Published online by Cambridge University Press: 14 October 2011
Administrative law in the United States during the last half century has been dominated by three major themes: (1) the extent to which legislative authority may be delegated to administrative agencies, (2) judicial review of legislative action, and (3) analysis of the formal aspects of agency procedures. At the core of this traditional approach to administrative law—defining its purpose—is the problem of the legitimacy of public administration. Specifically, the issue, to traditionalists, is how far administrative agencies can go before they impinge on the rights of private citizens.
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26. Shapiro, “On Predicting,” 19. The constitutional debate over the delegation of congressional power reached its zenith in the Supreme Court decision in Schechter Bros. v. United States, 295 U.S. 495, in 1935. The debate “summarized the conflict between liberal and progressive political theory that had been going on for the previous four decades.”
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42. Ch. 324, 60 Stat. 237. The act is now codified, in amended form, in Title 5 of the United States Code, sections 551–59, 701–6, 1305, 3105, 3344, 5372, and 7521.
43. Conflict soon resumed in the courts, as the ABA challenged (unsuccessfully) the U.S. Civil Service Commission's assertion of authority in regulating the selection and regulation of the position of hearing examiner. See Ramspeck v. Federal Trial Examiners Conference, 345 U.S. 128 (1953).
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52. The high watermark was reached in 1970 with the decision in Goldberg v. Kelly, 397 U.S. 254 (1970), in which a majority of the court joined to hold that hearings, with specific and formalized procedural safeguards, were required to be offered to persons by welfare agencies before terminating public assistance payments. The decision was subsequently applied to require and shape hearings in prisons, mental hospitals, schools, and other places where persons alleged that property, liberty, or life was being threatened by government action or inaction.
53. The burgeoning of administrative justice rights was not solely the work of the courts. Many rights were extended by way of legislation or executive order. For example, law was created that worked toward the elimination of racial, ethnic, and gender discrimination in employment, which gave federal employees rights to collectively bargain and to grieve, to receive fair and equal compensation, and that promoted a safe and health-protecting workplace.
54. Wood v. Strickland, 420 U.S. 308 (1975).
55. Public Law 89–487 and Public Law 93–502, respectively (currently, Title 5, U.S. Code, sec. 552, as amended).
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This brings me to the more general subject of unintended consequences in organizational change cases. As in the matter of budgetary costs, these are of two types: those that occur within the affected organization and those that occur outside it. I have already suggested that, after a decree is entered, a plethora of forces, many of them not before the court, typically combine in unanticipated ways to produce results of which courts may or may not approve but many of which they will certainly not have foreseen. The same happens outside the bounds of the affected organization. These consequences never come within the view of the courts. (1305–6)
57. This analysis is consistent with Shapiro's, in “On Predicting …” (see note 3). Writing in 1982, Shapiro said: “It is an almost unnoticed judicial step to move from the demand that all the groups be answered to the demand that all significant questions be answered. That is the step the courts are taking right now” (18).
58. Cooper, 2ded., 163–64. Cooper uses Laurence Tribe's distinction between “intrinsic” and “instrumental” approaches to due process; Tribe, , American Constitutional Law (Mineola, NY, 1978).Google Scholar
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60. Vermont Yankee Nuclear Power Corp. v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc., 435 U.S. 519 (1978).
61. 98 S. Ct. 2096 (1978).
62. The significance of this case is explored by Daniel D. Polsby, in “F.C.C. v. National Citizens Committee for Broadcasting and the Judicious Uses of Administrative Discretion,” The Supreme Court Review (1978), 1.Google Scholar
63. 445 U.S. 622; 100 S.CT. 1398 (1980).
64. According to Mark Tushnet, agencies were allowed a varying degree of discretion to act and, correspondingly, given varying degrees of judicial review, depending upon how professional and competent they were perceived to be by the courts.
65. Executive Order 12291 (17 February 1981).
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67. See Scalia's concurring opinion in N.L.R.B. v. International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, Local 340, 107 S.Ct 2002, at 2015–17. Perhaps the best analysis of Scalia's views in this regard is found in Richard A. Brisbin, Jr., “The Conservatism of Antonin Scalia,” Political Science Quarterly, in press.
68. Such a strategy would be more effective if Congress and OMB could frame more specific guidelines for administrative action.
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70. There is disagreement on this point. Compare Levinson, Harold, “The Proposed Administrative Law Judge Corps: An Incomplete but Important Reform Effort,” New England Law Review 19 (1984), 733,Google Scholar with Graham, “The Changing Role.” Graham, who takes the position that ALJs are becoming increasingly judicialized, makes the better case.
71. All federal administrative hearing officers received the title of “Administrative Law Judge” in 1978 (5 USC 3105).
72. Three major organizations represent the interests of ALJs: the Federal Administrative Law Judges Conference, the National Conference of Administrative Law Judges, and the Association of Administrative Law Judges.
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78. The policy initiative is reinforced by the movement in several states to establish centralized panels of ALJs.
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