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The Monetization of Temperate Europe*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 March 2013

Christopher Howgego
Christopher Howgego*
Affiliation:
Ashmolean Museum, University of Oxford
*
chris.howgego@ashmus.ox.ac.uk
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Abstract

By considering monetization across the Iron Age and Roman periods and across the whole of Temperate Europe some major developments become apparent. The spread of coinage in the Iron Age bears some relationship to the eventual extent of the Roman Empire. Coins stand in the archaeological record for systems of doing things, for ways people relate to each other and to things, and for ways of conceptualizing the world. They provide a useful way to approach the meeting of the worlds of the Iron Age and of Rome. Material forms of being Roman became increasingly important as a dimension of Roman identity. The commercialization implicit in Rome's ‘Cultural Revolution’ was underpinned by the extension of Roman-style monetization. In this light the monetization of Temperate Europe emerges as a process of considerable importance.

Keywords

Roman EmpireRoman Cultural RevolutionRoman coinsIron Age coinscommercializationmonetizationmoneyprimitive valuablesregimes of valueritual deposition
Type
Articles
Information
The Journal of Roman Studies , Volume 103 , November 2013 , pp. 16 - 45
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s) 2013. Published by The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies 

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Footnotes

*

The ideas in this paper were tried out at the conference on ‘Money and the Evolution of Culture in the Ancient World’ at the Victoria University of Wellington in July 2011, and in a lecture at the Universitatea “Babeş-Bolyai” Cluj-Napoca in October of that year. I am particularly grateful to Gelu Florea and Cristian Găzdac for introducing me to the archaeology of the Dacian citadels on the ground. I found inspiring the general approach of Chris Gosden in his Archaeology and Colonialism and in his O'Donnell lectures in 2011. It is a pleasure to acknowledge generous help with various aspects of the paper from Roger Bland, John Creighton, Katie Eagleton, Colin Haselgrove, Fleur Kemmers, Ian Leins, Kris Lockyear, Sam Moorhead, John Naylor, John Penney, Adi Popescu, Paul Russell, Eberhard Sauer, Roger Tomlin, Hans-Markus von Kaenel, Philippa Walton, David Wigg, and especially Greg Woolf. I am also profoundly grateful to the anonymous readers for the Journal, whose insights caused me to rethink and recast. The preparation of Figs 1–2 was generously supported by the Lorne Thyssen Research Fund for Ancient World Topics at Wolfson College, Oxford.

References

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12 Dio 62.2.1.

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16 cf. von Reden, S., Money in Classical Antiquity (2010), 186CrossRefGoogle Scholar: ‘But it is well known that money does not just affect economies but is a collective signifier through which individuals and societies construe their identities and lives.’

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19 For the active rôle of coinage in creating identity: Howgego, C., ‘Coinage and identity in the Roman provinces’, in Howgego, C., Heuchert, V. and Burnett, A. (eds), Coinage and Identity in the Roman Provinces (2005), 1–17Google Scholar, at 17; Kemmers, F. and Myrberg, N., ‘Rethinking numismatics. The archaeology of coins’, Archaeological Dialogues 18 (2011), 87–108CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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28 Iron Age coinage was re-established again later only in the west of this area. Nash, op. cit. (n. 23), 67; Wigg, D., ‘Das Ende der keltischen Münzgeldwirtschaft am Mittelrhein’, Germania 74 (1996), 377–97Google Scholar; idem, ‘The development of a monetary economy in N. Gaul in the Late La Tène and Early Roman periods’, in Creighton, J. and Wilson, R. (eds), Roman Germany. Studies in Cultural Interaction (1999), 99–124Google Scholar; D. Wigg-Wolf in Bursche, Ciołek and Wolters, op. cit. (n. 25), 39; idem, ‘The function of Celtic coinages in northern Gaul’, in García-Bellido, M. P., Callegarin, L. and Díaz, A. Jiménez (eds), Barter, Money and Coinage in the Ancient Mediterranean (10th–1st Centuries BC) (2011), 301–14, at 307–8Google Scholar; Overbeck, B., ‘Celtic chronology in South Germany’, in Burnett, A. and Crawford, M. (eds), The Coinage of the Roman World in the Late Republic (1987), 1–17Google Scholar; Nick, M., ‘Zum Ende der keltischen Münzgeldwirtschaft in Südwestdeutschland’, in Metzler, J. and Wigg-Wolf, D. (eds), Die Kelten und Rom: neue numismatische Forschungen (2005), 147–58Google Scholar; idem, Gabe, Opfer, Zahlungsmittel. Strukturen keltischen Münzgebrauchs im westlichen Mitteleuropa (2006)Google Scholar.

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33 For resistance as a post-colonial concept: Gosden, op. cit. (n. 7), 18.

34 Guest, P. and Wells, N., Iron Age & Roman Coins from Wales (2007)Google Scholar; Guest, P., ‘The early monetary history of Roman Wales: identity, conquest and acculturation on the imperial fringe’, Britannia 39 (2008), 33–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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36 Walton, P., Rethinking Roman Britain: Coinage and Archaeology (2012), 50–6; 167–8Google Scholar; Guest, op. cit. (n. 34), at 56. But note the substantial quantity of bronze from the — no doubt military — votive deposits at Coventina's Well on Hadrian's Wall: Allason-Jones, L. and McKay, B., Coventina's Well. A Shrine on Hadrian's Wall (1985), 50–76Google Scholar.

37 Walton, op. cit. (n. 36), 55. For Scotland: Hunter, F., ‘Silver for the barbarians: interpreting denarii hoards in north Britain and beyond’, in Hingley, R. and Willis, S. (eds), Roman Finds: Context and Theory. Proceedings of a Conference held at the University of Durham (2007), 214–24Google Scholar.

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39 Taylor, J., An Atlas of Roman Rural Settlement in England (2007), 19; 23–34Google Scholar. There are gaps in the distribution of villas in the South-East, including the Fens, but these are largely filled by other rectilinear building forms.

40 Dacia imported Greek coins and produced imitations of Greek coins, principally tetradrachms of Philip II and Alexander: Preda, C., Monedele Geto-Dacilor (1973)Google Scholar; Allen, op. cit. (n. 29); Nash, op. cit. (n. 23), 58–60.

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43 The area of import of denarii extended further south into what was to become Moesia Inferior (especially in north-west Bulgaria): Paunov, E. and Prokopov, I., An Inventory of Roman Republican Coin Hoards and Coins from Bulgaria (2002)Google Scholar; Lockyear, op. cit. (n. 42, 2007), 167–8.

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46 Lockyear, op. cit. (n. 41), 40.

47 Exemplary studies of regional/local variation: I. Wellington, ‘Placing coinage and ritual sites in their archaeological contexts: the example of northern France’, in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 227–45; Nick, op. cit. (n. 22), 173–86.

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49 e.g. Nash, op. cit. (n. 23), 16; 48; Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28, 2011), 304–5.

50 cf. Nick, op. cit. (n. 28, 2006).

51 A. Fitzpatrick, ‘Gifts for the golden gods: Iron Age hoards of torques and coins’, in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 157–82; D. Wigg-Wolf, ‘Coins and cult at the Martberg: a case study’, in Metzler and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28), 297–311, at 298–9.

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57 Bradley, op. cit. (n. 53), 89; 96: standard units of metal; 119: non-functional axes from the end of the Bronze Age. For example the Langton Matravers hoard: http://finds.org.uk/database/artefacts/record/id/222420; Portable Antiquities Scheme Unique ID: HAMP-2865F1.

58 Bradley, op. cit. (n. 56), ch. 7. It was in essence a development of the Neolithic, although it had roots in the Mesolithic, and has been associated with either sedentarism or, more recently, with the adoption of domesticates. Thirault, E., ‘The politics of supply: the Neolithic axe industry in Alpine Europe’, Antiquity 79 (2005), 34–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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60 Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 18; C. Haselgrove, ‘The incidence of Iron Age coins on archaeological sites in Belgic Gaul’, in Metzler and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28), 247–96, at 290–1 (citing Gournay sur Aronde and Ribemont-sur-Ancre) = idem, ‘A new approach to analysing the circulation of Iron Age coinage’, NC 165 (2005), 129–74; 169Google Scholar.

61 Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13); Haselgrove, op. cit. (n. 60), on Belgic Gaul; Woolf, op. cit. (n. 1), 209–11; Score, V., Hoards, Hounds and Helmets: a Conquest-period Ritual Site at Hallaton, Leicestershire (2011)Google Scholar; Leins, I., ‘Coins in context: coinage and votive deposition in Iron Age south-east Leicestershire’, British Numismatic Journal 77 (2007), 22–48Google Scholar.

62 P. de Jersey, ‘Deliberate defacement of British Iron Age coinage’, in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 85–113; D. Wigg-Wolf, ‘Coins and ritual in the late Iron Age and early Roman sanctuaries in the territory of the Treveri’, in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 361–79. One wonders whether similar considerations may also apply to the deep cuts found on early silver coinages of the third century b.c. in the region around Moldavia, which have traditionally been explained in purely monetary terms: Allen, op. cit. (n. 29), 24; Preda, C., Monedele Geto-Dacilor (1973), 111–31Google Scholar (Romanian); 444–5 (German); pls XXI–XXVII.

63 Wigg-Wolf in Metzler and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28), 310.

64 cf. Hingley in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 188 on currency bars.

65 Wells, P., ‘Weapons, ritual and communication in Late Iron Age northern Europe’, in Haselgrove, C. and Moore, T. (eds), The Later Iron Age in Britain and Beyond (2007), 468–77Google Scholar.

66 For example the coinage traditionally attributed to the Iceni from the mid-first century b.c. until about a.d. 43 was tightly controlled, in gold and silver and with fractions, and struck from a total of 1,597 known separate (obverse and reverse) dies: Talbot, J., ‘Icenian coin production’, in Davies, J. A. (ed.), The Iron Age in Northern East Anglia: New Work in the Land of the Iceni (2011), 69–82Google Scholar.

67 Appadurai, op. cit. (n. 8); Kemmers and Myrberg, op. cit. (n. 19), at 89–91.

68 Allen, D. F., ‘Wealth, money and coinage in a Celtic society’, in Megaw, J. V. S. (ed.), To Illustrate the Monuments: Essays on Archaeology Presented to Stuart Piggott (1976), 199–208Google Scholar, gathers literary references. See also Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28, 2011), 305–6.

69 Nash, op. cit. (n. 23), 43; 45 on passages in Polybius and Caesar.

70 For example, Posidonius reported that the Arvernian king Louernios scattered gold and silver among a crowd of followers from his chariot, and Strabo at least took the report to refer to coins (Athenaeus 4.152d = 4.37 quoting Posidonius ‘gold and silver’; Strabo 4.2.3 ‘gold and silver coins’). The passage has been taken as evidence of the use of coins in distributions in the mid-second century b.c. (Allen, op. cit. (n. 68), 100–1), but the Arverni appear to have had no coinage in this period. For the lack of coins Nash, D., ‘Coinage and state development in central Gaul’, in Cunliffe, B. (ed.), Coinage and Society in Britain and Gaul: Some Current Problems (1981), 14Google Scholar; Guichard, V., Pion, P., Malacher, F. and Collis, J., ‘À propos de la circulation monétaire en Gaule chevelue aux IIe et Ier siècles a.v. J.C.’, Revue Archéologique du Centre de la France 32 (1993), 25–55, at 31–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

71 Nash, op. cit. (n. 23), 16; 41.

72 Sills, J., Gaulish and Early British Gold Coinage (2003)Google Scholar for a strongly historicizing view. Haselgrove, C., ‘The development of British Iron Age coinage’, NC 153 (1993), 31–64Google Scholar; and idem, ‘The development of Iron Age coinage in Belgic Gaul’, NC 159 (1999), 111–68Google Scholar for a more sceptical approach based on careful appraisal of the archaeological evidence. See also Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28, 2011), 302.

73 Gruel, K. and Popovitch, L., Les monnaies gauloises et romaines de l'oppidum de Bibracte (2007), 65–6; 104–5Google Scholar; Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28, 2011), 307.

74 Nash, op. cit. (n. 23), 16.

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76 Gruel and Popovitch, op. cit. (n. 73), 36–7; Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28, 2011), 307.

77 Sills, op. cit. (n. 72), chs 1–2; Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28, 2011), 301–2.

78 Py, M., Les monnaies préaugustéennes de Lattes et la circulation monétaire protohistorique en Gaule méridionale (2006), vol. 2, 1195–6Google Scholar.

79 Much of it stands on the shoulders of the pioneering work of Haselgrove on the archaeological context of coinage in the Iron Age: Haselgrove, C., Iron Age Coinage in South-East England: The Archaeological Context (1987)Google Scholar.

80 Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28, 2011), 307–11. But for a critique of oppida as proto-towns: Woolf, G., ‘Rethinking the oppida’, Oxford Journal of Archaeology 19 (1993), 223–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar; C. Haselgrove and T. Moore, ‘New narratives of the Later Iron Age’, in Haselgrove and Moore, op. cit. (n. 65), 1–15, at 3–4.

81 M. Curteis, ‘Ritual coin deposition on Iron Age settlements in the South Midlands’, in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 207–25, at 221; 224; idem, ‘Distribution and ritual deposition of Iron Age coins in the South Midlands’, in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 61–79, at 77.

82 Haselgrove in Metzler and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28), 264–5 = Haselgrove, op. cit. (n. 60, 2005), 146–7.

83 Holleran, C., Shopping in Ancient Rome. The Retail Trade in the Late Republic and the Principate (2012), ch. 3CrossRefGoogle Scholar: ‘The Form and Function of Tabernae’; Purcell, N., ‘The city of Rome and the plebs urbana in the late Republic’, in Crook, J., Lintott, A. and Rawson, E., Cambridge Ancient History vol. 9 (2nd edn, 1994), 644–88Google Scholar, at 659–73, note p. 661 ‘the hallmark of Roman urbanism’.

84 Gruel and Popovitch, op. cit. (n. 73), 57–80; Krmnicek, S., Münze und Geld im frührömischen Ostalpenraum: Studien zum Münzumlauf und zur Funktion von Münzgeld anhand der Funde und Befunde vom Magdalensberg (2010)Google Scholar; Haselgrove, C. and Krmnicek, S., ‘The archaeology of money’, Annual Review of Anthropology 41 (2012) (posted online), 235–50, at 241–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

85 Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 9.

86 von Reden, op. cit. (n. 16), 55–63, at 63.

87 For the social embedding of modern money: Zelizer, V. A., The Social Meaning of Money (1994)Google Scholar.

88 For such social circulation see Nash, op. cit. (n. 23), ch. 3: ‘Coinage in Celtic Society’; cf. Dalton, op. cit. (n. 14). For a differentiated and locally-particular approach to gift exchange: Thomas, op. cit. (n. 8), 206.

89 As argued on the basis of contextual archaeology for the Celtic-speaking trading settlement at Lattara on the Mediterranean: Haselgrove and Krmnicek, op. cit. (n. 84), 240–1.

90 Good discussion in I. Wellington, ‘The role of Iron Age coinage in archaeological contexts’, in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 81–95. For gold operating in a different sphere of exchange: Nick, op. cit. (n. 22), 177–9; Haselgrove, op. cit. (n. 72, 1993), 48 (on South-East England) suggesting that gold and bronze were possibly used for separate purposes.

91 cf. Aarts, drawing on Parry and Bloch, who seeks to describe transformation into the Roman period in terms of the changing balance between the sphere of long-term exchange, involved with the reproduction of the social and cosmic order, and short-term exchange, characterized as exchange in the domain of the individual, where social relations play a limited part and where acquisition is paramount. Aarts, op. cit. (n. 20); Parry, J. and Bloch, M., Money and the Morality of Exchange (1989), 2CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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93 Howgego, op. cit. (n. 10), 16 with n. 148 cites a number such passages.

94 Above, n. 10.

95 Howgego, op. cit. (n. 10). The substantial truth of this normative picture has been reaffirmed by Rathbone for Egypt: Rathbone, D., ‘Roman Egypt’, in Scheidel, W., Morris, I. and Saller, R. (eds), The Cambridge Economic History of the Greco-Roman World (2007), 698–719CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 709; 714–15; idem, ‘Prices and price formation in Roman Egypt,’, in Andreau, J., Briant, P. and Descat, R. (eds), Économie antique: prix et formation des prix dans les économies antiques (1997), 183–244, at 211Google Scholar.

96 Hendy, M., ‘From public to private: the western barbarian coinages as a mirror of the disintegration of late Roman state structures’, Viator. Medieval and Renaissance Studies 19 (1988), 29–78Google Scholar; idem, ‘East and West: divergent models of coinage and its use’, Settimane di studio del Centro italiano di studi sull'alto medioevo 38 (1991), 637–79Google Scholar; Ward-Perkins, op. cit. (n. 1), 42–3 (demise of tax revenues); 110–17 (‘A World without Small-change’).

97 Peter, M., Augusta Raurica I–II, Inventar der Fundmünzen der Schweiz 3–4 (1996)Google Scholar; idem, Untersuchungen zu den Fundmünzen aus Augst und Kaiseraugst (2001), 202–11Google Scholar analyses denominations by location; Alram, M. and Schmidt-Dick, F., Die antiken Fundmünzen im Museum Carnuntinum: Numismata Carnuntina: Forschungen und Material (2007)Google Scholar, especially section 2.3 ‘Die Einzelfunde in der Fundlanschaft Carnuntums’; Hahn, W., Die Fundmünzen der römischen Zeit in Österreich III. Niederösterreich, Band 1: Carnuntum (1976)Google Scholar.

98 Kemmers, F., Coins for a Legion: an Analysis of the Coin Finds from the Augustan Legionary Fortress and Flavian Canabae Legionis at Nijmegen (2006), 141–51Google Scholar.

99 Duncan-Jones, R., ‘Roman coin circulation and the cities of Vesuvius’, in Lo Cascio, E. (ed.), Credito e moneta nel mondo romano (2003), 161–80Google Scholar; Andreau, J., ‘The use and survival of coins and of gold and silver in the Vesuvian cities’, in Harris, W. (ed.), The Monetary Systems of the Greeks and Romans (2008), 208–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Presenza e circolazione della moneta in area vesuviana: atti del XIII Convegno organizzato dal Centro internazionale di studi numismatici e dall'Università di Napoli Federico II, Napoli, 30 maggio–1 giugno 2003 (2007)Google Scholar; Haselgrove and Krmnicek, op. cit. (n. 84), 242.

100 Cooley, A., Pompeii (2003), 37–8 salvage; 48 escapeGoogle Scholar.

101 R. Hobbs, ‘Coinage and currency in ancient Pompeii’, in Holmes, op. cit. (n. 75), vol. 1, 732–41.

102 Sauer, E., Coins, Cult and Cultural Identity: Augustan Coins, Hot Springs and the Early Roman Baths at Bourbonne-les-Bains (2005)Google Scholar, passim, and 97 for rivers; Bursche, A., ‘Münzen der römischen Kaiserzeit aus Flüssen, ein Beitrag zur Quellenkritik’, in von Carnap-Bornheim, Cl. and Friesinger, H. (eds), Wasserwege: Lebensadern – Trennungslinien (2004), 123–39Google Scholar (but with a primary focus on finds north of the Roman Empire); Walton, op. cit. (n. 36), 152–66 (Piercebridge); 173; Sauer, E., ‘Not just small change — coins in Mithraea’, in Martens, M. and de Boe, G. (eds), Roman Mithraism: the Evidence of the Small Finds (2004), 327–53Google Scholar (coin offerings in Mithraea up to the a.d. 390s); Kemmers, op. cit. (n. 98), 136–8; idem, ‘Sender or receiver? Contexts of coin supply and coin use’, in von Kaenel and Kemmers, op. cit. (n. 22), 137–56; Haselgrove in Metzler and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28), 262–4 = Haselgrove, op. cit. (n. 60, 2005), 144–7.

103 Only one instance from a primary burial context in a careful survey of the south Midlands: Curteis in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 208; Curteis in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 69. Belgic Gaul: Haselgrove in Metzler and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28), 264; 291 = Haselgrove, op. cit. (n. 60, 2005), 146; 169; Haselgrove in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 104: practice seen as reflecting Roman influence in southern and eastern Belgic Gaul; 108: Britain saw an increase in cemetery finds after the conquest; they had previously been very rare.

104 Vicarello, a spa with a hot spring north-west of Rome, produced 5,200 coins of the Roman Republic and pre-Roman Italy, together with 400 kg of aes rude: Sauer, op. cit. (n. 102, 2005), 115; Panvini-Rosati, F., ‘Monete della stipe di Vicarello nel Museo Nazionale Romano’, Rendiconti della Pontificia Accademia di Archeologia ser. 3, 40 (1967–8), 57–74Google Scholar.

105 Sauer, op. cit. (n. 102, 2005) on the phenomenon as a whole and in detail on Bourbonne-les-Bains, a hot spring complex in eastern Central Gaul. In Britain, Coventina's Well provides a good example of the deposition of coins at a cold spring (Sauer, op. cit. (n. 102), 116); and Bath of deposition at a hot spring (Walker, D., Roman Coins from the Sacred Spring at Bath (1988)Google Scholar).

106 Sauer, op. cit. (n. 102, 2005), 94–5.

107 Sauer, op. cit. (n. 102, 2005), 96; 120; Tomlin, R., Tabellae Sulis: Roman Inscribed Tablets of Tin and Lead from the Sacred Spring at Bath (1988)Google Scholar; Mattingly, op. cit. (n. 6, 2011), 228–30 has an interesting analysis of curse tablets in Britain.

108 Suetonius, Aug. 57.1; Sauer, op. cit. (n. 102, 2005), 119–21.

109 Desnier, J.-L., ‘Stips’, Revue de l'histoire des religions 204 (1987), 219–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Cf. Varro, de L.L. 5.182.3.

110 Wigg-Wolf in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 378–9; Sauer, op. cit. (n. 102, 2005), 12–15. Arrian, Cyn. 34 for offertory boxes used by ‘Celts’ for contributions after successful hunts which were then used to purchase a sacrificial animal for the festival of Artemis, which was followed by a feast. The author claims that he and his fellow hunters follow this practice. See Phillips, A., and Willcock, M., Xenophon & Arrian, On Hunting (Kynēgetikos) (1999)Google Scholar.

111 Aitchison, N., ‘Roman wealth, native ritual: coin hoards within and beyond Roman Britain’, World Archaeology 20. 2 (1988), 270–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Millett, M., ‘Treasure: interpreting Roman hoards’, in Cottam, S. et al. (eds), Proceedings of the 4th Annual Theoretical Roman Archaeology Conference (1994), 99–106Google Scholar. By way of example it has been demonstrated that the recent Frome Hoard, which ended c. a.d. 290, was deposited in a way which was not conducive to recovery: Moorhead, S., Booth, A. and Bland, R., The Frome Hoard (2010)Google Scholar.

112 The practice has been traced to the end of the fourth century a.d. in Mithraea and at springs: Sauer, op. cit. (n. 102, 2004); idem, ‘Religious rituals at springs in the late antique and early medieval world’, in Lavan, L. and Mulryan, M., The Archaeology of Late Antique ‘Paganism’ (2011), 505–50Google Scholar.

113 J. Creighton, ‘Gold, ritual and kingship’, in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 69–83, at 81.

114 Howgego, op. cit. (n. 10), 11.

115 Burnett, A., Coinage in the Roman World (1987), 1–16Google Scholar; idem, ‘The beginnings of Roman coinage’, Annali: Istituto Italiano di Numismatica 36 (1989), 33–64Google Scholar.

116 Woytek, B., ‘Denarius aureus oder nummus aureus zum Namen der klassischen römischen Goldmünze’, Revue Belge de Numismatique et de Sigillographie 155 (2009), 177–208Google Scholar.

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118 The discussion here is influenced by the concept of a Middle Ground, developed by Richard White in his study of the Great Lakes area in the period between initial contact between Europeans and Indians and the westward expansion of colonial states (White, R., The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650–1815 (1991, anniversary edn 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar), as applied to Roman imperialism by Gosden, op. cit. (n. 7). Gosden (p. 31) defines the Middle Ground as ‘a process that brings systems of value together to create a working relationship between them’. Under this process ‘interaction created new cultural structures, influenced by both sets of cultural logic, but not identical to either’. On Gosden's analysis see Mattingly, op. cit. (n. 6, 2011), 30–7. Cf. Woolf, G., ‘Beyond Romans and natives’, World Archaeology 28 (1997), 339–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Woolf, G., Tales of the Barbarians: Ethnography and Empire in the Roman West (2011), 17–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

119 C. Haselgrove and T. Moore, ‘New narratives of the Later Iron Age’, in Haselgrove and Moore, op. cit. (n. 65), 1–15, at 10 (larger groupings: ‘States and Tribes’) and 11 (emergence of élites). The case for a connection between coinage and state formation was argued by Nash, D., Settlement and Coinage in Central Gaul c.200–50 B.C. (1978)Google Scholar; idem, op. cit. (n. 70).

120 Gosden, op. cit. (n. 7), 32; 110 argued that the Roman Empire was limited by regions where the Middle Ground was refused and could not be fabricated. For the failure of ‘Germanic’ society to assimilate Roman material culture, including coinage, in contrast to the behaviour of Late La Tène society, see Wigg in Bursche, Ciołek and Wolters, op. cit. (n. 25), 42–3.

121 Haselgrove and Moore in Haselgrove and Moore, op. cit. (n. 65), 1–15; J. D. Hill, ‘The dynamics of social change in Later Iron Age eastern and south-eastern England c. 300 B.C.–A.D. 43’, ibid., 16–40. For these changes in the context of coinage see J. Williams, ‘“The newer rite is here”: vinous symbolism on British Iron Age coins’, in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 25–41, at 36–7.

122 Gosden, op. cit. (n. 7), 109.

123 Hanson and Haynes, op. cit. (n. 41); Florea, op. cit. (n. 44); Oltean, op. cit. (n. 45), 114–18. We may think of leaders such as Burebista, Koson (named on gold and silver coins) and Decebalus, and of the Dacian ‘citadels’ with their hellenistic fortification techniques and associated sacred structures.

124 Creighton, J., Coins and Power in Late Iron Age Britain (2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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126 Cited from Gosden, op. cit. (n. 7), 33 (on the Greeks).

127 Williams, J., ‘Coin inscriptions and the origins of writing in pre-Roman Britain’, British Numismatic Journal 71 (2001), 1–19Google Scholar; idem, ‘Pottery stamps, coin designs, and writing in Late Iron Age Britain’, in Cooley, A. (ed.), Becoming Roman, Writing Latin?: Literacy and Epigraphy in the Roman West (2002), 135–49Google Scholar. Revised chronology: I. Leins, ‘The coins’, in Score, op. cit. (n. 61), 39–60, at 56–7.

128 For Gaulish inscriptions on coins see Colbert de Beaulieu, J.-B. and Fischer, B., Recueil des inscriptions gauloises. IV. Les légendes monétaires (1998)Google Scholar.

129 Haselgrove in Metzler and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28), 250 = Haselgrove, op. cit. (n. 60, 2005), 132; Haselgrove, op. cit. (n. 72, 1999), 164.

130 cf. Nick, op. cit. (n. 22), 177–8.

131 Gruel and Popovitch, op. cit. (n. 73), 103.

132 Nash, D., ‘Plus ça change: currency in Central Gaul from Julius Caesar to Nero’, in Carson, R. and Kraay, C. (eds), Scripta Nummaria Romana: Essays Presented to Humphrey Sutherland (1978), 12–31, at 20–1Google Scholar.

133 Wellington in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 89.

134 K. Gruel, ‘L'alignement du denier gaulois sur l’étalon romain: Datation et impact économique’, in Metzler and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28), 29–37.

135 Wellington in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 89.

136 Haselgrove, op. cit. (n. 72, 1999); idem, in Metzler and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28), especially the table on p. 250 = Haselgrove, op. cit. (n. 60, 2005), 132.

137 Nick, op. cit. (n. 28, 2006), tabulated on p. 84; Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28, 2011). ‘Germanic’ expansion: above, n. 28.

138 Haselgrove, op. cit. (n. 72, 1993).

139 C. Haselgrove, ‘Early potin coinage in Britain: an update’, in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 17–28, at 25.

140 The start of the production of gold coin may be connected with a decline in supplies from the Continent: Haselgrove, op. cit. (n. 72, 1993), 41.

141 Some silver may be pre-Caesar: Haselgrove, op. cit. (n. 72, 1993), 42–3; 60 (proliferation primarily post-Gallic War). Bronze was rare until the late first century b.c.: Haselgrove, 60.

142 Wellington in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 91.

143 Haselgrove, op. cit. (n. 72, 1993), 45-6; Craddock, P., Burnett, A. and Preston, K., ‘Hellenistic copper-base coinage and the origins of brass’, in Oddy, W. (ed.), Scientific Studies in Numismatics (1980), 53–64Google Scholar; Burnett, A., Amandry, M. and Ripoll, P. P.és, Roman Provincial Coinage Vol. 1: From the Death of Caesar to the Death of Vitellius (44 BC–AD 69) (1992), 34Google Scholar; for brass used in the West in imitation of Rome: A. Burnett, ‘The Roman West and the Roman East’, in Howgego, Heuchert and Burnett, op. cit. (n. 19), 171–80, at 177.

144 Hayling Island: C. Haselgrove, ‘A trio of temples: a reassessment of Iron Age coin deposition at Hayling Island, Harlow and Wanborough’, in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 381–418, at 384–400. Leicestershire: Leins, op. cit. (n. 61), 22–48; idem, in Score, op. cit. (n. 61), 39–60, at 42–3; Haselgrove in Score, op. cit. (n. 61), 170; Walton, op. cit. (n. 36), 57–78.

145 On Spain: Ripollès in Howgego, Heuchert and Burnett, op. cit. (n. 19), 79–93: no regular supply of denarii between the end of the Second Punic War and 125–100 b.c. On Gallia Transalpina: Nash, op. cit. (n. 23), 26–7; Crawford, M., Coinage and Money under the Roman Republic (1985), 161–72Google Scholar: no systematic supply of Roman coinage before Caesar; Py, op. cit. (n. 78), vol. 2, 1186–7.

146 Gaul (see Nash, op. cit. (n. 132)): production of coinage in the Iron Age tradition continued for some decades after the conquest. Silver came to an end before Augustus. There was high production of bronze in the 40s and 30s b.c., dwindling under Augustus. Britain (see Haselgrove in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 105–6): there were possibly a few more post-conquest Celtic coinages in Britain than previously thought, but the contrast with Gaul is still marked.

147 Pace Haselgrove in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 98–9.

148 C. Howgego, ‘Coinage and identity in the Roman provinces’, in Howgego, Heuchert and Burnett, op. cit. (n. 19), 1–17, at 13.

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151 Haselgrove in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 101 contrasts the large mixed hoards of Gaulish and Roman silver of the 40s and 30s b.c. in central and north-west Gaul.

152 The early Augustan legionary fort of 19/18–15/12 b.c. at Nijmegen shows the beginning of the supply of Roman coinage, which was supplemented by Iron Age coins belonging to the Augustan phase: Kemmers, op. cit. (n. 98).

153 von Kaenel, H.-M., ‘Zum Münzumlauf im augusteischen Rom anhand der Funde aus dem Tiber. Mit einem Nachtrag zur geldgeschichtlichen Bedeutung der Münzfunde in Kalkriese’, in Schlüter, W. and Wiegels, R. (eds), Rom, Germanien und die Ausgrabungen von Kalkriese (1999), 363–79Google Scholar; Kemmers, op. cit. (n. 98), 144–6; F. Berger, ‘The key to the Varus defeat: the Roman coin finds from Kalkriese’, in Holmes, op. cit. (n. 75), vol. 1, 527–37; Wolters, R., ‘Bronze, silver or gold?: coin finds and the pay of the Roman army’, Zephyrus 53–4 (2000–2001), 579–88Google Scholar.

154 Kemmers, op. cit. (n. 98), 148 citing Aarts, op. cit. (n. 150).

155 Aarts, op. cit. (n. 20), 11; Roymans and Aarts in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 340–1; Haselgrove, Archaeological Dialogues 12.1 (2005), 30 notes that the Batavian region might have been precocious in the early penetration of coin into native societies. Cf. Mattingly, op. cit. (n. 6, 2011), 228 for the Batavians as closer to military norms. Slower penetration of Roman coins into the countryside elsewhere: van Heesch, op. cit. (n. 150), 190 (French resumé).

156 Haselgrove in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), especially 105–9.

157 Above, n. 34. This monetization was never total: few coins have been recovered from the highlands (defined as land above 240 m) — beyond auxiliary forts and extramural civilian settlements — and few or none from some coastal regions, for example the Lleyn Peninsula. Still, the Roman monetization of Wales is impressive.

158 Găzdac, C., Monetary Circulation in Dacia and the Provinces from the Middle and Lower Danube from Trajan to Constantine I: (AD 106–337) (2nd edn, 2010)Google Scholar.

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162 Peter, M., ‘Bemerkungen zur Kleingeldversorgung der westlichen Provinzen im 2. Jahrhundert’, in King, C. and Wigg, D (eds), Coin Finds and Coin Use in the Roman World (1996), 309–20Google Scholar; idem, op. cit. (n. 160), 91–2; cf. the effect on its hinterland of the departure of the Legion X Gemina from Nijmegen: Kemmers, op. cit. (n. 98), 187; 193 n. 625 (summarizing Peter); but note that whereas the supply of bronze to the legion determined supply to the civitas Batavorum, it did not do so to the civitas Cananefatium: Kemmers, F., ‘From bronze to silver. Coin circulation in the early third century AD’, Revue Belge de Numismatique et de Sigillographie 155 (2009), 143–58, at 146Google Scholar; idem, ‘Interaction or indifference? The Roman coin finds from the Lower Rhine delta’, in Bursche, Ciołek and Wolters, op. cit. (n. 25), 93–103.

163 Haselgrove, Archaeological Dialogues 12.1 (2005), 30Google Scholar. In Central Gaul Roman coins took longer to penetrate and displace Gaulish coinages and imitations of Roman than in the North. The presence of Roman coins was minimal prior to Tiberius, the transition to purely Roman coinage took place in the Flavian period. Exceptional early concentrations of Roman coins at Alesia siege sites and at Bibracte may be associated with the presence of the Roman army: Gruel and Popovitch, op. cit. (n. 73); Nash, op. cit. (n. 132), 22–3. The concentration of Augustan bronze at Bourbonne-les-Bains is likely also to be military: Sauer, op. cit. (n. 102, 2005). Gallia Transalpina: Py, op. cit. (n. 78), vol. 2, 1205 for a decline in the supply of coin in the early imperial period. For Belgic Gaul: Haselgrove in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 101–5. Slow penetration in the non-military region of Luxembourg: Roymans and Aarts in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 340.

164 J. Creighton, The Circulation of Money in Roman Britain from the First to the Third Century, Ph.D. thesis, University of Durham (1992). I am grateful to John Creighton for permission to cite his unpublished thesis. The key evidence will be published in Creighton, J., ‘The supply and movement of denarii in Roman Britain’, Britannia (forthcoming)Google Scholar.

165 Wallace-Hadrill, op. cit. (n. 1), 416.

166 Wigg, op. cit. (n. 160), 281–8; Kemmers, op. cit. (n. 98), 253–4.

167 cf. (in a different context) von Reden, op. cit. (n. 16), 134: ‘The demand of urban élites, civic religious life, imperial governments and administrations, located in urban areas, stimulated the monetized distribution process in the Mediterranean, and provided a dynamic for increasing market exchange.’ Accounts of the process in Britain tend to be more balanced: Haselgrove in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 106.

168 On the interdependence between the state and the ‘private economy’ of their leaders and élites as a background for the development and circulation of money see von Reden, op. cit. (n. 16), 14; cf. Creighton, J., Britannia: The Creation of a Roman Province (2006), 94CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

169 P. P. Ripollès, ‘Coinage and identity in the Roman provinces: Spain’, in Howgego, Heuchert and Burnett, op. cit. (n. 19), 79–93 argues that the motors of monetization were urbanization, the Roman army, colonists, craftsmen, and businessmen. For the East: Katsari, C., ‘The monetisation of Rome's frontier provinces’, in Harris, W. (ed.), The Monetary Systems of the Greeks and the Romans (2008), 242–66Google Scholar. Her case is distorted by the miserable state of evidence for the East and underestimates the extent to which the Roman army operated in the same way everywhere. Nonetheless, she makes a good case for the importance of urbanization and trading activities in the extension of monetization.

170 For the context: Woolf, op. cit. (n. 1), 61–2; Dyson, S., ‘Native revolt-patterns in the Roman Empire’, in Aufstieg und Niedergang in der römischen Welt II.3 (1975), 138–75Google Scholar, at 153. It is unclear what coins would have been used. Denarii were struck for the colonia at Narbo c. 118 b.c. and at Massalia c. 82 b.c. Some denarii and quinarii were also imported from Italy, but the civic issues of Massalia and Gallic quinarii seem to have provided the principal silver coinages for southern Gaul: Crawford, op. cit. (n. 145), 161–72; Py, op. cit. (n. 78), vol. 2, 1186–7.

171 Aarts, op. cit. (n. 20), 20; Vercingetorix: Caes., B.G. 7.2.3; Florus and Sacrovir: Tac., Ann. 3.42; Batavian Revolt: Tac., Hist. 4.15; Boudicca: Tac., Ann. 14. 31–3.

172 As Haselgrove, , Archaeological Dialogues 12.1 (2005), 30CrossRefGoogle Scholar; pace Aarts, op. cit. (n. 20), 20; Dyson, S., ‘Native revolts in the Roman Empire’, Historia 20 (1971), 239–74Google Scholar for tensions caused by ‘acculturation’.

173 Mithridates: Val. Max. 9.2 ext. 3.

174 Dyson, op. cit. (n. 170), at 171.

175 Text not certain.

176 Millett, M., Roman Britain (2nd edn, 2005), 55–6Google Scholar.

177 Nummularii: Kemmers, op. cit. (n. 98), 193 n. 627 citing Wolters on the rôle of private initiative in supply; 195–6 suggesting the possibility that nummularii were contracted by the state to transport coins; 253–6 concluding that the government was key.

178 Claudius: Dio 62.2.1.

179 Tac., Ann., 3.40; Woolf, op. cit. (n. 1), 44 n. 78 (debt and unrest).

180 Dyson, op. cit. (n. 170), 171; Mattingly, op. cit. (n. 6, 2011), 137.

181 Manning, J., ‘Coinage as “code” in Ptolemaic Egypt’, in Harris, W. (ed.), The Monetary Systems of the Greeks and Romans (2008), 84–111CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

182 Creighton, J., Coins and Power in Late Iron Age Britain (2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Nick, op. cit. (n. 28, 2006), 233–7. The inscriptions on the coins largely refer to individuals rather than to political or tribal entities (Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28, 2011), 304–5), although this might also be seen as reflecting the influence of Roman coinage.

183 As Aarts, op. cit. (n. 20), 26.

184 J. Williams, ‘Coinage and identity in pre-conquest Britain: 50 B.C.–A.D. 50’, in Howgego, Heuchert and Burnett, op. cit. (n. 19), 69–78, at 77–8. Roman coins were incorporated into ritual deposition at a transitional Iron Age/Roman site in East Leicestershire: Leins, op. cit. (n. 61).

185 Haselgrove, op. cit. (n. 72, 1993), 54; idem in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 417 (Britain); idem in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 103 (Belgic Gaul); 106–8 (Britain). For two hoards of Roman hoards from eastern England found close to a spring and a prehistoric long barrow: Haselgrove in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 106. Wigg-Wolf in Metzler and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28), 298–9 (deposition of coin in sanctuaries began in the late third century b.c.); 311 (at the Martberg deposition of coin began before the Roman invasion); Aarts, op. cit. (n. 20), 26 (continuity of deposition in the Meuse-Demer-Scheldt area). Roymans and Aarts in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 242–56 (deposition of coin at the sanctuary at Empel from c. 50 b.c. to a.d. 40, possibly representing votive gifts of soldiers in connection with ritual initiations).

186 Haselgrove in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 417. There is evidence that the ritual site at Hallaton continued into the Hadrianic period: Leins and Haselgrove in Score, op. cit. (n. 61), 43–5; 169.

187 Aarts, op. cit. (n. 20), 24–7 traces the shift towards the deposition of bronze at different times in different places and has an important discussion of its significance; Haselgrove in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 415–16 (Harlow); Roymans and Aarts in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 350–1 (sanctuary at Empel).

188 Along the lines suggested by Bradley, op. cit. (n. 53), xxx.

189 At the Martberg the latest defaced coin is Hadrianic, although it is rare on coins after Claudius: Wigg in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13); Wigg-Wolf in Metzler and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28). At Bourbonne-les-Bains in east Central Gaul (now Germania Superior) ritual mutilation continued throughout the first two centuries a.d.: Sauer, op. cit. (n. 102, 2005), 79–86 (the latest mutilated coin is of Caracalla under Septimius Severus). At Piercebridge the latest mutilated coins are Severan: Walton, op. cit. (n. 36), 164.

190 Wigg, D., ‘The function of the last Celtic coinages in Northern Gaul’, in King, C. and Wigg, D. (eds), Coin Finds and Coin Use in the Ancient World (1996), 415–36, at 431Google Scholar.

191 Kemmers, op. cit. (n. 98), 52–4; 162 (Nijmegen); Aarts, J. and Roymans, N., ‘Tribal emission or imperial coinage? Ideas about the production and circulation of the so-called AVAVCIA coinages in the Rhineland’, in van Heesch, J. and Heeren, I. (eds), Coinage in the Iron Age. Essays in Honour of Simone Scheers (2009), 1–17Google Scholar; Roymans and Aarts in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 347; Wigg, op. cit. (n. 150), at 111–13; Haselgrove in Metzler and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28), 293 = Haselgrove, op. cit. (n. 60, 2005), 171; Haselgrove in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 99–105; P. Beliën, ‘From coins to comprehensive narrative? The coin finds from the Roman army camp on Kops Plateau at Nijmegen: problems and opportunities’, in von Kaenel and Kemmers, op. cit. (n. 22), 61–80, at 78 (AVAVCIA coins associated with stables). Britain: Haselgrove in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 107–8.

192 Roman soldiers in oppida before c. 15 b.c.: e.g. Sauer, op. cit. (n. 102, 2005), 63 with references; C. Haselgrove, ‘The age of enclosure: Later Iron Age settlement and society in northern France’, in Haselgrove and Moore, op. cit. (n. 65), 492–522, at 512.

193 Kemmers, op. cit. (n. 98), 148.

194 cf. Aarts, op. cit. (n. 20), 11–12.

195 cf. above, nn. 36 (north–south divide for small-change in Britain) and 157 (areas of non-coin use in Wales).

196 Lockyear, K., ‘Site finds in Roman Britain: a comparison of techniques’, Oxford Journal of Archaeology 19, 4 (2000), 397–423CrossRefGoogle Scholar.