Published online by Cambridge University Press: 08 October 2018
In this paper we provide a novel and unified formal analysis of the stress microvariation found in verb–enclitic groupings in Barcelona Catalan, with stress stability, in Formentera Catalan, with stress shift to the penultimate and the last syllable of the whole sequence, and in Mallorca and Menorca Catalan, with stress shift to the last syllable. We argue that stress shift in Formentera Catalan conforms directly to the unmarked pattern of nominal stress in Catalan, that is, a right-aligned moraic trochee, with the constraint All-Feet-Right undominated, leading to final and penultimate stress. In Barcelona Catalan, the effects of this constraint are inhibited by an anti-alignment constraint prohibiting the right edge of a foot from coinciding with the right edge of a clitic. In Mallorca and Menorca Catalan, stress shift is also understood as a strategy to meet the unmarked nominal stress pattern of Catalan, although in these dialects the anti-alignment constraint is also undominated, leading to catalexis, in this case a melodically empty mora, and thus to final stress.
We would like to thank the audience of the Going Romance 2015 (Radboud University, Nijmegen, The Netherlands), where a previous version of this paper was presented. We also want to thank Dr. S. J. Hannahs, editor of this journal, and four anonymous reviewers for their time and helpful comments. Clàudia Pons-Moll’s research is part of the project FFI2016-76245-C3-3-P. Likewise, Francesc Torres-Tamarit’s research is part of the project FFI2016-76245-C3-1-P. Both projects are funded by AEI (Agencia Estatal de Investigación) and FEDER (Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo Regional). Both authors contributed equally to this work. Any error is our own.