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“Still Doin’ Time”: An Analysis of the Conditional Effects of Legislative Term Limits on State Incarceration Rates

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 January 2025

Jason S. Byers
Affiliation:
University of Connecticut
Laine P. Shay*
Affiliation:
Texas A&M University-Corpus Christi
*
Corresponding author: Laine P. Shay; Email: laine.shay@tamucc.edu

Abstract

A vast body of work investigates the consequences of legislative term limits for public policy. However, considerably less research has delved into their effects in noneconomic policy domains. In this article, we develop the argument that implemented term limits increase the effect that a state government’s ideology has on the state’s incarceration rate. When analyzing incarceration rates among all states between 1979 and 2017, we find evidence to support our theoretical expectation. Specifically, for states with term limits, we find that an increase in state government conservatism is associated with a higher incarceration rate. Conversely, for non-term-limited states, we find that the policy preferences of the state government have little influence on the incarceration rate. These findings deepen our insight into how institutional design can affect public policy.

Type
Article
Copyright
© The Author(s), 2025. Donald Critchlow and Cambridge University Press

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References

Notes

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2 Millar, “Leaning into Mass Incarceration.”

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16 For example, the title of our article alludes to this phenomenon. See, George Jones, “Still Doin’ Time,” track 1 on Still the Same Ole Me, Epic (1981).

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34 Carey et al., “The Effects of Term Limits.”

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42 Sarbaugh-Thompson, “Measuring Term Limitedness.”

43 Kousser, Term Limits, 9.

44 James MacPherson, “North Dakota Voters OK Term Limits for Governor, Legislators,” AP News, November 8, 2022, https://apnews.com/article/bismarck-north-dakota-term-limits-government-and-politics-ebba348663d0a8e715f9b90714602354.

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48 Smith, “The Politics of Punishment”; Jon Sorensen and Don Stemen, “The Effect of State Sentencing Policies on Incarceration Rates,” Crime & Delinquency 48, no. 3 (2002): 456–75; Stucky, Heimer, and Lang, “Partisan Politics.”

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54 Jennifer Drage Bowser and Gary Moncrief, “Term Limits in State Legislatures,” in Institutional Change in American Politics: The Case of Term Limits, ed. Karl Kurtz, Bruce Cain, and Richard Niemi (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2007), 10–21; Moncrief and Thompson, “On the Outside Looking In.”

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56 Shay, “Do Term Limits ‘Limit’ the Speaker?”

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58 Moncrief and Thompson, “On the Outside Looking In.”

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66 We have also estimated the coefficients with a robust regression model. The results are similar to those presented here.

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70 Travis J. Baker, Travis J. Hedge, and David M. Hedge, “Term Limits and Legislative‐Executive Conflict in the American States,” Legislative Studies Quarterly 38, no. 2 (2013): 237–58.

71 It should be noted that the Baker and Hedge scores are derived from scores created by Marjorie Sarbaugh-Thompson. We rely more heavily on the Baker and Hedge scores because some of the term-limit scores created by Sarbaugh-Thompson have negative values—suggesting that those term-limited states have lower turnover than non-term-limited states. Theoretically this is possible, but data from the Book of the States suggests that this tends not to be the case.

72 Oregon briefly had term limits implemented, but the legal system later invalidated the law. We have reestimated Model 1, however, with the inclusion of a term limit score for Oregon. The results are similar to those presented here.

73 Miller, Crotty, and Crotty, “Consequences of Legislative Term Limits.”

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76 Again, NOMINATE scores are used to construct these ideology scores. For more details, see Berry et al., “Measuring Citizen and Government Ideology.”

77 Olson and Rogowski, “Legislative Term Limits.”

78 Peverill Squire, “Measuring State Legislative Professionalism: The Squire Index Revisited,” State Politics & Policy Quarterly 7, no. 2 (2007): 211–27.

79 Squire, “Measuring State Legislative Professionalism.”

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85 It is important to mention that we use single variable imputation to address missing data in our data set. We also updated a few of the variables in the data set that we used to run the analysis.

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91 University of Kentucky Center for Poverty Research, UKCPR National Welfare Data.

92 University of Kentucky Center for Poverty Research, UKCPR National Welfare Data.

93 We rescale the income per capita and state economy variable to make them easier to interpret. These transformations have no effect on our findings.

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96 Some caution should be drawn for the unemployment rate variable. When estimating coefficients for a robust regression model, this variable becomes statistically nonsignificant.

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98 We have also analyzed the residuals of our model. When analyzing estimates for a robust regression estimator, our results do not substantively change.

99 Sarbaugh-Thompson, “Measuring ‘Term Limitedness.’”

100 It should be noted that Travis Baker and David Hedge’s term-limit scores are constructed with Marjorie Sarbaugh-Thompson’s measure of term limits (see Sarbaugh-Thompson, “Measuring ‘Term Limitedness.’”

101 Miller, Crotty, and Crotty, “Consequences of Legislative Term Limits,” 578.

102 Anna Gunderson, “Why Do States Privatize Their Prisons? The Unintended Consequences of Inmate Litigation,” Perspectives on Politics 20, no. 1 (2022): 187–204.

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104 Thomas and McCrink, “How Oklahoma Popped Its Prison Bubble.”

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108 Canes‐Wrone, Minozzi, and Reveley, ““Issue Accountability and the Mass Public”; Cummins, “Issue Voting and Crime in Gubernatorial Elections.”

109 Darienne Gutierrez, “Punishment Rate Measures Prison Use Relative to Crime,” The Pew Charitable Trust, March 23, 2016, https://www.pewtrusts.org/en/research-and-analysis/issue-briefs/2016/03/the-punishment-rate.

110 Herbert Koppel, “Sentencing Practices in 13 States,” U.S. Department of Justice: Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1985, https://bjs.ojp.gov/content/pub/pdf/sp13s.pdf.

111 Jordan Butcher, “Be Careful What You Count: Updating Legislative Turnover in the 50 States,” American Politics Research 50, no. 4 (2022): 503–10.

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