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Federalism Vindicated: University Desegregation in South Carolina and Alabama, 1962–1963

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  14 October 2011

Marcia G. Synnott
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Extract

By the 1950s, two contrasting strategies of white leadership were emerging in the South: “massive resistance” and “moderation.” Both were equally committed in principle to a defense of segregation, but they employed different tactics: The former trumpeted “defiance,” the later counseled “delay.” The strategists of-“massive resistance,” who for a decade largely dominated politics in Alabama and Mississippi, were convinced that any concession, even a tactical one, would be a dangerous break in the dike of segregation. They believed that defiance could deter the federal government from enforcing the university desegregation decisions and Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka (1954; 1955). On the other hand, the strategists of “moderation,” who gained political ascendancy in South Carolina, maneuvered within the law, first to postpone implementation of Brown, and then to determine the minimum amount of desegregation that blacks would accept, which would not at the same time inflame white racists. In effect, they used skillful tactics of delay to “moderate” both white racism and black aspirations. Ultimately, they were more successful in achieving their objectives than the resisters, because they avoided sweeping federal interventions.

Type
Articles
Information
Journal of Policy History , Volume 1 , Issue 3 , July 1989 , pp. 292 - 318
Copyright
Copyright © The Pennsylvania State University, University Park, PA. 1989

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References

Notes

The research for this essay, which was first presented to the American Historical Association annual meeting, Washington, D.C., 28 December 1987, was funded by grants from the American Council of Learned Societies, the American Philosophical Society, the Southern Regional Education Board, and by support from the University of South Carolina (sabbatical leave and grants from the Committee on Research and Productive Scholarship, the Dean of the College of Humanities and Social Sciences, the Provost's Research Incentive Committee, and the Department of History).

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24. Tushnet, The NAACP's Legal Strategy, 159–61.

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29. Charles Wickenberg, “S.C. Governor Assails Faculty,” Charlotte Observer, 16 January 1958, clipping, file Gressette—Univ. of S.C, S.C. School Committee, Box 1, SC-Ar. Septima P. Clark to Roy Wilkins, 6 June 1956, and Wilkins to Clark, 15 June 1956, and clippings, “Students Hit Surveillance,” 11 April 1956, and “SC Governor Hanged in Effigy As Student Strike Continues,” 12 April 1956, (Columbia) State, file Reprisals—South Carolina, Gen. 1955–57, Box 192, NAACP III.

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36. Benjamin Muse, Memorandum, “South Carolina Notes (From February Visits),” 7 March 1962; and Confidential Memorandum, February Itinerary, 8 March 1962, (file no. 75–01–59–03); and Julian M. Longley, Summary of Activity, Week Ending 2 September 1961 (file no. 75–01–58–26). [SRCAC].

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52. Discussions with William D. Barnard, 10 April 1987, Charleston, and 2 October 1987, Tuscaloosa. Robert Corley, “In Search of Racial Harmony: Birmingham Business Leaders and Desegregation, 1950–1963,” in Southern Businessmen and Desegregation, ed. Jacoway and Colburn, 179–82, 170–90.

53. J. Mills Thornton III, comments on John G. Sproat's “The Limits of Moderation in South Carolina,” presented at Organization of American Historians annual meeting, Philadelphia, 4 April 1987.

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65. Belknap, Federal Law and Southern Order, 248, 250, 251. Newby, Black Carolinians, 289.

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