Article contents
The Seduction of Revolution: Anticlerical Campaigns against Confession in Mexico, 1914–1935
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 06 March 2013
Abstract
During the Mexican Revolution, male revolutionaries in Mexico repeatedly tried to suppress confession by invoking the trope of the sexually predatory priest menacing weak, superstitious women. Campaigns against the rite resulted from long-standing gender divisions over the Church, fears of Catholic counter-revolution, and male revolutionaries' drive to modernise marriage as companionate and secular but still patriarchal. Although ultimately unsuccessful as policy, attacks on the confession strengthened radical anticlericalism. By equating masculinity with reason, nation and progress while painting femininity as vulnerable, fanatical and potentially treasonous, the campaigns subtly shaped gender roles and helped to consolidate post-revolutionary patriarchy.
Spanish abstract
Revolucionarios masculinos en México trataron repetidamente de suprimir la confesión al utilizar la figura del sacerdote sexualmente rapaz contra a mujeres débiles y supersticiosas. Las campañas en contra del ritual fueron el resultado de un anticlericalismo historicamente mayor entre hombres que entre mujeres, los temores de una contrarrevolución católica, y el deseo de revolucionarios masculinos de modernizar el matrimonio como algo secular y consensual, aunque aún patriarcal. Aunque ultimadamente no tuvieron éxito como política, los ataques en contra de la confesión reforzaron el anticlericalismo radical. Al comparar a la masculinidad con la razón, la nación y el progreso, mientras se representaba a la feminidad como vulnerable, fanática y potencialmente traicionera, las campañas transformaron sutilmente los roles de género y ayudaron a consolidar el patriarcado postrevolucionario.
Portuguese abstract
Revolucionários do sexo masculino repetidamente tentavam sufocar o confessório ao utilizar a alusão de padres sexualmente predadores ameaçando mulheres supersticiosas e frágeis. Campanhas contra o rito resultaram de um anticlericalismo historicamente mais acentuado entre homens que entre mulheres, temores de contra-revolução católica e o desejo dos revolucionários em modernizar o matrimôio em uma instituição laica e mais consensual, porém ainda patriarcal. Apesar de mal-sucedida enquanto política, os ataques ao confessório fortaleceram o radicalismo anti-eclesiástico. Ao vincular a masculinidade com a razão, a nação e o progresso e figurar a feminilidade como vulnerável, fanática e potencialmente desleal, as campanhas sutilmente definiram papéis de gênero que ajudaram à consolidar posições pós-revolucionárias patriarcais.
Keywords
- Type
- Research Article
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2013
References
1 I use the word ‘confession’ to refer specifically to Roman Catholicism's spoken or auricular form. It is one of the Church's seven sacraments, and its private nature makes it the most mysterious. See Fahlbusch, Erwin, Lochman, Jan Milic, Mbiti, John, Pelikan, Jaroslav and Vischer, Lukas (eds.), The Encyclopedia of Christianity, vol. 1 (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1999), pp. 634–5Google Scholar.
2 Vaughan, Mary Kay, ‘Rural Women's Literacy and Education during the Mexican Revolution: Subverting a Patriarchal Event’, in Salamini, Heather Fowler and Vaughan, Mary Kay (eds.), Women of the Mexican Countryside, 1850–1990 (Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Press, 1995), pp. 106–24Google Scholar. Gilbert M. Joseph and Daniel Nugent define the state as the ‘repertoire of activities and cultural forms that have provided modes of organization, social practice and identity’: see their chapter, ‘Popular Culture and State Formation in Revolutionary Mexico’, in Joseph and Nugent (eds.), Everyday Forms of State Formation (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1994), p. 14. Recent studies have shed light on how post-revolutionary state formation in Mexico failed to alter patriarchy significantly. Particularly useful on this point is Jocelyn Olcott's work, which posits that revolutionary citizenship was ‘gendered’ male by ‘social, cultural and political processes’, not the law: see her Revolutionary Women in Postrevolutionary Mexico (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2005), p. 6; see also Olcott, Jocelyn, Vaughan, Mary Kay and Cano, Gabriela (eds.), Sex in Revolution: Gender Politics and Power in Modern Mexico (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
3 Contemporary approaches to anticlericalism differ from older, top-down analyses of the subject exemplified by Meyer's, Jean classic The Cristero Rebellion: The Mexican People between Church and State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For recent contributions to anticlericalism which emphasise its popular and petty official origins, see Bantjes, Adrian, ‘The War against Idols: The Meanings of Iconoclasm in Revolutionary Mexico, 1910–1940’, in McClanan, Anne and Johnson, Jeff (eds.), Negating the Image: Case Studies in Iconoclasm (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2005) pp. 41–66Google Scholar; Bantjes, Adrian, ‘Saints, Sinners and State Formation’, in Vaughan, Mary Kay and Lewis, Stephen E. (eds.), The Eagle and the Virgin: Nation and Cultural Revolution in Mexico, 1920–1940 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2006), pp. 137–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Butler, Matthew (ed.), Faith and Impiety in Revolutionary Mexico (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and ‘Sotanas Rojinegras: Revolutionary Curas and the “Mexican” Catholic Church’, The Americas, 65: 4 (2009), pp. 535–58; Fallaw, Ben ‘Varieties of Mexican Revolutionary Anticlericalism’, The Americas, 65: 4 (2009), pp. 477–505Google Scholar; and Knight, Alan, ‘Popular Culture and the Revolutionary State in Mexico, 1910–1940’, Hispanic American Historical Review, 74: 3 (1994), pp. 393–444CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
4 On the three waves of revolutionary anticlericalism, see Bantjes, Adrian A., ‘The Regional Dynamics of Anticlericalism and Defanaticization in Revolutionary Mexico’, in Butler, (ed.), Faith and Impiety, p. 112Google Scholar.
5 Villarreal, Antonio I., ‘Very Important Decree of the Governor of the State’, La Revolución, 78 (22 July 1914)Google Scholar, attached to T. J. Canova to secretary of state, 29 July 1914, Records of the Department of State Related to the Internal Affairs of Mexico (RDSRIAM), 1910–29, Roll 143, 812.404/5. Original translation by anonymous US diplomatic official, modified by author.
6 Bantjes, Adrian ‘Burning Saints, Molding Minds: Iconoclasm, Civic Ritual, and the Failed Cultural Revolution,’ in Beezley, William, Martin, Cheryl English and French, William (eds.), Rituals of Rule, Rituals of Resistance: Public Celebrations and Popular Culture in Mexico (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, 1994), pp. 263–5Google Scholar.
7 On ‘carpet-bagging’ Carrancista military governors in revolutionary Mexico, see Knight, Alan, The Mexican Revolution, vol. 2 (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1986), pp. 235–42Google Scholar.
8 Morones, Felipe, Capítulos sueltos o apuntes sobre la persecución religiosa en Aguascalientes (Aguascalientes: Imprenta Aldina, 1955), p. 96Google Scholar; Guajardo, Celso Garza, El gobierno revolucionario de Antonio I. Villarreal (Monterrey: Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León, 1988), p. 12Google Scholar.
9 Francis Kelley to secretary of state, 13 Dec. 1915, and attached letters, RDSRIAM, 1910–29, Roll 144, 812.404/26-325; Kelley, Francis, The Book of Red and Yellow (Chicago, IL: Catholic Church Extension Society of the United States of America, 1915), pp. 13–14Google Scholar. While highly polemical in general, Kelley rings true on this point. For photographs of the confessional incinerations in the city of Querétaro, see Ibáñez, Rafael Llano, Lucha por el cielo: religión y política en el estado de Querétaro, 1910–1929 (Mexico City: Miguel Ángel Porrúa, 2006)Google Scholar. See also Smith, Randolph Welford, Benighted Mexico (New York: John Lane, 1917), pp. 197–8Google Scholar.
10 Grajeda, Blanca Gutiérrez and Rodríguez, Héctor Ochoa, Las caras del poder: conflicto y sociedad en Colima, 1893–1950 (Colima: Universidad de Colima, Gobierno de Estado de Colima and Consejo Nacional Para la Cultura y Las Artes, 1995), p. 183Google Scholar, cited in Zamora, Julia Preciado, Por las faldas del volcán de Colima: Cristeros, agraristas y pacíficos (Colima: Archivo Histórico del Municipio de Colima and Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropología Social, 2007), p. 45Google Scholar.
11 Lewis, Stephen, The Ambivalent Revolution: Forging State and Nation in Chiapas, 1910–1945 (Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press, 2005), p. 14Google Scholar.
12 Miguel Cantón to governor, 5 Sep. 1921, Archivo General del Estado de Yucatán (AGEY), Poder Ejecutivo (PE), caja 747, carpeta Secretaría del Gobierno (SG) 2.
13 Kelley, The Book of Red and Yellow, pp. 5, 10.
14 Quirk, Robert, The Mexican Revolution and the Catholic Church, 1910–1929 (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1973), p. 71Google Scholar.
15 On divisions between radicals and moderate anticlericals, see Fallaw, ‘Varieties of Mexican Revolutionary Anticlericalism’.
16 On the discursive construction of revolutionary identity, see Horcasitas, Beatriz Urías, ‘Retórica, ficción y espejismo: tres imágenes de un México bolchevique (1920–1940)’, in Relaciones: Estudios de Historia y Sociedad, no. 101 (winter 2005), pp. 261–300Google Scholar.
17 José Alfredo Gómez Estrada, ‘Gobierno, negocios y Ley Seca: Abelardo L. Rodríguez en el Distrito Norte de Baja California, 1920–1929’, unpubl. Masters thesis, Instituto de Investigaciones Dr. José María Luis Mora, 2000, p. 133. Although relatively moderate on the religious question as president, Rodríguez's macho disparagement of priests and devout women mirrored attitudes common among revolutionary soldiers.
18 Aguirre, Amado, Mis memorias de campaña (2nd edition, Mexico City: Comisión Nacional para las Celebraciones del 175° Aniversario de la Independencia Nacional y 75° Aniversario de la Revolución Mexicana, 1975), p. 63Google Scholar; LaFrance, David, Revolution in Mexico's Heartland: Politics, War and State Building in Puebla, 1913–1920 (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, 2003), p. 134Google Scholar.
19 Broderick, Robert C. (ed.), The Catholic Encyclopedia: Revised and Updated (Nashville, TN: Thomas Nelson, 1987), pp. 466–8Google Scholar. On Protestant attacks on confession and priestly celibacy during the Reformation, see Ozment, Steven, When Fathers Ruled: Family Life in Reformation Europe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1983), pp. 5–12Google Scholar. On confession's promotion of social harmony, see Taylor, Larissa, Soldiers of Christ: Preaching in Late Medieval and Reformation France (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), pp. 126–7Google Scholar.
20 de Boer, Wietse, The Conquest of the Soul: Confession, Discipline and Public Order in Counter-Reformation Milan (Boston, MA: Koninklijke Brill NV, 2001), pp. 84–5Google Scholar, 97.
21 Haliczer, Stephen, Sexuality in the Confessional: A Sacrament Profaned (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), pp. 186–7Google Scholar.
22 Chiniquy, Father Charles, The Priest, the Woman and the Confessional (43rd edition, New York: Fleming H. Revell, n.d.)Google Scholar.
23 Haliczer, Sexuality in the Confessional, pp. 194–6.
24 Ibid., pp. 6, 152–5. For Haliczer the clerical libido is like a balloon: squeezed on one end by the crackdown on concubinage, it expanded on the other in the confessional. The thesis is impossible to test given extant empirical evidence.
25 The historiography of the Church in Mexico is far too extensive to review here, but the best overview of the subject can be found in Blancarte, Roberto, Historia de la iglesia católica en México (Mexico City: Colegio Mexiquense and Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1992)Google Scholar. For an overview of the scholarly literature on the subject, see Barrón, Luis, Historias de la Revolución mexicana (Mexico City: Centro de Investigación y Docencia Económicas and Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2004), pp. 127–30Google Scholar. For outstanding examples of recent regional monographs on the Church in Mexico, see Butler, Mathew, Popular Piety and Political Identity in Mexico's Cristero Rebellion: Michoacán, 1927–29 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Wright-Rios, Edward, Revolutions in Mexican Catholicism: Reform and Revelation in Oaxaca, 1887–1934 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also the following chapters in Butler (ed.), Faith and Impiety: Matthew Butler, ‘Trouble Afoot’; Massimo De Giuseppe, ‘“El Indio Gabriel”: New Religious Perspectives among the Indigenous in Garrido Canabal's Tabasco (1927–30)’; Jean Meyer, ‘Religious Conflict and Catholic Resistance in 1930s Oaxaca’; Benjamin Smith, ‘The Priest's Party: Local Catholicism and Panismo in Huajuapam de León’; and Kristina Boylan, ‘Revolutionary and Not-So-Revolutionary Negotiations in Catholic Annulment, Bigamy and Divorce Trials: The Archdiocese of Mexico, 1929–40’.
26 Taylor, William, Magistrates of the Sacred: Priests and Parishioners in Eighteenth-Century Mexico (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1996), p. 181Google Scholar.
27 On the lack of archival sources on confession, see De Boer, The Conquest of the Soul. William Phipps, in explaining the impossibility of assessing the incidence of clerical seduction, observes that ‘usually an aggrieved penitent recognized the futility of bringing charges against a soliciting priest because there was usually no witness, and church courts tended to side with the word of a holy man rather than with a woman or boy who brought testimony of unchaste activity’: see Phipps, William, Clerical Celibacy: The Heritage (New York: Continuum, 2004), p. 162Google Scholar. For a rare, though not representative, account of a (chaste) penitent–confessor relationship in modern Mexico, see Sicilia, Javier, Concepción Cabrera de Armida: la amante de Cristo (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2001), pp. 144–9Google Scholar. A Spanish sociologist, Pepe Rodríguez, developed an unorthodox methodology to study the sexuality of the contemporary clergy: he had a female journalist wear a wire to confession. See Rodríguez, Pepe, La vida sexual del clero (Barcelona: Ediciones B, 1995), pp. 385–95Google Scholar.
28 Meyer, Jean, ‘El gusto por el archivo’, in de Ogarrio, Norma Mereles (ed.), Plutarco Elías Calles y Fernando Torreblanca: un ejemplo de la importancia de los archivos privados en la historiografía de México (Mexico City: Fideicomiso Archivos Plutarco Elías Calles y Fernando Torreblanca, 2009), pp. 271–5Google Scholar.
29 The phrase ‘anticlerical imagination’ is Haliczer's: see Sexuality in the Confessional, pp. 83–103.
30 Lynch, John, ‘The Catholic Church in Latin America, 1830–1930’, in Bethell, Leslie (ed.), Cambridge History of Latin America, vol. 4 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1986), p. 541Google Scholar; Levine, Robert, Vale of Tears: Revisiting the Canudos Massacre in Northeastern Brazil, 1893–1897 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1992), p. 33Google Scholar.
31 De Boer, The Conquest of the Soul, p. 185.
32 González, Luis, San José de Gracía: Mexican Village in Transition (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1974)Google Scholar, pp. 50, 76, 87–94.
33 ‘Instrucciones de los ilmos. y rvmos. prelados de la provincia mexicana a los señores vicario foraneos e sus respectivas dioceses sobre los puntos que deben informar anualmente’ (Mexico City, n.p., 1924), pp. 4–5, Archivo Histórico del Secretariado Social Mexicano (AHSSM), exp. Documentos Episcopales, Cartas Pastorales, 1916–1933; Hunefeldt, Christine, Liberalism in the Bedroom: Quarreling Spouses in Nineteenth-Century Lima (University Park, PA: Penn State University Press, 2000), p. 94Google Scholar.
34 Stevens, Donald, ‘Eating, Drinking and Being Married: Epidemic Cholera and the Celebration of Marriage in Montreal and Mexico City, 1832–1833’, Catholic History Review, 92: 1 (2006)Google Scholar, p. 83 and n. 7; ‘Instrucciones’, pp. 4–5.
35 O'Dogherty, Laura, ‘El ascenso de una jerarquía eclesial instransigente’, in Medina, Manuel Ramos (ed.), Memoria del I coloquio historia de la iglesia en el siglo XIX (Mexico City: Colegio de México, Colegio de Michoacán, Instituto Mora, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana-Itzapalapa and Condumex, 1997), pp. 179–98Google Scholar.
36 Lynch, ‘The Catholic Church’, pp. 543–5.
37 Henry Lea cites (but does not vouch for) statistics submitted to the Plenary Council of Latin America held in Rome in 1899: ‘of 18,000 priests [in Latin America] 3,000 were living in regular wedlock, 4,000 in concubinage with their so-called “housekeepers”, and some 1,500 in relations more or less open with women of doubtful reputation’: see Lea, Henry, The History of Sacerdotal Celibacy in the Christian Church (New York: Russell & Russell, 1957), pp. 561–2Google Scholar.
38 MacFarland, Charles, Chaos in Mexico: The Conflict of Church and State (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1935), pp. 189–90Google Scholar; Taylor, Magistrates of the Sacred, pp. 105–6, 185–8. On the alleged lapses of the rural priesthood in Yucatán in the late Porfiriato, see Baerlein, Henry, Mexico: The Land of Unrest (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton, Kent & Co., 1914), pp. 46–9Google Scholar.
39 William Taylor coined the phrase to refer to Catholic criticism of clerical abuse: see Magistrates of the Sacred, p. 247.
40 Rugeley, Terry, Of Wonders and Wise Men: Religion and Popular Cultures in Southeast Mexico, 1800–1876 (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2001), p. 175Google Scholar.
41 Meyer, Jean, ‘El anticlerical revolucionario, 1910–1940: un ensayo de empatía histórica’, in Palafox, Ricardo Ávila, Assad, Carlos Martínez and Meyer, Jean (eds.), Las formas y las políticas del dominio agrario: homenaje a François Chevalier (Guadalajara: Universidad de Guadalajara, 1992), pp. 292–3Google Scholar.
42 Alan Knight, ‘The Mentality and Modus Operandi of Revolutionary Anticlericalism’, in Butler (ed.), Faith and Impiety, p. 34. Robert Irwin posits that the Mexican Revolution valorised a more macho, ‘virile’ notion of masculinity associated with the mestizo working class: see Irwin, Robert, Mexican Masculinities (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 2003), p. 117Google Scholar. This new masculinity probably heightened anticlerical sentiment.
43 By the mid-nineteenth century, the term ‘beata’ was a common pejorative term used by Latin American liberals: see Klaiber, Jeffrey, Religion and Revolution in Peru, 1824–1976 (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1977), p. 73Google Scholar.
44 Bantjes, ‘Burning Saints, Molding Minds’, p. 265.
45 T. J. Canova to William Jennings Bryan, 29 July 1914, p. 4, RDSRIAM, 1910–29, Roll 143 812.404/5; Garza Guajardo, El gobierno revolucionario, p. 2.
46 The Wobblies were members of the International Workers of the World, an anarchist-influenced labour organisation in the United States. On its international influences on an agrarian leader and strident anticlerical, Primo Tapia, see Friedrich, Paul, Agrarian Revolt in a Mexican Village (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1977), pp. 63–73Google Scholar.
47 Anderson, Benedict, Under Three Flags: Anarchism and the Anti-Colonial Imagination (New York: Verso, 2005)Google Scholar; Linebaugh, Peter and Rediker, Marcus, The Many-Headed Hydra: Sailors, Slaves, Commoners, and the Hidden History of the Revolutionary Atlantic (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 2000)Google Scholar.
48 Fallaw, ‘Varieties of Mexican Revolutionary Anticlericalism’, pp. 504, 508. On anticlerical anarcho-syndicalist workers' influence on regional Constitutionalist military regimes, see LaFrance, David, Revolution in Mexico's Heartland: Politics, War and State Building in Puebla, 1913–20 (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, 2003), pp. 92–5Google Scholar; and Sandoval, Salvador Camacho, Controversia educativa entre la ideología y la fe: la educación socialista en la historia de Aguascalientes, 1876–1940 (Mexico City: Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes, 1991), pp. 58–9Google Scholar.
49 Of these associations, only Masonic lodges have been systematically studied in Mexico; see Horcasitas, Beatriz Urías, Historias secretas del racismo en México (1920–1950) (Mexico City: Tusquets Editores, 2007), pp. 171–86Google Scholar; and Smith, Benjamin, ‘Anticlericalism, Politics, and Freemasonry in Mexico’, The Americas, 65: 4 (2009), pp. 559–88Google Scholar.
50 Valace, Alfonso Enríquez, El conflicto religioso en México: sus factores y su desarrollo (San Antonio, TX: La Prensa, 1928), p. 53Google Scholar.
51 O'Rourke, Gerald, La persecución religiosa en Chihuahua (1913–1938) (Chihuahua: Editorial Camino, 1991), p. 92Google Scholar. Recio was possibly inspired by Robespierre's proposal to complete the clergy's integration into civil society through matrimony: see Meyer, Jean, El celibato sacerdotal: su historia en la iglesia católica (Mexico City: Tiempo de memoria TusQuets, 2010), p. 218Google Scholar.
52 Enriquez Valace, El conflicto religioso, p. 53; Niemeyer, E. V., ‘Anticlericalism in the Mexican Constitutional Convention of 1916–1917’, The Americas, 11: 1 (1954), p. 40Google Scholar.
53 Diario de los debates del congreso constituyente (Mexico City, 1960), pp. 650–4; Quirk, The Mexican Revolution and the Catholic Church, pp. 95–6. The fact that Siurob was referred to anonymously strongly suggests that iconoclastic attacks on confessional booths were by then a source of some embarrassment for many revolutionary politicians, and perhaps even for the perpetrators of such attacks.
54 R. H. Tierney to secretary of state, 17 Oct. 1914, RDSRIAM, 1910–29, Roll 143, 812.404/22.
55 Butler, Matthew, ‘God's Campesinos? Mexico's Revolutionary Church in the Countryside’, Bulletin of Latin American Research, 28: 2 (2009), p. 179CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and ‘Sotanas Rojinegras’, p. 541.
56 Piccorelli, Lucas Rivas, 27 Nuevos Santos Mexicanos (Mexico City: Obra Nacional de la Buena Presa, 2002)Google Scholar, p. 19, 23, 37, 43, 51; various correspondence, Archivo General de la Nación (hereafter AGN), Dirección General del Gobierno (hereafter DGG), serie 2.347(28), caja 36, exp. 22.
57 Juárez, Valentín García, Los Cristeros (Fresnillo, Zacatecas: n.p., 1990), pp. 51–2Google Scholar; Meyer, Jean A., La Cristiada, vol. 2 (9th edition, Mexico City: Siglo Veintiuno Editores, 1985), pp. 202–3Google Scholar.
58 Bailey, David, Viva Crísto Rey! The Cristero Rebellion and the Church-State Conflict in Mexico (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1974), p. 311Google Scholar.
59 Boylan, ‘Revolutionary and Not-So-Revolutionary Negotiations’, pp. 174, 178.
60 Arnulfo Pérez to Garrido Canabal 8, 10 and 26 Oct. 1934, Archivo Personal de Tomás Garrido Canabal (APTGC), caja 133, exp. 14.
61 Rancaño, Mario Ramírez, El patriarca Pérez: la iglesia católica apostólica mexicana (Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales, 2006), p. 55Google Scholar.
62 Ramírez Rancaño speculates that had the Church enforced celibacy, hundreds of priests would have joined the schismatic ICAM: see ibid., pp. 204–11.
63 French chargé d'affaires (Ernest Lagarde), ‘The Religious Crisis in Mexico – Translation’, 18 Sep. 1926, RDSRIAM, 1910–29, Roll 146, 812.404/867.
64 Báez-Jorge, Félix, Olor de santidad. San Rafael Guízar y Valencia: articulaciones históricas, políticas y simbólicas de una devoción popular (Xalapa: Universidad Veracruzana, 2006), p. 182Google Scholar.
65 Porfirio González Juárez to SG, 30 Sep. 1937, AGN, DGG 2.347, caja 5, exp. 21.
66 ‘Instrucciones’, pp. 4–5; see also Rodríguez, Cristóbal, Sobre la brecha: colección de artículos liberales y desfanatizantes (Mexico City: n.p., 1930), p. 156Google Scholar.
67 ‘Instrucciones’; Pedro Benavides, ‘Instrucciones’, Archivo Histórico del Arzobispado de México (AHAM), Archivo de Pascual Díaz (hereafter APD), caja 6, gabinete anterior 192, exp. 74.
68 El Corresponsal, ‘Ensotanado Modelo de Lasciva,’ La Sotana, 10 June 1930, p. 4, FAPECYFT, Archivo General Joaquin Amaro, exp. Prensa.
69 Various correspondence, AGN, DGG 2.347, caja 4, exps. 10 and 31. Confessional seduction is not specified.
70 de la Peña, Moisés T., Guerrero económico, vol. 1 (Mexico City: Gobierno del Estado de Guerrero, 1949), pp. 323–4Google Scholar.
71 Henry Lea argues that priests were more likely to remain celibate in the United States than elsewhere because the Catholic Church there was surrounded by hostile Protestant churches: cited in Phipps, Clerical Celibacy, p. 165. A roughly analogous situation existed in many areas of Mexico where anticlericals gained power during the revolutionary era.
72 Casillas, José Gutiérrez, Jesuitas en México durante el siglo XX (Mexico City: Editorial Porrua, 1981), p. 219Google Scholar.
73 Bishop Rafael of Veracruz to Archbishop, 17 Aug. 1937, AHAM, Collection Luis María Martínez, carpeta 32, Episcopado 1920–1939, exp. 5.
74 Interim governor to president of the Consejo Municipal, 30 Sep. 1932, AGEY, PE, caja 959, SG 1.
75 Pedro Benavides, ‘Instrucciones que el excmo. y rvmo. Señor Arzobispo de México dirige a los señores foraneos, parrocos y vicarios fijos de los lugares en donde no hubiere culto público’, 31 May 1932, AHAM, caja 6, exp. 74.
76 García, Julio Scherer, El indio que mató a padre Pro (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2005), p. 51Google Scholar.
77 S. Roja to SG, 26 Sep. 1926, AGN, DGG 2.347(2), caja 25, exp. 19.
78 Blancarte, Historia de la iglesia católica, p. 45; Melchor Ortega to SG, 7 Feb. 1935, AGN, DGG 2.340, caja 39, exp. 7.
79 Alfonso Escoto to SEP, 12 Jun. 1934, AGN, DGG 2.340, caja 38, exp. 50.
80 Friedrich, Agrarian Revolt, p. 48; Garza, Manola Sepúlveda, Políticas agrarias y luchas sociales: San Diego de la Unión, Guanajuato, 1900–2000 (Mexico City: Procuraduría Agraria and Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, 2000), p. 54Google Scholar.
81 Craig, Ann, The First Agraristas: An Oral History of a Mexican Agrarian Reform Movement (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1983), p. 73Google Scholar.
82 Barranco V, Bernardo., ‘Posiciones políticas en la historia de la Acción Católica Mexicana’, in Blancarte, Roberto (ed.), El pensamiento social de los católicos mexicanos (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1996), p. 62Google Scholar.
83 Juan B. Fonseca to SG, 6 Jan. 1932, AGN, DGG 2.311M, caja 87, exp. 21. Anticlericals in Salamanca, Guanajuato, suspected that confessions swayed an election there in 1922: see various correspondence, AGN, DGG 2.73, caja 14, exp. 13.
84 Felipe Carrillo Puerto to Calles, 18 Feb. 1923, FAPECYFT, ‘Carrillo Puerto, Felipe’, exp. 25, inv. 830, leg. 4/7, and procurador general de justicia statement, 16 Feb. 1923, leg. 5/7.
85 On Nieves, see Flores, Guillermo Guzmán, ‘El Cardenismo y la nueva democracia,’ in Salvo, Ramón Vera (ed.), Historia de la cuestión agraria mexicana, estado de Zacatecas, vol. 2 (Mexico City: Juan Pablos Editor, 1992), pp. 256–63Google Scholar; Felix Ramírez et al. to General Juan José Rios, 25 Aug. 1931, FAPECYFT, Archivo Histórico Plutarco Elías Calles, gavilla 64, ‘RAMOS, Matías (Gral.)’, exp. 55, inv. 4740, leg. 13/19; and various correspondence, AGN, DGG, 2.311M, caja 87, exps. 21 and 27.
86 Foucault, Michel, The History of Sexuality, vol. 1 (New York: Pantheon, 1978), pp. 61–2Google Scholar, 116.
87 Boylan, ‘Revolutionary and Not-So-Revolutionary’, p. 178.
88 Rodríguez, Sobre la brecha, p. 172. In a similar vein, Adalberto Tejeda, the ardently anticlerical strongman of Veracruz, described Rome as ‘the most extensive capitalist enterprise in the world’, with its financial tentacles wrapped around petroleum, shipping lines and railways: Adalberto Tejeda to Agapito Domínguez, 19 Aug. 1935, APTGC, caja 133, exp. 10.
89 Meyer, Michael, Huerta: A Political Portrait (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1972), pp. 167–70Google Scholar.
90 Cohen, Stanley, Folk Devils and Moral Panics: The Creation of the Mods and Rockers (3rd edition, London: Routledge, 1972), pp. 26–7Google Scholar; see also Walkowitz, Judith, City of Dreadful Delight: Narratives of Sexual Danger in Late-Victorian London (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1992), pp. 82–3CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
91 Jenkins, Philip, Moral Panic: Changing Concepts of the Child Molester in Modern America (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1998)Google Scholar.
92 Ben Fallaw, ‘“Anti-Priests” versus Catholic-Socialists in 1930s Campeche: Federal Teachers, Revolutionary Communes, and Anticlericalism’, in Butler (ed.) Faith and Impiety, pp. 203–23.
93 Kristin Harper, ‘Revolutionary Tabasco in the Times of Tomás Garrido Canabal, 1922–1935: A Mexican House Divided’, unpubl. PhD diss., University of Massachusetts, 2004, p. 144. See also Alan Knight, ‘The Mentality and Modus Operandi of Revolutionary Anticlericalism’, in Butler (ed.), Faith and Impiety, p. 34.
94 Arnulfo Pérez to Tomás Garrido Canabal, 19 Nov. 1934, APTGC, caja 133, exp. 14.
95 See, for example, Tomás Garrido Canabal to Miguel Cantón, 20 Aug. 1929, AGN, APTGC, caja 141, exp. 12.
96 ‘La Llegada de Obispo Hernández,’ La poesía tabasqueña, APTGC, caja 133, exp. 15, fifth stanza:
97 Rodríguez, Sobre la brecha, p. 157.
98 Meyer, La Cristiada, vol. 2, pp. 201–2; see also www.phoenixmasonry.org/10,000_famous_freemasons/Volume_4_Q_to_Z.htm.
99 Rodríguez, Sobre la brecha, p. 157.
100 See ibid., pp. 149–77; and Rodríguez, Cristóbal, Cauterios y látigos (Jalapa: Gobierno del Estado de Veracruz, 1933), pp. 215–26Google Scholar.
101 El Rojo: Periódico Revolucionario del Pueblo y para el Pueblo de Ocotlán, Jal., 14 May 1927, Archivo Miguel Palomar y Vizcara, caja 81, exp. 14, fojas 495–6: ‘Su naturaleza de macho se excita al recibir el aliento de la boca de la hembra y procura descubrir secretos que solamente tu tienes derecho a saber. Fíjate si no, por qué las confesiones de la mujer son tan largas y las del hombre tan breves.’
102 Bantjes, ‘Burning Saints, Molding Minds’, p. 272.
103 Rodríguez, Cristóbal, La influencia del clero en la América Latina (Mexico City: Talleres Gráficos de la Nación, 1931), p. 163Google Scholar; Ramírez Rancaño, El patriarca Pérez, pp. 210–11.
104 Faust, Betty, Mexican Rural Development and the Plumed Serpent: Technology and Maya Cosmology in the Tropical Forest of Campeche, Mexico (Westport, CT: Bergin & Garvey, 1998)Google Scholar, p. 26.
105 Diodoro Quiroz Martínez to Tomás Garrido Canabal, 1 May 1934, AGN, APTGC, caja 133, exp. 14.
106 Elsewhere, Rodríguez speculated that a gay priest invented confession to hear women's secrets: for his two contradictory claims, see Rodríguez, Sobre la brecha, p. 166; and Cauterios y látigos, pp. 222–4.
107 Rodríguez, Sobre la brecha, p. 151.
108 Assad, Carlos Martínez, El laboratorio de la revolución: el Tabasco garridista (Mexico City: Siglo XXI, 1979), pp. 43–4Google Scholar.
109 See also Haliczer, Sexuality in the Confessional, p. 187.
110 Rodríguez, Sobre la brecha, pp. 149–53.
111 Rodríguez, Cauterios y látigos, p. 221.
112 Rodríguez, Sobre la brecha, p. 165.
113 Ibid., p. 152.
114 Polilla, Father (Edmundo Peimbert Colombia), Desde mi púlpito (Mexico City: n.p., 1933), pp. 88–90Google Scholar. For Polilla's true identity, see Edmundo Peimbert Colombia to Tomás Garrido Canabal, 8 Dec. 1934, AGN, APTGC, caja 9, exp. 141.
115 Rodríguez, Sobre la brecha, p. 189.
116 Alexander, Ruth, The ‘Girl’ Problem: Female Sexual Delinquency in New York, 1900–1930 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1995)Google Scholar; see also Odem, Mary, Delinquent Daughters: Protecting and Policing Adolescent Female Sexuality in the United States, 1885–1920 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1995)Google Scholar.
117 Bliss, Katherine Elaine and Blum, Ann, ‘Dangerous Driving: Adolescence, Sex, and the Gendered Experience of Public Space in Early-Twentieth-Century Mexico City’, in French, William and Bliss, Katherine Elaine (eds.), Gender, Sexuality, and Power in Latin America since Independence (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2007), pp. 164–5Google Scholar.
118 Ibid., pp. 165–7.
119 Anne Rubenstein, ‘The War on Las Pelonas: Modern Women and Their Enemies, Mexico City, 1924’, in Olcott et al. (eds.), Sex in Revolution, pp. 57–8, 63.
120 Ugarte, Marta Eugenia García, Génesis del porvenir: sociedad y política en Querétaro (1913–1940) (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1997)Google Scholar, p. 396.
121 Alvarado, Salvador, Actuación revolucionaria del general Salvador Alvarado en Yucatán (3rd edition, Mexico City: Costa Amic, 1965)Google Scholar, p. 49.
122 ‘La mujer y el clero’, 3 Dec. 1934, AGN, APTGC, caja 86, exp. 18.
123 Rodríguez, Sobre la brecha, pp. 159, 174.
124 Pablos, Julia Tuñón, Women in Mexico: A Past Unveiled (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1999), pp. 96–7Google Scholar.
125 Alonso, Ana María, Thread of Blood: Colonialism, Revolution, and Gender on Mexico's Northern Frontier (Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Press, 1995), pp. 122–3Google Scholar.
126 Macías, Ana, Against All Odds: The Feminist Movement in Mexico to 1940 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1982), pp. xiv, 90–8Google Scholar.
127 Vaughan, Mary Kay, ‘Modernizing Patriarchy: State Policies, Rural Households, and Women in Mexico, 1930–1940’, in Dore, Elizabeth and Molyneux, Maxine (eds.), Hidden Histories of Gender and the State in Latin America (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2000), p. 200Google Scholar.
128 Stephanie Coontz argues that only in the last two centuries has the idea of companionate marriage, which began in Western Europe and North America, been globalised: see Coontz, Stephanie, Marriage, A History: From Obedience to Intimacy or How Love Conquered Marriage (New York: Viking, 2005)Google Scholar.
129 Wardlow, Holly and Hirsch, Jennifer, ‘Introduction’, in Hirsch, and Wardlow, (eds.), Modern Love: The Anthropology of Romantic Courtship & Companionate Marriage (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2006), pp. 1–31Google Scholar, esp. p. 9.
130 The idea of marriage being based on ‘attachment and will’ was present (though contested) in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in Mexico: see Seed, Patricia, To Love, Honor and Obey in Colonial Mexico: Conflicts over Marriage Choice (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1988), pp. 47–60Google Scholar, 119. By the 1830s it was widespread in Mexico: see Arrom, Silvia, The Women of Mexico City, 1790–1857 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1985), pp. 206–58Google Scholar.
131 For a statistical history of civil and sacramental marriages as well as free unions in twentieth-century Mexico, see Salgado, Julian Quilodrán, Un siglo de matrimonio en México (Mexico City: El Colegio de México, 2001)Google Scholar.
132 Eugenia Rodríguez S., ‘Civilizing Domestic Life in the Central Valley of Costa Rica, 1750–1850’, in Dore and Molyneux (eds.), Hidden Histories, p. 88.
133 Maxine Molyneux, ‘Twentieth-Century State Formations in Latin America’, in Dore and Molyneux (eds.), Hidden Histories, pp. 33–81.
134 Ibid., pp. 37, 53.
135 Smith, Stephanie J., Gender and the Mexican Revolution: Yucatán Women and the Realities of Patriarchy (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, pp. 3, 13.
136 Olcott, Revolutionary Women, p. 15.
137 Ibid., pp. 183–5.
138 Ibid., p. 180.
139 Mary Kay Vaughan, ‘Introduction: Pancho Villa, the Daughters of Mary, and the Modern Woman: Gender in the Long Mexican Revolution’, in Olcott et al. (eds.), Sex in Revolution, pp. 25, 28.
- 2
- Cited by