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Two Archaic Inscriptions from Latium

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 September 2012

Stefan Weinstock
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Extract

This inscription (pl. XII, 1, 2), a dedication to Castor and Pollux, the Kouroi, was found in 1959 during Professor F. Castagnoli's and Dr. L. Cozza's excavations at Pratica di Mare, the site of ancient Lavinium, by the eighth of a series of thirteen altars. It has been published by Castagnoli with a valuable commentary. It is engraved on a bronze tablet (29 cm. by 5 cm.), reads from right to left, and is attributed by Castagnoli, with reference to the inscriptions of the Forum (CIL 12, 1 = ILS 4913 = Degrassi 3) and of Tivoli (CIL 12, 2658 = Degr. 5), to the fifth century B.C. Another more recent inscription engraved on a bronze tablet of the same size was found a few years ago in the same place: ‘Cerere auliquoquibus/Vespernam poro.’

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Research Article
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The Journal of Roman Studies , Volume 50 , Issue 1-2 , November 1960 , pp. 112 - 118
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Copyright © Stefan Weinstock 1960. Exclusive Licence to Publish: The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies

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References

1 Castagnoli, Studi e materiali 30, 1959, 109 ff. The photograph and the drawing are reproduced here by his permission. I am further indebted to him for allowing me to see the altars. I hope they will be published soon and receive the attention they deserve.

2 Published by Guarducci, M., Arch. Class. 3, 1951, 99 ffGoogle Scholar. (revised ibid. II, 1959, 206 ff.); cf. JRS XLII 1952, 34 ff.; R. Bloch, CRAI 1954, 203 ff.; Le Bonniec, Le culte de Céres à Rome, 1958, 463 ff.; Castagnoli, l.c. 7 f.

3 cf. e.g. Walde-Hofmann 2, 330. Our inscription shows that Pollux depends on Πολυδεύκης and not, as suggested by Lobeck, Paralipomena 135, n. 31, on Πολυδεύκης (Schol. Apoll. Rhod. 1, 1037).

4 vespa from *vepsa, ascia: ἀξίνη, tarpezita: τραπεζίτης, corcotus: κροκωτός, Sommer, Handb. 213 f.; Leumann, Lat. Gramm. 99, are different.

5 Pul(u)tuke or Pultuce: cf. Pauli, Myth. Lex. 3, 3278 f.; Fiesel, Namen d. griech. Mythos im Etr. 83, 288; Beazley, Etr. Vase-Painting 199.

6 cf. e.g. IG 9, 1, 649 (P. Friedlaender, Epigrammata 47, from Cephallenia) … ΔιƑòς ϙόροιν … Fulgent, p. 29, 8 H. ‘Mercurium … quasi mercium curum’, does not prove the existence of a Latin curus.

7 Conway 210; 260; cf. Meister, Lat.-griech. Eigennamen 113 ff.

8 IG 7, 3992; Wolters, Das Kabirenheiligtum b. Theben 1, 76, no. 350.

9 Schwenn, P-W 11, 2302 ff.; Hemberg, ΑΝΑŦƶ, ΑΝΑΣΣΑ und ΑΝΑΚΕΣ, 1955, 12 ff.

10 Zeus as Μέγιστος Κοũρος in a Cretan hymn, M. Guarducci, Inscr. Cret. 3, 12 (no. 2); Wilamowitz, Griech. Verskunst 499 ff.; Glaube d. Hell. 1, 128; Nilsson, Gesch. d. griech. Rel. 12, 322. For the Eleusinian κοũρος see Hippol. Refut. 5, 8, 40 (p. 96 W.); Eur. Suppl. 54; Kern, Gesch. d. griech. Rel. 2, 193 f.; Laager, Geburt u. Kindheit d. Gottes in d. griech. Myth. 1957, 201 f.

11 cf. e.g. Altheim, Griech. Götter 27 f.; it was opposed long ago by Devoto, Studi Etr. 2, 1928, 323 ff.

12 Varro L. L. 5, 144 ‘oppidum quod primum conditum in Latio stirpis Romanae Lavinium: nam ibi dii Penates nostri’.

13 Serv. Aen. 3, 12 ‘Varro quidem unum esse dicit Penates et Magnos Deos; nam et in basi (sc. of their statues in the temple on the Velia: Wissowa, Ges. Abh. 106) scribebatur ‘Magnis Diis’ … (Dan.:) Varro et alii complures Magnos Deos adfirmant simulacra duo virilia, Castoris et Pollucis, in Samothracia ante portam sita … dii Penates a Samothracia sublati ab Aenea in Italiam advecti sunt … quos inter cetera ideo Magnos appellant, quod de Lavinio translati Romam bis in locum suum redierint’; cf. Lloyd, R. B., AJP 77, 1956, 38 ffGoogle Scholar.

14 Serv. Aen. 3, 12 (above n. 13); Dion. Hal. 1, 68, I ἐν δὲ τούτῳ κεῖνται τῶν Τρωικῶν θεῶν εἰκόνες … ἐπιγραφὴν ἔχουσαι δηλοῦσαν τοὺς Πενάτας. εἰσὶ δὲ νεανίαι δύο καθήμενοι δόρατα διειληφότες, τῆς παλαιᾶς ἔργα τέχνης. πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἄλλα ἐν ἱεροῖς ἀρχαίοις εἴδωλα τῶν θεῶν τούτων ἐθεασάμεθα, καὶ ἐν ἅπασι νεανίσκοι δύο στρατιωτικὰ σχήματα ἔχοντες φαίνονται. Cf. 1, 69, 4 τὰ μὲν οὖν εἰς Ἰταλίαν ὑπ’ Αἰνείου κομισθέντα ἱερὰ τοῖς εἰρημένοις ἀνδράσι (Callistratus, FGrHist. 433 F 10) πειθόμενος γράφω τῶν τε μεγάλων θεῶν εἰκόνες εἷναι, οὓς Σαμόθρᾳκες Ἑλλήνων μάλιστα ὀργιάζουσι; cf. Lloyd, l.c. 41 ff. But not only the Samothracian Dioscuri were called μεγάκλοι θεοὶ Aeneas built a shrine of Aphrodite Aineias and nearby another of the θεσὶ, μεγάοι at Actium, Dion. Hal. 1, 50, 4; Chapouthier, Les Dioscures au service d'une déesse 267 f. refers to a painting of Parrhasios, Pliny 35, 71 ‘laudantur et Aeneas Castorque ac Pollux in eadem tabula’ (cf. Lippold, P-W 18, 2, 1875; Rumpf, AJA 55, 1951, 5).

15 Sydenham, Coinage of the Roman Republic 76; Grueber, Coins of the Rom. Rep. in the Brit. Mus. 3, pl. 30, 18; the same without inscription, pl. 30, 16. Our pl. XII, 8, 9, are from casts of coins of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, provided by Dr. Kraay.

16 Sydenham 78.

17 Sydenham 162; denarius of M'. Cordus, same date, heads of Dioscuri with pileus and star (ibid.); aureus of L. Servius Rufus, c. 43 B.C., the same, but rev. view of Tuscul(um) (Sydenham 179); denarius of the same moneyer, rev. Dioscuri standing with spear, pileus and star (Sydenham 179).

18 Dion. Hal. 1, 67, 4 σχήματος δὲ καὶ μορφῆς αὐτῶν (the Penates) πέρι Τίμαιος μὲν ὁ συγγραφεὺς ὧδε ἀποφαίνεται (FGrHist. 566, F 59 Jacoby) κηρύκεια σιδηρᾶ καὶ χαλκᾶ καὶ κέραμον Τρωικὸν εἶναι τὰ ἐν τοῖς ἀδύτοις τοῖς ἐν Λαουινίῳ κείμενα ἱερά, πυθὲσθαι δὲ αὐτὸς ταῦτα παρὰ τῶν ἐπιχωρίων. Momigliano, Riv. stor. ital. 71, 1959, 550.

19 Macrob. 3, 4, 11 ‘… Vestam … de numero Penatium aut certe comitem eorum esse manifestum est adeo, ut … consules … cum adeunt magistratum, Lavinii rem divinam faciant Penatibus pariter et Vestae.’

20 Cic. har. resp. 12 ‘de deorum Penatium Vestaeque matris caerimoniis’; Dion. Hal. 8, 41, 3 θεοὶ κτήσιοι καὶ Ἑστία πατρῴα; Cic. n.d. 2, 67; Fer. Cum. (ILS 108) 6 March: '… supplicatio Vestae dis publ(icis) P(enatibus) p.R.Q.’; Macrob. 3, 4, 11 (above n. 19).

21 Livy 5, 40, 8 (flight to Caere at the time of the Gallic occupation, 390 B.C.) ‘optimum ducunt condita in doliolis sacello proximo aedibus flaminis Quirinalis … defodere’; Paul. Fest. 69 M. (60 L.) ‘Doliola locus in urbe sic vocatus, quia … sacra in eodem loco doliolis reposita fuerunt’; Plut. Camill. 20, 8 (below, n. 31).

22 P-W 19, 437.

23 See above n. 13; more in Wissowa, Ges. Abh. 99 ff.; N. Lewis, Samothrace, The Literary Sources, 1959, 63 ff.

24 If they appear on monuments elsewhere, e.g. in Pergamum (Ohlemutz, Die Kulte u. Heiligtümer der Götter in Pergamon, 1940, 196 f.), they are due to Spartan influence; see also Hemberg, Die Kabiren, 1950, 181.

25 BMC Peloponnesus 122 ff. Pl. XII, 3, is from a coin of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, by courtesy of Dr. Kraay.

26 Tod-Wace, Catal. of the Sparta Museum 113 ff.; Cook, Zeus 2, 1062. Our pl. XIII, 2, is from Arndt-Amelung, Photogr. Einzelaufnahmen, no. 1311.

27 BMC Italy 179, nos. 151 f.; Vlasto, Journ. Intern. Arch. Num. 1899, II, 331 ff.; pl. 17. Our pl. XII, 4–6, are from coins of the British Museum, by courtesy of Mr. G. K. Jenkins.

28 Petersen, Röm. Mitt. 15, 1900, 3 ff.; Cook, Zeus 2, 1064; Wuilleumier, Tarente, pl. 14, 1; 40, 1; Drago, Museo Naz. di Taranto 68; Breitenstein, Danish Nat. Mus., Catal. of Terracottas, 1941, pl. 46, 387; 47, 390; 394; 396 (our pl. XIII, 4, 5, reproduces nos. 390 and 394 from photographs kindly supplied by Mr. Breitenstein).

29 Cumont, Rev. arch. 5e. sér. 5, 1917, 90 f.; McDaniel, , AJA 28, 1924, 24 ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wuilleumier, Rev. arch. 5e. sér. 35, 1932, 26 ff.; pl. 1 ff.; id. Tarente, pl. 45, 1. There is also a caduceus on these discs which is mentioned together with the jars by Timaeus, see above n. 18 (our pl. XIII, 3, reproduces the fragment of a disc in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, by permission of the Keeper of the Department of Antiquities).

30 That the Greek and Lavinian evidence have some features in common was already noticed by J. E. Harrison, Themis 300 ff., but not that they may lead to historical conclusions; she just added them to her bizarre collection of snakes as demons of fertility. On the other hand, Cook, Zeus 2, 1068, suggested a relationship between the Penates and Zeus Ktesios because the latter too had a jar: it could be, if at all, a functional, not a historical, relationship (see below n. 33).

31 Plut. Camill. 20, 8 (Gallic occupation) τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν ἱερῶν τότε τὰς κόρας (the Vestals) ἐμβαλούσας, εἰς πίθους δύο κρύψαι κατὰ τῆς γῆς, ὑπὸ τὸν νεὼ τοῦ Κυρίνου, καὶ τὸν τόπον ἐκεῖνον ἔτι καὶ νῦν τῶν Πιθίσκων φέρεσθαι τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν.

32 Varr. L. L. 5, 157 ‘locus qui vocatur doliola ad cluacam maxumam … alii inesse aiunt ossa cadaverum’; see also n. 21.

33 Such jars were set up for Zeus Ktesios (Aristoph. Dan. frg. 245 K.; Autocleides (FGrHist. 353 F 1) ap. Athen. II, 473 B; Nilsson, Opusc. 1, 25 ff.; Gesch. d. griech. Rel. 12, 403 ff.; Wilamowitz, Glaube d. Hell, 1, 347, 2), for Hermes at the Athenian festival of the Chytroi (Schol. Aristoph. Ach. 1076; Ran. 218; Deubner, Att. Feste 112 f.; Tabeling, Mater Larum 10; Nilsson, Gesch. d. griech. Rel. 12, 594 ff.), in Rome for the Mate r Larum by the Arval Brethren, ILS 9522, 22 (A.D. 240) ‘ollas cum pultes precati sunt … ollis acceptis … per clivum Matri Larum cenam iactaverunt’; Henzen, AFA 26; 30.

34 But Samothrace must have exerted its influence at an early date. A great deal of evidence points to this (above n. 13 and n. 23), and even the inscription of the Penates in the temple on the Velia Magnis Diis (above p. 113), may be due to this influence; the other dedication to the Di Magni in Rome, in the Circus, certainly is, Macrob. 3, 4, 9 (Cassius Hemina); Prob. Ecl. 6, 31 (Varro); Tert. spect. 8 (Suetonius).

35 e.g. there were also the small wooden or stone images which Aeneas brought from Troy, Serv. Dan. Aen. 3, 148 ‘Varro sane rerum humanarum secundo ait Aeneam deos Penates in Italiam deduxisse, quaedam lignea vel lapidea sigilla’; 1, 378; Schol. Veron. Aen. 2, 717; P-W 19, 435: it is these that can be compared with the images of the Pompeian Lararia. These images could have been carried in those circular containers with which Aeneas is so often represented: they should be distinguished from the amphorae and doliola which were not just containers.

36 Bull. Comun. 76 (Bull. del Mus. della Civiltà Romana 19), 1956–1958, 3 ff. I am indebted to her and to Prof. Pietrangeli for the photograph and the drawings.

37 Bull. Comun. 72, 1946/1948, 3 ff.; id. Studi in onore di G. Funaioli, 1955, 126 f.; now Degrassi 10–12; L. L. Tels-De Jong, Sur quelques divinités romaines de la naissance et de la prophétie (Diss. Leiden 1959), 72 ff.

38 Festschr. A. Rumpf 1952, 151 ff. I should like to correct what I said about the origin of Parca. As Professors Latte and Leumann pointed out to me, the traditional etymology through parere cannot be right because there is no -ca-suffix in Latin. I would now connect Parca with parcere (the ‘Merciful’) as a ‘postverbale’ (cf. Kretschmer, Glotta 31, 1951, 153), formed like Deverra, Vica Pota, Lua, Panda Cela, condus promus, etc. This etymology too is ancient (Serv. Aen. I, 22) and was accepted by Bréal-Bailly, Dict. étymol., s.v. parco.

39 The N and E in Aineia may not be certain but are more probable than anything else: this is the result of an examination of the inscription by Prof. Banti (to whom I am indebted for her help) and myself. Prof. A. Degrassi kindly informs me that he too accepts the readings.

40 Naev. frg. 23 M. ‘blande et docte percontat Aenea quo pacto/Troiam urbem liquerit’; frg. 3 M. ‘Anchisa’; CIL 6, 1913 ‘C. Vibius C. l. Aenea’; 9, 4913 ‘Sex. Avidius Aenea 1.’; Thes. L. L., 1, 981, 70 ff.

41 Dion. Hal. 1, 39, 4 ἱδρύεται…Διὸς Εὑρεσίον βωμόν; Solin. 1, 7. There may have been a dedication by ‘Romulus’ in Rome, ILS 64 ‘… spolia opima Iovi Feretrio consecravit …’, Livy 1, 10, 6, and may have served as precedent for the dedication by A. Cornelius Cossus, Livy 4, 20, 6 f.

42 Livy 40, 4, 9; 44, 32, 7; 45, 30, 4; Dion. Hal. 1, 73, 3; cf. Anchisa in Latium (Dion. Hal. 1, 73, 3), Troia in Latium where Aeneas landed (Livy 1, 1, 5), also in Epirus (Verg. Aen. 3, 349; Ovid. Met. 13, 721) and in the country of the Veneti (Livy 1, 1, 3).

43 The identity of the two names was accepted by W. Schulze, Lat. Eigennamen 84, contra, Wissowa, Religion 167, 1; cf. also Münzer, P-W 8, 833; 12, 792.

44 The controversy began with Samter, Familienfeste d. Griechen u. Römer, 1901, 105 ff. and ended with Wissowa Religion 166 ff. (bibliography on p. 174, 6); for the history of the controversy see Tabeling, Mater Larum 1932, 1 ff. (not complete). The case against Wissowa was taken up by Waites, M. C., AJA 24, 1920, 241 ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar (attacked by Laing, G., Class. Phil. 16, 1921, 124 ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar); Vallois, Rev. arch. 5e. sér. 20, 1924, 21 ff.; Deubner, Arch. Rel. Wiss. 33, 1936, 104; Bömer, Ahnenkult 135 ff.; Meuli, Mus. Helv. 12, 1955, 224 f. According to Bickel, Rhein. Mus. 97, 1954, 7 f. the Lares were not spirits of the dead but demons of fertility.

45 Arnob. 3, 41 ‘… Varro (Ant. rer. div. 15, frg. 8 Ag.) … (Lares) heroas pronuntiat appellari … et functorum animas’; August. CD 7, 6 ‘(Varro) aerias esse animas … et vocari Heroas et Lares et Genios; Serv. Aen. 3, 302 ‘in ipsis (lucis) habitant manes piorum, qui Lares viales sunt’; Paul. Fest. 239 M. (273 L.); more in P-W 8A, 1924; cf. also Cumont, Symbolisme funéraire 115, 1.

46 But even here I reduce the evidence to a minimum. I omit for instance Martianus Capella who, depending probably on Nigidius Figulus, mentions among the deities of the sixteen regions, 1, 46 Lars militaris, 48 Lar caelestis, 54 Lar omnium cunctalis—one more puzzling than the other. An inscription, CIL 6, 646 (ILS 3570) ‘Silvano Lari agresti’, suggests that in this case Lar is for the fields what Silvanus is for the woods. An occasional Lar compitalis (ILS 9252, Amiternum) and Lar vialis (CIL 3, 1422 = ILS 3636, Sarmizegetusa) may be excluded because these normally appear in the plural. Further late instances of the single Lar: CIL 13, 8007 (ILS 1195); 8, 2581 (ILS 4881).

47 Cic. leg. 2, 55; Henzen, AFA 145.

48 Pliny n.h. 36, 204 ‘… tradunt repente in foco … comparuisse genitale e cinere masculi sexus eamque, quae insiderat ibi, … Ocresiam captivam consurrexisse gravidam. ita Servium Tullium natum … creditumque Laris familiaris filium. ob id Compitalia ludos Laribus primum instituisse’; Val. Ant. frg. 12 P. (Plut. fort. Rom. 10) …οἱ μὲν ἥρωος οἰκουροῦ λέγουσιν, οἱ δὲ Ἡφαίστου τὸν ἔρωτα τοῦτον γενέσθαι; Dion. Hal. 4, 2, 3 εἴθ' Ἡφαίστου καθάπερ οἴονταί τινες, εἴτε τοῦ κατ' οἰκίαν ἥρωος.

49 FGrHist. 817 (Plut. Rom. 2, 6) ἐκ δὲ τοῦ φαλλοῦ τῆς θεραπαινίδος τεκούσης δίδυμα…

50 Mon. Anc. 19, 2 ‘Larum … deum Penatium’ = Ήρώων … θεῶν κατοικδίων; ibid. App. 2 ‘Larum, deum Penatium’ = Ήρώων, θεῶν πατρίων; Dion. Hal. 4, 2, 3 τοῦ κατ’ οἰκίαν ἥρωος ( = Lar familiaris); 4, 14, 3 ἥρωαι προνωπίος (= Lares compitales); Plut. fort. Rom. 10 ἥρωος οἰκουροῦ ( = Lar familiaris); Babr. 63, 1 ἧν τις κατ’ οἴκους ἀνδρὸς εὐσεβοῦς ἥρως/ἔχων ἐν αὐλῇ τέμενος. Thes. Gloss. 1, 626 Lares… ἣρωες; Lares familiares ἥρωες κατοικίδιοι; cf. Wissowa, Myth. Lex. 2, 1869 f.; Boehm, P-W 12, 819 f. For the question whether the Lar familiaris in Plautus' Aulularia represents the ἣρως of the Greek original, see Leo, Plautin. Forsch.2 211, 2; Wissowa, Religion 169, 5; Wilamowitz, Glaube d. Hell. 2, 16, 3; Nock, HTR 37, 1944, 166, 82.

51 Cic. Tim. 38 ‘quos Graeci δαίμονας appellant, nostri opinor Lares’; Thes. Gloss. 1, 626 ‘Lares dicitur et Lar δαίμονες ἤτοι θεοὶ κατοικίδιοι’; Larunda δαιμόνων μήτηρ.

52 cf. e.g. Rohde, Psyche 1, 146 ff.; Wilamowitz, Glaube d. Hell. 2, 8 ff.; Nock, HTR 37, 1944, 141 ff.; Nilsson, Gesch. d. griech. Rel. 12, 184 ff. with bibliography.

53 Livy 40, 4, 9 ‘proficiscuntur … Aeniam ad statum sacrificium, quod Aenea conditori cum magna caerimonia quotannis faciunt’; cf. Schwegler, Röm. Gesch. 1, 301; Malten, Arch. Rel. Wiss. 29, 1931, 56.

54 Dion. Hal. 1, 50, 4 ἐν δέ Ἀμβρακίᾴ ἱερόν τε τῆς αὔτῆς θεοῦ (Aphrodite) καὶ ἡρῷον Αἰνείου πλησίον τοῦ μικροῦ θεάτρου, ἐν ᾦ καὶ ξόανον μικρὸν ἀρχαικὸν Αἰνείου λεγόμενον, καὶ αὐτὸ θυσίαις ἐγέραιρον αἱ καλούμεναι παρ᾿ αὐτοῖς ἀμφίπολοι. Aphrodite Aineias on Leucas (Dion. Hal. ibid.; Head HN 2 330) may point to a similar cult.

55 Dion. Hal. I, 50, 3 λέγεται δὲ Αἰνείου καὶ Ἀφροδίτης ὁ δρόμος, καὶ ξόανα τούτων ἕστηκεν ἀμφοτέρων.

56 Dion. Hal. 1, 53, 1 καὶ ἱερὸν Αἰνείου ἱδρυμένον ἐν Αἰγέστῃ…τῶν ὑπολειφθέντων ἀπὸ τοῦ στόλου τῇ μνήμῃ τοῦ σώσαντος σφᾶς ἀνάθημα ποιησαμένων.

57 Hitherto our earliest authorities have been Naevius (Macrob. 6, 2, 31) and Fabius Pictor (frg. 4 P. = FGrHist. 809 F 2).

58 Indiges pater (CIL 12, p. 189 = ILS 63 (Pompeii); Or. g. R. 14, 4), Aeneas Indiges (Varr. Ant. 15 frg. 12 Ag.; Verg. Aen. 12, 794 and Serv.; Schol. Veron. Aen. 1, 259; Mart. Cap. 6, 637), Iuppiter Indiges (Livy 1, 2, 6; Serv. Aen. 1, 259). Indiges pater seems to have been inscribed on the Lavinian shrine: it is rendered by Dion. Hal. 1, 64, 5 (FGrHist. 840 F 39) with Πατρòς θεοũ Ʃχθονίου, cf. C. Koch, Gestirnverehrung im alten Italien 77 f.; 101 f.; Bömer, Ahnenkult u. Ahnenglaube im alten Rom, 1943, 55 ff.; 66 ff.

59 cf. Schol. Bern. Georg. 1, 498 ‘alii: Indigetes proprie sunt dii ex hominibus facti … ut Aeneas et Romulus’; Comment. Lucan. 1, 556 ‘Indigetes flevisse deos: vel Aenean vel Romulum’; more in Koch, o.c. 81 ff.; Thes. L. L. 7, 1, 1177.

60 Koch o.c. 98 f. (‘Stammvater’); Deubner, Arch. Rel. Wiss. 33, 1936, 112 f.; contra, but not convincing, Bömer, o.c. 53 ff.

61 Koch o.c. 93 ff.; Walde-Hofmann s.v.; Bömer 96 f.; Kretschmer, Glotta 31, 1951, 157 f.

62 Pliny N.H. 3, 56 ‘lucus Solis Indigetis’ (Koch 105); FGrHist. 840 F 34 (Dion. Hal. 1, 55, 2).

63 CIL 12, p. 324 ‘Soli Indigiti in colle Quirinale’. The Gens Aurelia was closely connected with this cult since Sol was their divine ancestor, ausel being the Sabine word for Sol. Paul. Fest. 23 M. (22 L.); Varr. L.L. 5, 68; Wissowa, Religion 315; not convincing Koch 33 ff.

64 Fast. Ost., Calza, Not. Scav. 1921, 255 ‘Agon(ium) Ind(igitis)’; Lyd. mens. 4, 155 Ἀγωνάλια δαφνηφόρῳ καὶ γενάχῃ Ἡλίῳ; Koch 65 f.; 71. This evidence does not seem to be known to Vetter, E., Rhein. Mus. 103, 1960, 92Google Scholar.

65 This is the view of Koch 109 ff.

66 Strab. 5, 232 Κίρκης ἱερόν; Cic. n.d. 3, 48 ‘Circen quoque coloni nostri Cercienses religiose colunt’; CIL 10, 6422 (ILS 4037) ‘… aram Circes sanctissimae restituit’; Serv. Dan. Ecl. 6, 47; Wissowa, Religion 542, 5.

67 cf. Wilamowitz, Glaube d. Hell. 2, 330, 2.

68 Serv. Aen. 7, 47; 12, 164.

69 Plaut. Epid. 604; Cic. n.d. 3, 48; Verg. Aen. 7, 11; 12, 164; Serv. Aen. 7, 19; 12, 164; Suet. frg. 188, p. 335 R. (Tert. spect. 8); Koch 110, 3.

70 Kleinias, FGrHist. 819 (Serv. Dan. Aen. 1, 273); for other evidence see Schwegler, Röm. Gesch. 1, 403, 27; their other sons were Auson (Serv. Dan. Aen. 8, 328), Romos, Anteias, and Ardeias (Xenagoras, FGrHist. 240 F 29 = 840 F 17 = Dion. Hal. 1, 72, 5), Romanos (Plut. Rom. 2, 1).

71 Theophr. Hist. plant. 9, 15, 1 (FGrHist. 840 F 24c), quoting Aeschylus Eleg. frg. 1 D., calls them experts in herbs and poisons which he does, I believe, for no other reason than because of their descent from Circe (JRS XXXVI, 1946, 111, 62). A more immediate divine ancestor was ascribed to the Latini when it was asserted that Latinus had become Iuppiter Latiaris, Fest. 194 M. (212 L.); Schol. Bob. Cic. pro Planc. p. 154 St.; Pfister, Reliquienkult 594.

72 cf. Serv. Dan. Aen. 1, 273 ‘Naevius et Ennius Aeneae ex filia nepotem Romulum conditorem urbis tradunt’; Vahlen, Ennianae poeseos rell. p. CLIII; Bömer, Ahnenkult 64.

73 cf. Cic. rep. 2, 20; leg. 1, 3; 2, 19; n.d. 2, 62; Plut. Rom. 28, 3; Wissowa, Religion 155, 5 attributed it to the years c. 60 B.C.; contra, Elter, Donarem pateras 40, 31 ff.; Heinze, Ovids elegische Erzählung 40, 1; Bömer 75, 2.

74 CIL 11, 5206 (Fulginiae); 5997 (Sestinum); 7, 74 (‘Durocornovium’).

75 ILS 3150 (nr. Amiternum); CIL 12, 2201 (Gall. Narbon.); 2202.

76 cf. Varro's (Serv. Aen. 5, 704) and Hyginus' (Serv. Aen. 5, 389) works de familiis Troianis; P-W 19, 446; Dahlmann, P-W Suppl. 6, 1242.