. Hahner, Poverty and Politics: The Urban Poor in Brazil, 1870–1920 (Albuquerque, 1986), p. 215; DaMatta and Soáres, Águias, burros e borboletas, pp. 59–99; Geraldo Lopes, ‘Quase 3 mil pontos de ‘bicho’ na cidade,’ Tribuna da Imprensa (24 October 1978), Arquivo Público do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (APERJ), Coleção DOPS.
18 Lobo, Eulália Maria Lahmeyer, História do Rio de Janeiro: do capital comercial ao capital industrial e financeiro, vol. 2 (Rio de Janeiro, 1978Google Scholar); Benchimol, Pereira Passos, pp. 96–111. On Mauá see Faoro, Raymundo, Os donos de poder: formação do patronata político brasilieiro (Porto Alegre, 1958), pp. 433–4Google Scholar.
19 Abreu, Mauricio de A., Evolução urbana do Rio de Janeiro (Rio de Janeiro, 1987), p. 44Google Scholar; Benchimol, Pereira Passos, p. 106; Gerson, História das ruas, p. 359.
20 DaMatta and Soáres, Águias, burros e borboletas, pp. 60–1.
21 Ibid., p. 61; Arquivo Geral da Cidade do Rio de Janeiro (AGCRJ), códice 15-4-62, folhas 2–3.
22 DaMatta and Soárez, Águias, burros e borboletas, pp. 62; Mello, ‘A história social’, p. 56; Benchimol, Pereira Passos, p. 111, fn.20.
23 Almeida Barata, Carlos Eduardo de and Cunha Bueno, Antônio Henrique de, Dicionário de famílias brasileiras, vol. 1. (São Paulo, 2000), p. 879Google Scholar.
24 AGCRJ, 15-4-62, folha 10. See also DaMatta and Soárez, Águias, burros e borboletas, pp. 65; Mello, ‘A história social’, p. 57.
25 AGCRJ, 15-4-62, folha 10.
26 Mello, ‘A história social’, p. 58. See also DaMatta and Soárez, Águias, burros e borboletas, pp. 65. Rio's daily newspapers (Jornal do Brasil; O Tempo; Diário do Comércio) establish the date by which Drummond had begun to run the sorteio dos bichos as 3 and 4 July 1892.
27 The monetary unit during the Brazilian Empire and First Republic, the mil-réis (often expressed without the hyphen) replaced the real, or ‘royal’, the monetary unit used during the colonial era. The mil-réis originated as a multiple of the real, which inflation had rendered virtually valueless. The currency changed to the cruzeiro in 1942. See Castro Gomes, Ângela de and Kornis, Mônica Almeida, ‘Com a história no bolso: moeda e a República no Brasil’, in Castro Gomes, Ângela de and Kornis, Mônica Almeida (eds.), Com a história no bolso: moeda e a República no Brasil (Rio de Janeiro: Museu Histórico Nacional, 2002), p. 12Google Scholar.
28 Jornal do Brasil, 4 July 1892; Alexandre Campos, Dicionário de curiosidades do Rio de Janeiro (São Paulo, 1965), p. 147; Gerson, História das ruas, p. 359; Benchimol, Pereira Passos, Illustration 14, n/p. For 1892 salaries, see Lobo, História do Rio de Janeiro, p. 804.
29 O Tempo, 11 July 1892; Diário do Comércio, 11 July 1892.
30 AGCRJ, códice 55-4-9, folha 9.
31 Hugo Pedro Carredore, Folclore do jogo do bicho (São Paulo, 1979), p. 19. See also DaMatta and Soárez, Águias, burros e borboletas, pp. 79.
32 O Tempo, 12 July 1892.
33 AGCRJ, códice 15-4-62, folha 16.
34 Felipe Magalhães cites the contracts that Drummond's company signed with an entertainment entrepreneur, Luiz Galvez, and then Marques, Ribeiro, and Company, which effectively subcontracted the games at the zoo to these entertainment enterprises in 1894–1895: ‘Ganhou leva …’, pp. 24–5. See also O Tempo, 3 July 1892; Mello, ‘A história social’, pp. 1–32, 55, 56, 62; Benchimol, Pereira Passos, p. 111, fn 20; Herschmann and Lerner, Lance da sorte, pp. 68; Carredore, Folclore do jogo do bicho, pp. 15, 17–18; DaMatta and Soárez, Águias, burros e borboletas, pp. 67.
35 DaMatta and Soárez, Águias, burros e borboletas, pp. 76; Carredore, Folclore do jogo do bicho, 20; Mello, ‘A história social’, pp. 61.
36 AGCRJ, códice 45-2-48.
37 DaMatta and Soárez, Águias, burros e borboletas p. 75.
38 AGCRJ, códice 15-4-62, folhas 14, 30; Relatório do Ministro de Justiça e Negócios Interiores do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, April 1896), p. 153; Anaes do Conselho Municipal (D. F.) (Rio de Janeiro, September 1897), p. 117.
39 O Tempo, 23 July 1892.
40 AGCRJ, códice 15-4-62, folhas 12–3.
41 Mello, ‘A história social’, p. 60.
42 Municipal Law (Decreto) 126; DaMatta and Soárez, Águias, burros e borboletas, p. 80.
43 Mello, ‘A história social’, pp. 39–40, 42; DaMatta and Soárez, Águias, burros e borboletas, p. 79.
44 AGCRJ, códice 40-2-45.
45 DaMatta and Soárez, Águias, burros e borboletas, p. 76.
46 As in the United States, bicheiros are reputed to have based the game on daily stock quotations; Ann Fabian, Card Sharps, Dream Books, and Bucket Shops: Gambling in Nineteenth-Century America (Ithaca, 1990). Mello suggests that bookmakers invented the idea of deriving jogo do bicho winners by associating animals with the final digits of the official lottery numbers; ‘A história social’, pp. 39–40.
47 Carradore, Folclore do jogo do bicho, pp. 29–31; DaMatta and Soárez, Águias, burros e borboletas, pp. 87–8.
48 DaMatta and Soárez, Águias, burros e borboletas, pp. 87; Cooper, Clayton Sedgwick, The Brazilians and their Country (New York, 1917), p. 263Google Scholar.
49 See for example AN, Notação T8 1677 (5 January 1904); AN, Notação T8 3467 (19 June 1908).
50 Requests for licences to sell lottery tickets demonstrate the ubiquity of lottery tickets sales throughout the city, although the archival record is far from complete; see AGCRJ códices 45-4-23, 45-4-24, 45-4-27, and 23-5-26.
51 See for example Arquivo Nacional (AN), Série Processos Crimes, T8-1755.
52 These data on the contents of prisoners' pockets come from the mostly uncatalogued GIFI (Grupo de Identificação dos Fundos Internos) collection in Brazil's National Archive; AN, GIfI 6C-30, Abril 1898, ‘Papeis sobre depositos de presos.’
53 AGCRJ, códices 45-4-20 and 45-4-21.
54 For early-twentieth-century jogo do bicho tip sheets see O Bicho and O Palpite (Biblioteca Nacional, Setor de Periódicos). See also DaMatta and Soárez, Águias, burros e borboletas, pp. 84–7. Ann Fabian documents an analogous phenomenon in the US: Card Sharks, Dream Books, and Bucket Shops.
55 The best data on the cost of playing the jogo do bicho in the late 1890s comes from the tickets seized as evidence in jogo do bicho processos crimes. See for example AN, OR.0822.
56 Waldyr de Abreu, O submundo da prostuição, vadiagem e jôgo do bicho: Aspectos Jurídicos, Sociais e Psicológicos. 2a ed. (Rio de Janeiro, 1968), p. 103.
57 AN, Série Processo Crime, José Raposo do Conto Jr. e Antonio Marques da Silva, Delegacia de Polícia do 2o Distrito (1911).
58 AN, T7-0018 (Processos Crimes).
59 Ibid.
60 Times of arrests for the jogo do bicho are found the processos crimes examined in the Arquivo Nacional. On the Guarda Nocturna, see Bretas, Marcos, A guerra das ruas: povo e polícia na cidade do Rio de Janeiro (Rio de Janeiro, 1997), p. 36Google Scholar.
61 AN, OR.0822.
62 Of the 811,443 people recorded in the 1906 census of the Federal District, proportionally the largest professions include: ‘unclassified industries’ (26,019); building construction (31,800); commerce (62,062); domestic service (117,904); ‘day workers/manual laborers’ (29,933), in addition to workers in the clothing industry (31,710) and agriculture (21,411); see República dos Estados Unidos do Brasil, Recenseamento do Rio de Janeiro (Distrito Federal) Realisado em 20 de setembro de 1906 (Rio de Janeiro, 1907), p. 104.
63 Dent, Hastings Charles, A Year in Brazil, with notes on the Abolition of Slavery, the Finances of the Empire, Religion, Meteorology, Natural History, etc. (London, 1886), p. 240Google Scholar; Mello, ‘A história social’, pp. 1–32.
64 Carredore, Folclore do jogo do bicho, p. 19.
65 Bretas, A guerra das ruas; Holloway, Policing Rio; Sidney Chalhoub, Trabalho, lar, e botequim: o cotidiano dos trabalhadores no Rio de Janeiro da Belle Époque, 2nd ed. (Campinas, 2001); Borges, ‘Healing and Mischief’, pp. 180–210; Skidmore, Thomas, Black into White: Race and Nationality in Brazilian Thought (Durham, 1993), p. 47CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
66 Martha Abreu and Sidney Chalhoub both argue that the Brazilian historiography's emphasis on the draconian, anti-popular politics of the First Republic is, in part, the legacy of the Republican regime's attempts to justify its own policies by pointing out the weakness and ‘supposed tolerance of the monarchical regime’ that preceded it: Abreu, O Império do divino, pp. 337–8; Chalhoub, Sidney, Cidade febril: cortiços e epidemias na corte imperial (São Paulo, 1996), pp. 290–1Google Scholar.
67 APERJ, Código de Polícia Municipal da Cidade do Rio de Janeiro, pp. 99–101, and Posturas Municipais, September 1898.
68 Mello, ‘A história social’, pp. 39–40; Magalhães, Ganhou leva, pp. 37–43.
69 AGCRJ, códice 15-4-33 and 15-4-63, especially folha 14.
70 Relatório dos Ministérios da Justiça e Negocios Interiores, Projeto n. 51, 1896, p. 28; Anais da Câmara, 1 February 1896, p. 5. See Mello, ‘A história social’, pp. 33–79.
71 Cooper, The Brazilians, 263.
72 Mello, ‘A história social’, pp. 93–6; citing Mello, DaMatta and Soárez affirm his assertion in Águias, burros e borboletas p. 79.
73 DaMatta and Soárez, Águias, burros e borboletas, p. 82.
74 AGCRJ, códice 15-5-62, folha 30. See Benchimol, Pereira Passos; Boone, Christopher G., ‘Streetcars and Politics in Rio de Janeiro: Private Enterprise versus Municipal Government in the Provision of Mass Transit, 1903–1920’, Journal of Latin American Studies vol. 27, no. 2 (May 1995), pp. 343–65CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Fernando Teixeira da Silva, Operários sem patrões: os trabalhadores da cidade de Santos no entreguerras (Campinas, 2003). On the merchant elite in the late nineteenth century, see Albert de Faria, Mauá: Irenêu Evangelista de Souza, Barão e Visconde de Mauá, 1813–1889, 2nd ed. (Rio de Janeiro, 1933); Roderick J. Barman, Citizen Emperor: Pedro II and the Making of Brazil, 1825–91 (Stanford, 1999), p. 192; Isabel Lustosa, As trapaças da Sorte: pequeno relato das circunstâncias que resultaram na prisão do prefeito Pedro Ernesto, à luz das experiências de Maquiavel e de Toqueville (Rio de Janeiro, 1994); Emilia Viotti da Costa, ‘Brazil: The Age of Reform, 1870–1889’, in Leslie Bethell (ed.), The Cambridge History of Latin America (New York, 1986), vol. V, p. 731; Costa, The Brazilian Empire, pp. 53–77, 172–201; Needell, A Tropical Belle-Epoque.
75 See for example AGCRJ, códice 15-4-62; Gerson, História das ruas, p. 359.
76 Teresa A. Meade, “Civilizing” Rio: Reform and Resistance in a Brazilian City, 1889–1930 (University Park, PA, 1997), pp. 58–60; Carvalho, p. 70; Abreu, Evolução urbana, pp. 36–54; Benchimol, Pereira Passos, p. 106. Gerson, História das ruas, p. 359.
77 Benchimol, Pereira Passos, p. 107; Boone, ‘Streetcars and Politics’, pp. 343–65.
78 See Boone, ‘Streetcars and Politics’.
79 Fernando da França Leite, Rio de Janeiro: Uma Viagem no Tempo; Needell, A Tropical Belle-Epoque, pp. 65–72.
80 Gerson, História das ruas, pp. 361–2.
81 Abreu, Evoluçao Urbana, p. 35; Costa, The Brazilian Empire, pp. 195, 291 fn 33.
82 See generally AGCRJ, códices 45-4-21; 45-4-23; 45-4-25; 45-4-29; 45-5-30; 45-5-30; 45-5-31; 45-5-32; 45-5-33.
83 See for example AGCRJ, códice 45-4-21, folha 129.
84 AGCRJ, códice 45-2-22, folhas 2–6. Viqueira Albán documents a similar phenomenon in late-Bourbon Mexico: Propriety and Permissiveness, p. 131.
85 AGCRJ, códice 58-3-38, folhas 20–21.
86 See especially documents related to kiosks (kiosques) from 1883 to 1911: AGCRJ, códices 45-4-21; 45-4-23; 45-4-25; 45-4-29; 45-5-30; 45-5-30; 45-5-31; 45-5-32; and 45-5-33. See also AGCRJ, códice 61-1-19-A2.
87 Such concessions were normally for periods between ten and twenty years.
88 This regulation of petty commerce also reflected public health concerns. See AGCRJ, códice 58-3-39, folha 4; Sidney Chalhoub, Cidade febril; Gilberto Hochman, A era do saneamento: as bases da política de saúde pública no Brasil (São Paulo, 1998), pp. 55–7.
89 AGCRJ, códice 58-3-39, folhas 38–49.
90 See also Jornal do Comércio, 19 January 1885.
91 Robert Moses Pechman, Cidades estreitamente vigiadas: O detetive e o urbanista (Rio de Janeiro, 2002), pp. 303–75; Holloway, Policing Rio; Carvalho, José Murilo de, A construção da ordem: a elite politica imperial; Teatro de sombras: a política imperial, 2nd ed. rev. (Rio de Janeiro, 1996), p. 232Google Scholar.
92 See especially AGCRJ, códice 45-4-22, folhas 35–41.
93 AGCRJ, códices 43-3-48; 24-8-91, folhas 3–4.
94 Annaes do Conselho (April 1898). ‘Gambling sporting events’ is a translation of the jogos de frontões in the original: see Bretas, A guerra das ruas, pp. 88–92; Mello, ‘A história social’, pp. 42–3. Pelotas (or pelas), an athletic game of Basque origin, was popular in late nineteenth-century Rio de Janeiro as both a spectator sport and for betting: see Ibid., pp. 45–6.
95 Annais do Conselho (April 1898), parecer 21.
96 Senado Federal, Lei 2321, 30 December 1910.
97 Merryman, John Henry, The Civil Law Tradition: An Introduction to the Legal Systems of Western Europe and Latin America, 2nd ed. (Stanford, 1985)Google Scholar.
98 DaMatta and Soárez, Águias, burros e borboletas, pp. 81; Jorge Crespo, ‘Os jogos de fortuna ou azar em Lisboa em fins do Antigo Regime’, Revista de História Econômica e Social no. 8 (July–December 1981), pp. 77–95.
99 APERJ, CD-DF 5626. Arrests of women are exceedingly rare and begin in 1904. See for example AN, notação OI-2625, 9a Vara Criminal, seção de guarda CODES/Judiciário. Arrest statistics are not broken down by suspects’ sex, so this date is approximate and based on my surveys of the processos crimes in the Brazilian National Archive.
100 Ministério da Justiça, Código Penal dos Estados Unidos do Brasil (1890), p. 8.
101 AN, Índices Criminais, 11a Pretoria, (1895–1912).
102 AN, Índices Criminais. Citywide, the number of arrests for the jogo do bicho grew steadily, but were always a relatively small proportion of the total number of arrests for all crimes. For example, the entry log of the Rio de Janeiro Detention Centre indicates that in August 1911 only 20 of the 489 detainees had been arrested for the jogo do bicho; APERJ, CD-6316.
103 Compare for example the number of individuals detained in APERJ, CD-DF-5626 and the number of corresponding cases in the AN, Índices Criminais.
104 Annaes do Conselho, (April 1898), p. 44.
105 Annaes do Conselho, (November 1917), p. 281.
106 AN, Registros de Sentença. See Chazkel, ‘Laws of Chance’, p. 179. The enormous number of persons described as dark-skinned arrested for vagrancy during this same period provides an insufficiently studied contrasting case; see generally da Cunha, Intenção e gesto; Martha K. Huggins, From Slavery to Vagrancy in Brazil: Crime and Social Control in the Third World (New Brunswick, 1985).
107 This analysis is based on the author's survey of detainees in Rio de Janeiro's Casa de Detenção from 1890 to 1929.
108 See entry logs for the Rio de Janeiro city jail; APERJ, CD-DF. For an accusation of police malfeasance as an explanation for the arrest of sellers, see AN, 8a Pretoria do Rio de Janeiro, OR 2915 (1903). There are compelling parallels to law enforcement's ambivalence toward prostitution. See Overmyer-Velázquez, Visions of the Emerald City, pp. 122–60.
109 Felipe Santos Magalhães's dissertation contains the best critical analysis of the jogo do bicho's origin myths: ‘Ganhou leva’, chap. 3. See also Mello, ‘A história social’, pp. 54–64.
110 Saldanha, Gehisa, O jogo do bicho: Como jogar e ganhar (Rio de Janeiro, 1986), pp. 7–15Google Scholar; Gerson, História das ruas, p. 359; Cruz, Vale o escrito; Hahner, Poverty and Politics, p. 215; DaMatta and Soárez, Águias, burros e borboletas, p. 59.
111 I am indebted to the work of Martha Knisely Huggins, whose use of the term ‘moral passage’ to think about criminality in Brazil provided useful food for thought for this analysis of the jogo do bicho: From Slavery to Vagrancy, pp. 55–108. See also Joseph R. Gusfield, ‘Moral Passage: The Symbolic Process in Public Designations of Deviance’, Social Problems no. 15 (1967), pp. 175–88; Kathryn Pyne Addelson, Moral Passages: Toward a Collectivist Moral Theory (New York, 1994).
112 Huggins, From Slavery to Vagrancy, p. 78.
113 Cf. da Cunha, ‘The Stigmas of Dishonor’, 298–9; Overmyer-Velázquez, Visions of the Emerald City, p. 112.
114 Gazeta Operária, no. 16 (11 January 1903), p. 2. I would like to thank Pedro Tórtima for bringing this article to my attention. See also Hahner, Poverty and Politics, p. 215.
115 AN, Serie Justiça, IJ6 – 617 (1916 – ‘Diverasas Autoridades’).
116 Cooper, The Brazilians and their Country, p. 262.
117 Quoted in John Charles Chasteen, ‘The Pre-History of Samba: Carnival Dancing in Rio de Janeiro, 1840–1917’, Journal of Latin American Studies vol. 28, no. 1, (February 1996), p. 39.
118 DaMatta and Soárez, Águias, burros e borboletas; Gilberto Freyre, Casa-grande e senzala: introdução à historia da sociedade patriarchal no Brasil, 43rd ed. (Rio de Janeiro, 2001), pp. 203, 244 fn131.
119 See Chazkel, Laws of Chance, Chapter 5.
- 2
- Cited by