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The Meaning of Electoral Fraud in Oligarchic Regimes: Lessons from the Brazilian Case (1899–1930)

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  25 July 2016

PAOLO RICCI  and
JAQUELINE PORTO ZULINI
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Abstract

What are the characteristics of pre-democratic elections? This article seeks to answer this question by analysing the Brazilian First Republic. Through an original assessment of formal complaints filed by defeated candidates in federal elections, we show that (1) political conflicts were intense and electoral fraud was a consequence of parties’ inability to monopolise the administrative machine in charge of conducting elections; (2) elections were organised by state-level parties, but voting practices were confined to local environments; and (3) voters were mobilised collectively, not individually. These three factors should be taken into account in future research on elections before democracy.

Spanish abstract

¿Cuáles son las características de las elecciones pre-democráticas? Este artículo busca contestar esta pregunta al analizar la Primera República Brasileña. A través del análisis de quejas formales llevadas a cabo por candidatos perdedores en las elecciones federales mostramos que: (1) los conflictos políticos fueron intensos y el fraude electoral se dio como consecuencia de la inhabilidad de los partidos de monopolizar la maquinaria administrativa a cargo de conducir las elecciones; (2) las elecciones fueron organizadas por partidos estatales, pero la votación fue confinada a espacios locales; y (3) los votantes fueron movilizados colectivamente y no de forma individual. Estos tres factores deberían ser tomados en consideración en futuros estudios sobre las elecciones que anteceden a la democracia.

Portuguese abstract

Quais as características das eleições antes da democracia? Este artigo responde a pergunta abordando o caso da Primeira República brasileira. Através da análise inédita das contestações apresentadas pelos candidatos derrotados nas eleições federais, mostraremos que 1) as disputas eram renhidas e a fraude eleitoral se mostrava uma conseqüência da incapacidade dos partidos em monopolizar a maquina administrativa necessária à realização dos escrutínios; 2) as eleições eram organizadas pelos partidos no estado, mas o voto perfazia uma questão circunscrita ao âmbito local; 3) a mobilização dos eleitores se realizava de forma coletiva, e não individual. Estes três fatores deveriam ser levados em consideração em pesquisas futuras sobre as eleições antes da democracia.

Keywords

electoral fraudmobilisation of votersBrazilpolitical competitionvote buyingfraude electoralmovilización de votantesBrasilcompetencia políticacompra de votosfraude eleitoralmobilização de eleitoresBrasildisputa políticacompra de votos
Type
Research Article
Information
Journal of Latin American Studies , Volume 49 , Issue 2 , May 2017 , pp. 243 - 268
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Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2016 

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References

1 Posada-Carbó, Eduardo, ‘Electoral Juggling: A Comparative History of the Corruption of Suffrage in Latin America, 1830–1930’, Journal of Latin American Studies, 32: 3 (2000), p. 625 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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3 Natalio Botana, El orden conservador: la política argentina entre 1880 y 1916 (Buenos Aires: Editorial Sudamericana, 1977).

4 Claudia Herrera and Agustín E. Ferraro, ‘Patronage, Fiscality, and State Building in Argentina and Spain’, in Miguel A. Centeno, Miguel and Agustín E. Ferraro (eds.), State and Nation Making in Latin America and Spain: Republics of the Possible (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), pp. 161–2.

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8 Valenzuela, Samuel J., ‘Hacia la formación de instituciones democráticas: prácticas electorales en Chile durante el siglo XIX’, Estudios Públicos, 66 (otoño 1997), p. 255 Google Scholar.

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10 Richard F. Bensel, The American Ballot Box in the Mid-Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), p. 85.

11 Frank O'Gorman, Voters, Patrons, and Parties: The Unreformed Electoral System of Hanoverian England 1734–1832 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989). This work is clearly in contraposition to the classical analysis by D. C. Moore, The Politics of Deference (Hassocks: Harvester Press, 1976). For an extended analysis of O'Gorman's views on the post-reform period, see the edited volume by Jon Lawrance and Miles Taylor, Party, State and Society: Electoral Behaviour in Britain since 1820 (Aldershot: Scholar Press, 1997).

12 Maria D'Alva Kinzo, Representação política e sistema eleitoral no Brasil (São Paulo: Edições Símbolo, 1980), pp. 77–80; Boris Fausto, História do Brasil (São Paulo: EDUSP, 1995), p. 262; Raymundo Faoro, Os donos do poder. Formação do patronato político brasileiro (Rio de Janeiro: Globo, 2001, 3rd edition), pp. 774–6.

13 Walter Costa Porto, A mentirosa urna (São Paulo: Martins Fontes, 2004), p. 74.

14 Botana, El orden, p. 185.

15 Posada-Carbó, ‘Electoral Juggling’, p. 625; Richard Graham, Patronage and Politics in Nineteenth Century Brazil (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994); and José Murilo de Carvalho, Desenvolvimento de la ciudadania en Brasil (México DF: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1995). According to Graham, elections played only a ritualistic role and were a mechanism of mediation among political forces, where patronage dictated the whole process of vote seeking and did not leave much room for voters’ actions. This was stated more empathically by Carvalho, who highlights the total dependency of voter on local bosses. The electorate was incapable of jeopardising the system due to the generalised use of fraud and coercion.

16 Victor Nunes Leal, Coronelismo, enxada e voto (Rio de Janeiro: Editora Nova Fronteira, 1997, 3rd edition).

17 An analogous endeavour for Imperial Brazil can be found in Dolhnikoff, Miriam, ‘Governo representativo e legislação eleitoral no Brasil do Século XIX’, Journal of Iberian and Latin American Research, 20: 1 (2014), pp. 66–82 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Maria Dias, ‘Sociabilidades sem história: votantes pobres no Império, 1824–1881’, in Marcos Cezar de Freitas (eds.), Historiografia brasileira em perspectiva (São Paulo: Contexto, 2005), pp. 57–72; Saba, Roberto, ‘As eleições do cacete e o problema da manipulação eleitoral no Brasil monárquico’, Almanack, 2 (2011), pp. 126–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Limongi, Fernando, ‘Revisiting the Brazilian Second Reign Elections: Manipulation, Fraud and Violence’, Lua Nova, 91: 1 (2014), pp. 13–51 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

18 Brazil used a majoritarian electoral system, where the largest states were divided in electoral districts. The elections of 1894 and 1897 did not take place, due to inconsistent information in official documents.

19 Without electoral justice, the electoral process ended inside the National Congress, which had the prerogative of declaring the winning candidates, similarly to what was commonly observed in other European and Latin American countries. These complaints followed rules provided by the internal regime, which did not vary from state to state and remained intact over the years. The claimant could file his appeal directly or through a letter of attorney in his own district, without the need to travel to the federal capital. The costs incurred by claimants were, therefore, minimal. For more details see Ricci, Paolo and Zulini, Jaqueline P., ‘“Beheading”, Rule Manipulation and Fraud: The Approval of Election Results in Brazil, 1894–1930’, Journal of Latin American Studies, 44: 3 (2012), pp. 495–521 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

20 This empirical strategy is innovative in Brazil, but has been employed in studies of other countries. See studies by Lehoucq and Molina, Stuffing the Ballot Box. Fraud, Electoral Reform, and Democratization in Costa Rica (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002); Richard Bensel, The American Ballot Box; Margaret Anderson, Practicing Democracy: Elections and Political Culture in Imperial Germany (Princeton, NJ University Press, 2000); Jean-Paul Charnay, Les scrutins politiques en France de 1815 a 1962 (Paris: Colin, 1964); Maria Serena Piretti, ‘Le problème de la manipulation des elections en Italie’, in Rafaelle Romanelli (ed.), How Did They Become Voters?: The History of Franchise in Modern European Representation (Leiden: Kluwer Law International, 1998), pp. 111–32; Hoppen, K. Theodore, ‘Roads to Democracy: Electioneering and Corruption in Nineteenth-Century England and Ireland’, History, 81: 264 (1996), pp. 553–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

21 When examining official records, we also take into account the deliberation on formal accusations, as well as decisions made by parliamentarian committees in charge of certifying winning candidates. Newspapers were a supplementary source of information about electoral proceedings.

22 References for these cases are Eul-Soo Pang, Bahia in the First Brazilian Republic: Coronelismo and Oligarchies, 1889–1934 (Gainesville, FL: University Presses of Florida, 1979); Robert M. Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilian Federation, 1889–1937 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1978); Marieta de Morães Ferreira. Em busca da idade de ouro: as elites políticas fluminenses na Primeira República (1889–1930) (Rio de Janeiro: Editora UFRJ, 1994). Surama Conde Sá Pinto, Só para iniciados … o jogo político na antiga capital federal (Rio de Janeiro: Mauad, 2011).

23 José E. Casalecchi, O Partido Republicano Paulista: política e poder (1889–1926) (São Paulo: Editora Brasiliense, 1987); James Woodard, A Place in Politics: São Paulo, Brazil, from Seigneurial Republicanism to Regionalist Revolt (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2009); Joseph L. Love, Rio Grande do Sul and Brazilian Regionalism, 1882–1930 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1980); Maria Efigenia L. de Resende, Formação da estrutura de dominação em Minas Gerais: o novo PRM (1889–1906) (Belo Horizonte: UFMG Editora, 1982); John D. Wirth, Minas Gerais in the Brazilian Federation, 1889–1937 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1977). As stated by Leal in his seminal book Coronelismo, enxada e voto, this does not mean that these states lacked political instability. For the case of Rio Grande do Sul, for example, Loiva Felix shows that the political consolidation of the PRR did not result from an automatic and immediate control of coronéis, but rather from a complex process of political co-optation based on the positivist doctrine and on the support of a repressive police apparatus. See Loiva Otero Felix, Coronelismo, borgismo e cooptação política (Porto Alegre: UFRGS, 1996).

24 A recent study has shown that the Chamber of Deputies did not recognise about 9 per cent of certificates presented by winning candidates between 1899 and 1930, a phenomenon commonly known as degola (beheading, in literal translation). However, the main reason for this non-recognition was procedural: more certificates were presented by same-district candidates than legally prescribed, as a result of political instability and difficulties faced by governors to control elections. Consequently, the National Congress acted as a judge, being forced to make a final decision on the validity of certificates. See Ricci and Zulini, ‘“Beheading”, Rule Manipulation and Fraud’.

25 This arrangement was negotiated in 1899 between President Campos Sales and governors of the most important states. It became known as ‘politics of governors’ (Política dos Governadores). For more details, see Fernando H. Cardoso, ‘Dos governos militares a Prudente-Campos Sales’, in Sérgio Buarque de Holanda (eds.), História geral da civilização brasileira, vol. 8.: O Brasil Republicano (Rio de Janeiro: Bertrand, 1997), pp. 17–57; Renato Lessa, A invenção republicana (Vértice: Rio de Janeiro, 1988). Ana L. Backes, Fundamentos da ordem republicana: repensando o pacto Campos Sales (Brasília: Senado Federal, 2006).

26 Rogério Patto Motta, Introdução à história dos partidos políticos brasileiros (Belo Horizonte: UFMG, 2008), p. 43.

27 Lessa, A invenção, p. 109. For a similar interpretation, see Carlos Ranulfo Melo, ‘Nem tanto ao mar, nem tanto à terra: elementos para uma análise do sistema partidário brasileiro’, in Carlos Ranulfo Melo and Manuel Alcântara Sáez (eds.), A democracia brasileira: balanço e perspectivas para o século 21 (Belo Horizonte: UFMG, 2007), pp. 374–404.

28 Gazeta de Notícias, 7 Jan. 1912, p. 6.

29 Annals of the Chamber of Deputies (ACD), 25 April 1927, p. 338.

30 ACD, 15 May 1903, p. 435; ACD, 28 April 1906, p. 76; ACD, 16 May 1912, p. 32; ACD, 2 May 1915, p. 986; ACD 30 April 1918, p. 280; ACD, 2 May 1921, p. 300; ACD, 3 May 1924, p. 333; ACD 25 April 1927, p. 297.

31 Américo Freire, Uma capital para a República: poder federal e forças políticas locais no Rio de Janeiro na virada para o século XX (Rio de Janeiro: Revan, 2000).

32 ACD, 7 May 1903, p. 264.

33 Appendix of the ACD, 23 May 1903, p. 35.

34 Ibid ., p. 36.

35 Pinto, Só para iniciados, p. 77.

36 Political recruitment is a frequent topic in formal complaints, although records of the criteria used by parties to select candidates are generally vague. Dunshee de Abranches reports cases of exclusion due to problems in presidential succession or as a way of punishing deputies for bad behaviour. See Dunshee de Abranches, Como se faziam presidentes. Homens e fatos do início da República (Rio de Janeiro: José Olympio Editora, 1973).

37 Bethell, Leslie, ‘Politics in Brazil: From Elections Without Democracy to Democracy Without Citizenship’, Daedalus, 129: 2 (2000), pp. 1–27 Google Scholar; de Carvalho, José Murilo, ‘Os três povos da República’, Revista USP, 59: September/November (2003), pp. 96–115 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Love, Joseph, ‘Political Participation in Brazil, 1881–1969’, Luso-Brazilian Review, 7: 2 (1970), pp. 3–24 Google Scholar; Raymundo Faoro, Os donos do poder. According to the 1891 Constitution, voters were required to hold Brazilian citizenship and be over 21, whereas the homeless, illiterate, low-rank military, and priests were excluded. The right to vote was not affected by the expansion of education in the 1920s. Despite increases in literacy rates, voters’ registration remained under parties’ control, neutralising any automatic effect from the educational progress, as shown later on in this section.

38 Kinzo, Representação política; Walter Costa Porto, Dicionário do voto (Brasília: Universidade de Brasília, 2000).

39 ACD, 7 June 1900, p. 111; ACD, 2 May 1918, p. 820.

40 ACD, 11 June 1900, p. 194. Similar allegations can be found in the ACD, 4 May 1903, p. 171; ACD, 6 May 1912, p. 47; ACD, 20 April 1915, p. 120.

41 ACD, 31 May 1900, p. 303; ACD, 27 April 1906, p. 41; ACD, 22 May 1912, p. 482; ACD, 2 May 1918, p. 1019; ACD, 1 May 1921, p. 243; ACD 28 May 1924, p. 464; ACD 26 April 1927, p. 29; DCN (Diario do Congresso Nacional), 20 May 1930, p. 427.

42 ACD, 2 May 1918, p. 100. See also DCN, 25 April 1930, p. 7483.

43 Roberto Telarolli, Eleições e fraudes eleitorais na República Velha (São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1982), p. 39.

44 It is interesting to notice the omission of such practices in Leal's classic study, Coronelismo, enxada e voto, which completely ignores the process of voters’ registration.

45 ACD, 8 May 1903, p. 288; ACD 30 April 1906, p. 185; ACD, 29 April 1915, p. 547; ACD, 6 June 1924, p. 124; ACD 26 April 1927, p. 15; DCN, 28 April 1930, p. 7558.

46 ACD, 16 June 1900, p. 301; ACD 2 May 1918, p. 841; ACD, 26 April 1927, p. 15.

47 ACD, 19 June 1900, p. 351; ACD, 28 April 1906, p. 79; ACD, 4 May 1918, p. 166; ACD 5 May 1921, p. 801; DCN, 28 April 1930, p. 7564.

48 ACD, 29 April 1912, p. 72.

49 Danis Karepovs, A classe operária vai ao Parlamento: O Bloco Operário e Camponês do Brasil (1924–1930) (São Paulo: Alameda, 2006). Jairo Nicolau, Eleições no Brasil. Do Império aos dias atuais (Rio de Janeiro: Zahar, 2012). For the case of São Paulo, see Woodard, A Place in Politics.

50 ACD, 30 April 1918, p. 211; ACD, 6 May 1918, p. 272; ACD, 25 April 1927, p. 349.

51 ACD, 30 April 1918, p. 289.

52 The law 35/1892 required that municipalities split their territories into polling-station areas of no more than 250 voters. A few years later, this number was reduced to 200 (see the decree 2419 of 1911).

53 Boris Fausto, História do Brasil; Porto, A mentirosa urna; Kinzo, Representação política.

54 In some extreme cases, reports were found of the overt use of ‘pen-nib’ (bico de pena), a reference to the act of forging a polling station with the votes of each candidate, even when no election was carried out.

55 ACD, 29 April 1927, p. 238.

56 ACD, 8 May 1912, p. 202.

57 ACD, 15 May 1912, p. 692.

58 ACD, 4 May 1903, p. 176.

59 ACD, 30 April 1918, p. 263.

60 According to article 40 of the electoral law 35/1892, the committees should be constituted 20 days before the election day. After the enactment of the law 1269/1901, the deadline was moved to 30 December of the last year of the legislature (article 62).

61 ACD, 26 April 1927, p. 12.

62 An example can be found in the 29 January 1909 issue of A República, the official newspaper of the Federal Republican Party of Rio Grande do Norte.

63 ACD, 29 April 1912, p. 171. See also ACD, 11 June 1900, p. 197; ACD, 25 April 1903, p. 39; ACD 24 April 1927, p. 228.

64 Law 35/1892, article 40, paragraph 1.

65 Leal, Coronelismo.

66 ACD, 1 May 1918, p. 461.

67 Paula Alonso, ed., Construcciones impresas: panfletos, diarios y revistas en la formación de los estados nacionales en América Latina, 1820–1920 (Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2003); Ivan Jakšić, ed., The Political Power of the Word: Press and Oratory in Nineteenth-Century Latin America (London: Institute of Latin American Studies, University of London, 2002).

68 Several case studies corroborate the strategic use of the press by political parties at that time. For a report of its use in Porto Alegre, see Pacheco, Ricardo de Aguiar, ‘Da inscrição eleitoral à distribuição de chapas: as estratégias de arregimentação eleitoral nos anos vinte’, Cadernos de Pesquisa do CDHIS, 24: 2 (2011), pp. 403–15Google Scholar. For Rio de Janeiro, see Surama Conde Sá Pinto, A correspondência de Nilo Peçanha e a dinâmica política na Primeira República (Rio de Janeiro: Arquivo Público, 1998). For São Paulo, see Woodard, A Place in Politics.

69 Several examples of this practice were discovered in newspapers from the state of Rio de Janeiro, such as O Paiz and O Correio da Manhã, as well as in periodicals from other federal entities. For an example, see Berbert de Castro's note in Diário da Bahia, 12 February 1927.

70 See ACD, 25 April 1927, p. 295.

71 See ACD, 29 April 1918, p. 169.

72 ACD, 28 April 1912, pp. 68–9. See also ACD, 26 April 1927, p. 88.

73 ACD, 26 April 1927, p. 104. See also ACD, 23 May 1903, p. 34; ACD, 30 April 1906, p. 196; ACD, 30 April 1909, p. 157; ACD, 28 April 1912, p. 69; ACD, 6 May 1915, p. 178; ACD, 25 April 1924, p. 179; DCN, 28 April 1930, p. 7565.

74 ACD, 25 April 1927, p. 340.

75 ACD, 25 April, p. 340.

76 ACD, 24 April 1927, p. 137.

77 ACD, 30 April 1918, p. 233. See also ACD, 25 April 1927, p. 295.

78 ACD, 2 May 1918, p. 883.

79 These findings confirm that the working class participated actively in politics, as reported in the example of the Federal District in Dainis Karepovs, A classe operária, and in Bahia in Castellucci, Aldrin, ‘Política e cidadania operária em Salvador (1890–1919)’, Revista de História, 162 (2010), pp. 205–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

80 Regarding this topic, see the study by James P. Woodard about Paulo, São: ‘Coronelismo in Theory and Practice: Evidence, Analysis, and Argument from São Paulo’, Luso-Brazilian Review, 42: 1 (2005), pp. 99–117 Google Scholar.

81 ACD, 27 April 1927, p. 204.

82 ACD, 30 April 1918, p. 227.

83 Ibid , p. 254.

84 ACD, 25 April 1927, p. 359.

85 ACD, 30 April 1918, p. 264.

86 ACD, 24 April 1927, p. 235.

87 ACD, 8 May 1903, p. 297.

88 ACD, 24 April 1927, p. 221, emphasis added.

89 ACD, 11 June 1900, p. 214, emphasis added.

90 ACD, 2 May 1918, p. 754, emphasis added.

91 ACD, 26 April 1927, p. 44, emphasis added.

92 ACD, 21 May 1900, p. 187.

93 ACD, 6 May 1918, p. 240.

94 Accounts supporting this rationale can be found in ACD, 2 June 1900, p. 20; ACD, 30 April 1912, p. 215; ACD, 2 May 1918, p. 821; ACD, 3 May 1924, p. 334; ACD, 24 April 1927, p. 240; DCN, 25 April 1930, p. 7473.

95 ACD, 8 May 1918, p. 385.

96 ACD, 2 May 1918, p. 960.

97 ACD, 29 April 1912, p. 174. For similar considerations about the case of São Paulo, see Woodard, A Place in Politics.

98 ACD, 7 June 1900, p. 113; ACD, 14 May 1903, p. 378; ACD, 26 April 1906, p. 31; ACD, 26 May 1909, p. 395; ACD, 15 May 1912, p. 695; ACD, 10 May 1915, p. 371; ACD, 8 May 1918, p. 413; ACD, 8 May 1921, p. 202; ACD 3 June 1924, p. 43; ACD, 26 April 1927, p. 76; DCN, 28 April 1930, p. 7546.

99 The tendency of centralisation of the electoral process for the benefit of state governors is evident since 1904, when a new electoral law reduced the number of districts in large states, facilitating the electoral coordination of parties.

100 ACD, 31 May 1915, p. 538.

101 ACD, 25 May 1909, p. 253.

102 ACD, 14 May 1915, p. 672.

103 ACD, 10 May 1915, p. 317.

104 ACD, 28 April 1927, p. 284.

105 Botana, El orden conservador, p. 185. For similar considerations in comparative perspective, see Jennifer Ghandi and Adam Przeworski, ‘Holding Onto Power By Any Means? The Origins of Competitive Elections’ (Mimeo, Emory University, 2009).

106 Faoro, Os donos do poder; Leal, Coronelismo; Kinzo, Representação Política; Porto, A mentirosa urna.

107 ACD, 1 May 1918, p. 612. Accounts of that period frequently acknowledge the relevance of control over the bureaucratic-electoral machine. See, for example, ACD, 29 April 1903, p. 38; ACD, 30 April 1903, p. 113.

108 ACD, 24 April 1927, p. 216.

109 Leal, Coronelismo, p. 68. Further research should be made to evaluate the real impact of some smaller reforms that reduced the power of coronéis. Among them is the introduction of the compulsory conscription, enacted in 1916, which ended oligarchs’ ability to threaten disloyal voters of enlistment, as well as the assimilation of the National Guard by the army in 1918.

110 Susan C. Stokes et al., Brokers, Voters, and Clientelism: the Puzzle of Distributive Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013).

111 Cornelius O'Leary, The Elimination of Corrupt Practices in British Elections, 1868–1911 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1962).

112 Gary W. Cox, The Efficient Secret: The Cabinet and the Development of Political Parties in Victorian England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005).

113 Lehoucq, Fabrice E., ‘Can Parties Police Themselves? Electoral Governance and Democratization’, International Political Science Review, 23: 1 (2002), pp. 29–46 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

114 Lehoucq, ‘Can Parties Police Themselves?’, p. 30.

115 Annino, El voto y el XIX desconocido, p. 50. The same view can be found in Annino, 1995.

116 Romanelli, How Did They Become Voters?, p. 4.

117 Thomas H. Marshall, Citizenship and Social Class (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1950).

118 As illustrated by the classic version presented by Murilo de Carvalho in Desenvolvimiento de la viudadania.

119 Leal, Coronelismo, p. 63. This view is shared by Faoro, Os donos do poder, p. 691, when he speaks of an ‘unconscious and passive electorate’.

120 See studies by Maria Isaura Pereira de Queiroz, ‘O coronelismo numa interpretação sociológica’, in Sérgio Buarque de Holanda (ed.), Historia Geral da Civilização Brasileira. O Brasil Republicano (Rio de Janeiro: Bertrand, 1997), pp. 155–90; James Woodard, A Place in Politics, Surama Pinto, A correspondência. For a comparative perspective, see Roginer, Luis, ‘Caciquismo and Coronelismo: Contextual Dimensions of Patron Brokerage in Mexico and Brazil’, Latin American Research Review, 22: 2 (1987), pp. 71–99 Google Scholar. For Spain, see Moreno-Luzón, Javier, ‘Political Clientelism, Elites, and Caciquismo in Restoration Spain (1875–1923)’, European History Quarterly, 37: 3 (2007), pp. 417–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

121 For more discussion on this topic, see Daniele Caramani, The Nationalization of Politics: The Formation of National Electorates and Party Systems in Western Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004).

122 Among the countries that adopted universal suffrage in the nineteenth century are France (1871), Germany (1871), Greece (1844), Spain (1867), and Colombia (between 1853 and 1863).

123 Aurora Garrido, ‘Electoral and Electoral Districts in Spain, 1874–1936’, in Romanelli, How Did They Become Voters?, p. 226.

124 Anderson, Practicing Democracy.

125 Crook, Malcolm, ‘Universal Suffrage as Counter-Revolution? Electoral Mobilization under the Second Republic in France, 1848–1851’, Journal of Historical Sociology, 28: 1 (2013), p. 8 Google Scholar.

126 Morelli, 2004, ‘Entre ancien et nouveau regime’, pp. 759–81.

127 De Luca, Giacomo, ‘Electoral Registration and the Control of Votes: The Case of Chile’, Electoral Studies, 34 (2014), pp. 159–66CrossRefGoogle Scholar.