Published online by Cambridge University Press: 07 April 2011
Around the turn of the 20th century, the colonial Dutch state grew increasingly concerned about what were perceived as threats to its authority. The article devotes particular attention to the so-called “Outer Islands”, and the forces that Batavia saw at work in this periphery that were considered dangerous enough to jeopardize imperial survival.
1 I would like to thank Barbara Watson Andaya, Ben Kiernan, James Scott, John Sidel, Jonathan Spence, and an anonymous reviewer from this journal for comments and critique on an earlier version of this article. The views expressed (and any errors of fact or judgement) are of course only my own.
2 See the series of articles by J.H.P.E. Kniphorst entitled “Historische Schets van den Zeerof in den Oost-Indischen Archipel”, in Tijdschrift Zeewezen, 1876: “Inleiding” (p. 3), “De Bewoners van den Oost-Indischen Archipel” (p. 48), “Oorsprong and Ontwikkeling van den Zeeroof” (p. 159), “Philippijnsche Eilanden en Noordelijk Borneo I, II” (pp. 195, 283); “Philippijnsche Eilanden en Noordelijk Borneo, III” (p. 353); 1877: “De Moluksche Eilanden en Nieuw-Guinea” (p. 1), “De Moluksche Eilanden en Nieuw-Guinea, II” (p. 135), “Timorsche Wateren” (p. 237); 1878: “Celebes en Onderhoorigheden” (p. 1), “Celebes en Onderhoorigheden, II” (p. 107), “Sumatra” (p. 213); 1879: “Sumatra, II” (p. 1), “Het Maleische Schiereiland” (p. 85), “Riouw en Onderhoorigheden” (p.173); 1880: “Banka en Billiton” (p. 1), “Borneo's Oost-, Zuid- en West-Kust” (p. 89). See also SirRaffles, Thomas Stamford, Memoir of the Life and Public Services of Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles (London: James Duncan, 1835)Google Scholar; and SirBrooke, James, Narrative of Events in Borneo and Celebes, Down to the Occupation of Labuan (London: John Murray, 1848)Google Scholar. Many of the seapeoples described here (especially in Borneo) were in fact led by land-dwelling Malays.
3 See Lapian, Adrian, “The Sealords of Berau and Mindanao: Two Responses to the Colonial Challenge”, Masyarakat Indonesia 1,2 (1974): 143–54Google Scholar; and Reber, Anne, “The Sulu World in the 18th and Early 19th Centuries: A Historiographical Problem in British Writings on Malay Piracy” (M.A. Thesis, Cornell University, 1966)Google Scholar. Both of these somewhat supersede Tarling, Nicholas, Piracy and Politics in the Malay World: A Study of British Imperialism in Nineteenth-Century Southeast Asia (Singapore: Donald Moore, 1963)Google Scholar; and Rutter, Owen, The Pirate Wind: Tales of the Sea-Robbers of Malaya (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1986)Google Scholar, which has primary accounts of an earlier age. The best single study is still Warren, James, The Sulu Zone: The Dynamics of External Trade, Slavery, and Ethnicity in the Transformation of a Southeast Asian Maritime State (Singapore: Singapore University Press, 1981)Google Scholar.
4 See Murray's, Dian work on the South China/Vietnamese coasts of the turn of the 19th century, Pirates of the South China Coast, 1790–1810 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1987Google Scholar). The shipping activities of various European nations (English, Dutch, Spanish, etc.) can easily be described as “piratical” during this time period as well. For an indigenous account of piracy in the region (focusing primarily on the first half of the 19th century), see Matheson, Virginia and Andaya, Barbara Watson, trans., The Precious Gift (Tuhfat al-Nafis) (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1982)Google Scholar. See also Trocki, Carl, Prince of Pirates: The Temenggongs and the Development of Johor and Singapore 1784–1885 (Singapore: Singapore University Press, 1979)Google Scholar. Though “corsairs” occasionally attacked European ships, most piracy in the region was directed at indigenous or Chinese shipping.
5 Arsip Nasional Indonesia (hereafter ARNAS), “Maandrapport der Residentie Riouw 1873” (Riouw #66/2: July); “Verslag Omtrent den Zeeroof over het Jaar 1876”, Tijdschrift voor Indische Tool-, Land-, en Volkenkunde (hereafter TBG) 24 (1877): 475.Google Scholar
6 Kruijt, J.A., Atjeh en de Atjehers: Twee Jaren Blokkade op Sumatra's Noord-Oost-Kust (Leiden: Gualth. Koff, 1877)Google Scholar; Captain Woolcombe to Vice Admiral Shadwell, China Station, 6 Sep. 1873, no. 38, PRO/Admiralty 125/140; “Rajah Abdulah Mohamat Shah ibn Almarhome Sulatan Japahar to the Chinese Chiefs of the Sening Tew Chew and the Tew Chew Factions of the Chinese at Larut”, 11 Aug. 1873, PRO/Admiralty 125/140.
7 Rear Admiral Sir F. Collier to Secretary of Admiralty, 4 Sep. 1849, CO 144/3: ARNAS, Politiek Verslag der Residentie Borneo Zuid-Oost 1871 (Borneo Z.O. #4/1).
8 ARNAS, “Maandrapport der Residentie Banka 1871” (Banka #97/4: April).
9 Kruijt, Atjeh, p. 169.
10 ARNAS, “Politiek Verslag der Residentie Banka 1871” (Banka #124).
11 Algemeen Rijksarchief (hereafter ARA), [Report of Marsaoleh Tenaloga, chief of Bone, including a transcript of his interview with Amina, a woman who had escaped from Tobello pirates (18 Mar. 1876)] in 1876, MR #624.
12 Capt. Woolcombe to Vice-Admiral Shadwell, China Station, 6 Sep. 1873, #38; Capt., HMS Midge to Capt. Woolcombe on the Thalia, 20 Aug. 1873, both in PRO/Admiralty 125/148.
13 ARNAS, “Maandrapport der Residentie Banka 1871” (Banka #97/5: July); Parkinson, C. Northgate, Trade in the Eastern Seas (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1937), p. 348.Google Scholar
14 Statement of W.C. Cowie to Act. Gov. Treacher, 4 May 1879, CO 144/52.
15 ARNAS, “Maandrapport der Residentie Banka 1871” (Banka #97/5: July).
16 Gov. Treacher to Senior Naval Officer, Straits, 12 Jun. 1879, CO 144/52.
17 Capt. Grant of the HMS Midge to Capt. Woolcombe on the Thalia, 11 Sep. 1873, PRO/Admiralty 125/148; JHPKE Kniphorst, “Historische Schets van den Zeerof in den Oost-Indischen Archipel: Riouw”, Tijdschrift Zeewezen 1879: 224.
18 ARNAS, “Politiek Verslag der Residentie Borneo Zuid-Oost 1872” (Borneo Z.O. #4/2); “Maandrapport der Residentie Borneo Zuid-Oost 1871” (Borneo Z.O. #10a/6: May). These particular sultans in Eastern Borneo seem to have given piratical craft safe haven in their dominions; we can safely assume that they received a cut of any profits as well.
19 For punishments against piracy, as well as legal competencies of Dutch captains against piratical craft, see Indische Staatsblad 1876, #279, and 1877, #181, respectively.
20 See the statements of Dungin and Nauduah enclosed in W.C. Cowie to Act. Gov. Treacher, 2 Jun. 1879, CO 144/52.
21 ARA, Resident Riouw to Gov. Gen. NEI (22 Apr. 1881, #823) in 1881, MR #396; also Resident East Coast Sumatra to Gov. Gen. NEI (10 Aug. 1885, #523) in 1885, MR #523.
22 See Gov. Leys, Labuan to the Foreign Office, 30 Jan. 1882, and the jacket enclosing this letter, CO 144/56. The Crown did not hold these lands at any point previous to the Company's title, but London was constantly preoccupied with geo-strategic considerations vis-à-vis Spain and Germany. The Company's firm lease of the lands, and the treaties which were signed between the European powers, relieved London of pressure to adopt some sort of policy regarding this area.
23 ARA, Executive Secretary Philippine Islands (Thomas Cary Welch) to Dutch Consul, Manila (PKA Meerkamp van Embden), 13 May 1910, Telegram (Ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaken [hereafter MvBZ/A/277/A.134).
24 ARA, Louis Mallet for Sir Edward Grey, F.O. to Minister for Foreign Affairs, The Hague, 4 Nov. 1909, #1927; and Dutch Consul, London to Minister for Foreign Affairs, The Hague, 6 Jul. 1909, #1900/1203 (MvBZ/A/277/A.134).
25 ARA, 1872, MR #24.
26 ARNAS, “Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Borneo West 1874” (Borneo West #5/4).
27 ARA, “Kort Verslag van de Stand van Zaken, en van Personeel in de Residentie Ternate over Maand Maart, 1873 — Bijzondere Gebeurtenissen” in 1873, MR #257.
28 Gov. SS to Earl Kimberley, 24 Jul. 1873, no. 216, PRO/Admiralty 125/148.
29 ARNAS, “Maandrapport der Residentie Palembang 1870” (Palembang #74/8: May); ARA, Resident Palembang to Gov. Gen. NEI (5 Apr. 1873, #1798/6) in 1873, MR #281.
30 ARNAS, “Maandrapport der Residentie Riouw 1870” (Riouw #66/2: April).
31 ARA, 1873, MR #337; and Asst. Res. Benkoelen to Gov. Gen. NEI (18 Apr. 1873, #983) in 1873, MR #262. Accounts of violence against Europeans were given far more careful scrutiny and attention than “internecine” attacks between indigenes, and the paper trail for the former is disproportionately large in the European historical record.
32 ARNAS, “Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Borneo West 1890” (Borneo West #5/21); “Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Borneo Zuid-Oost 1890” (Borneo Z.O. #9a/11).
33 Rajah Sarawak to Consul Trevenen (Brunei), 12 Apr. 1892, CO 144/69.
34 See the statistical chart in ARNAS, “Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Riouw 1890” (Riouw #64/1–2).
35 ARA, Asst. Res. Deli to Gov. Gen. NEI, 12 Mar. 1904, Telegram #117 (Sumatra O.K., fiche #156) (MvK, PVBB).
36 ARA, 1906, MR #634, 711, 828 (Riouw, fiche #296) (Ministerie van Kolonien [hereafter MvK], Politieke Verslagen Buitenbezittingen [hereafter PVBB]); MR 1906/1907, #1054, 1352, 1629 (Lampongs, fiche #386) (MvK, PVBB).
37 ARA, Asst. Resident Billiton to Gov. Gen. NEI, Feb. Verslag, 18 Mar. 1911 (Banka, fiche #389) (MvK, PVBB).
38 ARA, N.F. Deshon (Officer Administering the Sarawak Govʼt in Absence of the Raja) to Resident, West Borneo, 21 Apr. 1904, #F 12/04 (Borneo West, fiche #394); Resident, Borneo Southeast to Gov. Gen. NEI, 22 May 1909 (April 1909 Report) (Borneo Z.O., fiche #477) (MvK, PVBB).
39 ARNAS, “Politiek Verslag der Residentie Borneo West 1870” (Borneo West #2/8); “Politiek Verslag der Residentie Borneo Zuid-Oost 1871” (Borneo Zuid-Oost #4/1).
40 ARNAS, “Politiek Verslag der Residentie Banka 1871 (Banka #124)”; “Algemeen Administratie Verslag der Riouw 1871” (Riouw #63/2).
41 ARNAS, “Algemeen Administratieve Verslag der Residentie Palembang 1870” (Palembang #64/13); Saw, S.H., Singapore Population in Transition (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1970), p. 11Google Scholar. The vast majority of Dutchmen in the Outer Islands during this period were civil servants.
42 The colonial state relied on a certain proportion of these populations as compradors (such as Chinese tax farmers) and sub-contractors (such as certain indigenous elites who were used for governing), even while it attacked others as nuisances or enemies of the state. Trocki's, CarlOpium and Empire: Chinese Society in Colonial Singapore 1800–1910 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1990Google Scholar) shows this dynamic at work very clearly across the frontier in colonial Singapore. Meanwhile, the writer Pramoedya Ananta Toer and the anthropologist James Siegel have seen in these growing populations something akin to the birth of the “modern” in the Indies, with their presence partly responsible for presenting a huge range of new cultural and intellectual possibilities to local inhabitants. The possible cross-pollination of these forces was considered dangerous by the Batavia regime. See Toer, Pramoedya Ananta, Bumi Manusia (Jakarta: Hasta Mitra, 1980)Google Scholar, and Siegel, James, Fetish, Recognition, Revolution (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977)Google Scholar. I am indebted to John Sidel for fascinating discussions about these ideas.
43 Trocki, Opium and Empire, p. 30.
44 de Groot, Jan J.M., Het Kongsiwezen van Borneo: Eene Verhandeling over den Grondslag en den Aard der Chineesche Politieke Vereenigengen in de Kolonien met eene Chineesche Geschiedenis van de Kongsi Lanfong (Hague: Nijhoff, 1885)Google Scholar. For a more recent account, see Jackson, James, Chinese in the West Borneo Goldfields: A Study in Cultural Geography (Hull: University of Hull Occasional Papers, 1970Google Scholar).
45 See F. Fokken's Reports of 1896 and 1897, “Rapport Betreffende het Onderzoek Naar den Economische Toestand der Vreemde Oosterlingen op Java en Madoera en Voorstellen tot Verbetering”, ARA, Ministerie van Kolonien, V, 17–4–1896–27; also Algemeen Handelsblad, 8 Apr. 1896 (quoted in Fernando, M.R. and Bulbeck, David, Chinese Economic Activity in the Netherlands Indies: Selected Translations from the Dutch [Singapore: ISEAS, 1992], pp. 43–57)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
46 Romer, G.A., “Chineezenvrees in Indië”, Vragen des Tijds 23, 2 (1897): 193Google Scholar; ARA, “De Chineesche Kwestie in Nederlandsch-Indië”, Nieuwe Rotterdamsche Courant, 12 Jun. 1907, pp. 1–2 (MvBZ/A/43/A.29bis OK).
47 Schaalje, M., “Bijdrage tot de Kennis der Chineesche Geheime Genootschappen”, TBG 20 (1873): 1–6Google Scholar.
48 Young, J.W., “Bijdrage tot de Kennis der Chineesche Geheime Genootschappen”, TBG 28 (1883): 547, 551–52, 574–77Google Scholar. The “Sekajam” document is a receipt stating that the sum of one dollar had been given to the kongsi. The date on the paper is the 26th day of the 7th month of the year “Sin-joe”, which Young identified as 1861 on the Western calendar.
49 ARNAS, “Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Borneo West 1874” (Borneo West #5/4); “Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Borneo West 1889” (Borneo West #5/20).
50 See ARA, Dutch Consul, Singapore to Gov. Gen. NEI (9 Jan. 1889, #37) in 1889, MR #38. British successes in dealing with Chinese secret societies went from “useless, for any practical purpose” in 1872 to significantly better after that; a whole codex of laws was drawn up to insure that the State would win this battle. See “Report of the Inspector General of Police on the Working of Ordinance #19 of 1869, the Dangerous Societies Suppression Ordinance, Straits Settlements Legislative Council Proceedings (hereafter SSLCP), 1872, p. 98, for the (Singapore) Inspector General of Police's disparaging comment above; for the evolution of Straits laws on these societies, see Ordinances no. 19 of 1869, no. 4 of 1882, no. 4 of 1885, and no. 20 of 1909. By 1913 British North Borneo was adopting legislation that gave the State powers to enter meeting places, rights of seizure, and the right to photograph, fingerprint, and summon witnesses, all vis-à-vis secret societies. See Gov. BNB to Chairman, BNB Co. London, 31 Dec. 1913, #4066/13, in CO 874/803. For a very good volume on the nature (and often, the misrepresentation) of Chinese secret societies in Southeast Asia, see “Secret Societies” Reconsidered: Perspectives on the Social History of Modern China and Southeast Asia, ed. Ownby, David and Heidhues, Mary Somers (Armonk: M.E. Sharpe, 1993)Google Scholar, especially ch. 3–5.
51 “De Privaatrechtelijke Toestand der Chineezen in Nederlandsch Indië”, Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch-lndië (hereafter TNI) 17 (1898): 210.Google Scholar
52 “De Invloed der Vreemdelingschap op het Rechtswezen in Nederlandisch Indië”, Wet en Adat (1897): 159–97.
53 See the letter (in Chinese) from the Chinese ambassador to the Netherlands authorities at the Hague, dated 12th year of the Guangxu reign, 7th month, 27th day (1886), in ARA, Minister for the Colonies to Minister for Foreign Affairs (9 Nov. 1886, A3/21–9471) in MvBZ/A/43/A.29bis OK. The ambassador makes the case for considering Chinese in the Indies as imperial subjects only, and not under Dutch jurisdiction; he refers to Chinese mixed marriages in the Indies, and also the United States' dealings with Chinese as examples.
54 ARA, Dutch Minister of the Colonies to Minister for Foreign Affairs, 9 Nov. 1886, #A3/21–9471 (MvBZ/A/43/A.29bis OK). The instructions were sent to Foreign Affairs first, and then relayed to Peking.
55 ARA, Dutch Consuls in Washington (14 May 1907, #294/120) and Berlin (5 Jun. 1907, #2555/1011) as well as the Foreign Office, London (9 Jul. 1909, #21833), all replying to the Ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaaken in The Hague (MvBZ/A/43/A.29bis OK).
56 ARNAS, “Politiek Verslag der Residentie Banka 1871” (Banka #124) and 1873 (Banka #125).
57 ARNAS, “Algemeen Administratieve Verslag der Residentie Riouw 1871” (Riouw #63/2).
58 ARA, 1873, MR #526; ARNAS, “Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Banka 1888” (Banka #79).
59 ARA, Resident Banka to Gov. Gen. NEI (14 Nov. 1876, #948) in 1876, MR #948; ARNAS, “Politiek Verslag der Residentie Borneo West 1870” (Borneo West #2/8); “Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Borneo West 1886” and “1889” (Borneo West #5/17; 5/20).
60 Translated from Sun Chung Wa Po (3 May 1912) in Dutch Consul, Peking to Minister for Foreign Affairs (20 May 1912, #954/176) in MvBZ/A/40/A.29bis OK.
61 ARA, Minister for the Colonies to Minister for Foreign Affairs (7 Nov. 1912, K16-#21448) in MvBZ/A/40/A.29bis OK.
62 Translated from Pei Ching Jih Pao (8 Apr. 1914) in Dutch Consul, Peking to Minister for Foreign Affairs. (9 Jan. 1914, #48/8) in MvBZ/A/40/A.29bis OK.
63 Translated from Pei Ching Jih Pao (5 Oct. 1912) in MvBZ/A/40/A.29bis OK.
64 Translated from Pei Ching Jih Pao (2 Aug. 1912) in ARA, Dutch Consul, Peking to Minister for Foreign Affairs (25 Sep. 1912, #1611/291) in MvBZ/A/40/A.29bis OK.
65 ARA, MvK, Verbaal 16 Apr. 1898/22. See also Post, Peter, “Japanse Bedrijvigheid in Indonesie, 1868–1942: Structurele Elementen van Japans Vooroorlogse Economische Expansion in Zuidoost-Azie” (Ph.D. diss., Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, 1991)Google Scholar. Japanese prostitutes were actually an export industry sanctioned by the Japanese government for much of the late nineteenth century. They helped create conditions useful to the opening of Japanese shops and were reported on regularly by Tokyo's consuls in the region.
66 The best single book on both sides of this process is Hane, Mikiso, Peasants, Rebels, and Outcasts: The Underside of Modern Japan (New York: Pantheon, 1982)Google Scholar.
67 Sugihara, Kaoro, “Japan as an Engine of the Asian International Economy, 1880–1936”, Japan Forum 2,1 (1990): 139Google Scholar; see also Post, Peter, “Japan and the Integration of the Netherlands East Indies into the World Economy, 1868–1942”, Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs 27, 1–2 (1993): 134–65.Google Scholar
68 “Het Tractaat van Handel en Scheepvaart Tusschen Nederland en Japan”, Indische Gids (hereafter IG) 1 (1897): 351.Google Scholar
69 Ibid., p. 354.
70 Engelbregt, J.H., “De Ontwikkeling van Japan met het Oog op het Gele Gevaar”, TNI (1897): 800–803, 807–808, 814.Google Scholar
71 Piepers, M.C., “Waarschuwing”, De Avondpost (den Haag), 21 Oct. 1898.Google Scholar
72 Nederburgh, J.A., “Wijziging in Art. 109 Regeeringsregelement Japansche Europeanen”, Wet en Adat 3 (1898): 287.Google Scholar
73 Ibid.
74 The destinations for 1905/1906 include Hong Kong, French Indochina, Siam, the “Malay Islands”, Singapore, Penang, the United States, Mexico, Peru, Hawaii, the Philippines, Borneo, Java, Sumatra, and the “East-India Islands”. See ARA, Dutch Consul, Tokyo to Minister for Foreign Affairs (11 May 1908, #448/57–12128) in MvBZ/A/589/A.209.
75 ARA, Minister for the Colonies to Minister for Foreign Affairs (8 Jan. 1908, Kab. Litt Secret, #678) in MvBZ/A/589/A.209.
76 The Residencies reported on included “Tapaneoli, Benkoolen, Lampungs, Palembang, Djambi, Oostkust Sumatra, Atjeh, Riouw, Banka, Billiton, W. Afd. Borneo, Z.O. Afd. Borneo, Menado, Celebes, Amboina, Ternate, Bali en Lombok”— in other words, virtually all of the Outer Islands of the Dutch Indies. See enclosure in Minister of the Colonies to Minister for Foreign Affairs (28 June 1909, Kab. Litt. Secret #13422) in MvBZ/A/589/A.2O9.
77 “Japanese Immigration”, Kobe Herald (27 Jul. 1907), in MvBZ/A/589/A.2O9.
78 The consul's observations were repeated in a circular, ARA, Gov. Gen. NEI to Regional Heads of Administration (3 Dec. 1907, #407 Very Secret) in MvBZ/A/598/A.209. The mechanism of using a partially fictitious crew was emblematic of this process. Japanese coaling ships putting into Surabaya, for example, came in with listed crews of 65 men; only half of these, the consul reported, might be legitimate crew members, while the rest were secret immigrants. Only 30 or 35 Japanese would sail away with the boat.
79 ARA, Dutch Consul, Kobe to Gov. Gen. NEI (12 Oct. 1907, #1209) in MvBZ/A/589/A.2O9.
80 Controleur, Sampit to Resident, Borneo Southeast, 2 Jun. 1908, #2 (Borneo, Z.O., fiche #395) (MvK, PVBB).
81 ARA, Dutch Consul, Tokyo to Gov. Gen. NEI (28 Aug. 1916, #1268/97) in MvBZ/A/589/A.209.
82 ARA, Dutch Consul, Tokyo to Gov. Gen. NEI (28 Aug. 1916, #1269/112); Minister for Foreign Affairs to Minister for the Colonies (7 Nov. 1916, #48470), both in MvBZ/A/589/A.2O9.
83 ARA, Dutch Consul, Tokyo to Minister for Foreign Affairs (19 June 1918, #1012/89) in MvBZ/A/43/A.29bis OK. For a more general discussion of Japanese business expansion in the Indies, see Booth, Anne, “Japanese Import Penetration and Dutch Response: Some Aspects of Economic Policy Making in Colonial Indonesia”, in International Commercial Rivalry in Southeast Asia in the Interwar Period, Shinya, Sugiyama and Guerrero, Milagros, ed. (New Haven: Yale Center for International and Area Studies, 1994), pp. 134–64.Google Scholar
84 [Prognosis Concerning the Establishment of a Kwakyo Bank], Dutch translation from Tokyo Nichi Nichi (9 May 1918), in Dutch Consul, Tokyo to Minister for Gov. Gen. NEI (18 May 1918, #836/60) in ARA, MvBZ/A/43/A.29bis OK.
85 Dutch translation from Osaka Mainichi (11 Jun. 1918) in Dutch Consul, Tokyo to Minister for Foreign Affairs (19 Jun. 1918, #1012/89) in ARA, MvBZ/A/43/A.29bis OK.
86 Dutch translation from Tokyo Asahi (14 Jun. 1918) in Dutch Consul, Tokyo to Minister for Foreign Affairs (19 Jun. 1918, #1012/89) in ARA, MvBZ/A/43/A.29bis OK.
87 Japanese concerns were well-established in many Outer Island Residencies by this time, including Sumatra, Borneo, the Aru Islands and New Guinea. See ARA, Dutch Consul, Tokyo to Gov. Gen. NEI (10 Jun. 1918, #956/72) and Dutch Consul, Tokyo to Gov. Gen. NEI (25 May 1918, #876/68), both in MvBZ/A/43/A.29bis OK.
88 van den Berg, L., “Het Pan-Islamisme”, De Gids 4 (1900): 228Google Scholar. For scholarship on this topic, see Reid, Anthony, “Nineteenth Century Pan-Islam in Indonesia and Malaysia”, Journal of Asian Studies 26,2 (1967): 267–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Roff, W.R., “The Malayo-Muslim World of Singapore at the Close of the Nineteenth Century”, JAS 24,1 (1964): 75–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar; van den Berge, Tom, “Indië, en de Panislamitische Pers (1897–1909)”, Jambatan 5,1 (1987): 15–24Google Scholar; and Evans, D.H., “The Meanings of Pan-Islamism: The Growth of International Consciousness Among the Muslims of Indonesia in the Late 19th and Early 20th Century”, Itinerario 9,1 (1987): 15–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
89 ARNAS, “Politiek Verslag der Residentie Banka 1871”, “idem, 1872” (Banka #124, 125).
90 ARNAS, “Politiek Verslag der Residentie Borneo West 1870”, “idem, 1872” (Borneo West #2/8, 2/10).
91 Arabs in Palembang sent messengers to “notorious” Acehnese in Penang, for example, and Singapore Arabs corresponded with the Sultan of Sulu. See Consul Read (Singapore) to Gov. Gen. NEI, 12 Jan. 1876 (Conf.) and 7 Feb. 1876, in ARNAS, Atjeh #12 (Bogor Repository): “Stukken Betreffende Atjehsche Oorlog”.
92 ARNAS, “Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Banka 1874” (Banka #65); “Algemeen Administratieve Verslag der Residentie Palembang 1874” (Palembang #64/17).
93 ARNAS, “Politiek Verslag der Residentie Borneo Zuid-Oost 1873” (Borneo Z.O. #4/3); “Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Borneo West 1874” (Borneo West #5/4).
94 Veth, P.J., “De Heilige Oorlog in den Indischen Archipel”, TNI 1 (1870): 175Google Scholar.
95 ARA, Resident West Borneo to Gov. Gen. NEI (8 Jul. 1878, #78) in 1878, MR #474.
96 ARA, Resident Sumatra East Coast to Dutch Consul, Singapore (2 Oct. 1881, W/Secret) in 1881, MR #1107; Dutch Consul, Singapore to Resident Palembang (15 Sep. 1881, #541) in 1881, MR #860.
97 ARA, Dutch Consul Singapore to Gov. Gen. NEI (28 Sep. 1885, #626) in 1885, MR #638. From March to August 1885, 295 Arabs crossed from Singapore into the Dutch Indies; the range of their destinations included Palembang, Deli, Siak, Bandjermassin, Macassar, Pontianak, Bali, Muntok, Djambi, Indragiri, and Padang, as well as Java.
98 ARA, Resident Surabaya to Gov. Gen. NEI (30 Nov. 1881, #15258) in 1881, MR #1139; also Dutch Consul Djeddah to Minister for Foreign Affairs (30 Aug. 1883, #632 Very Secret) in 1883, MR #1075.
99 ARA, Resident Sumatra East Coast to Gov. Gen. NEI (4 Sep. 1881, Secret); also Resident Madura to Gov. Gen. NEI (7 Sep. 1881, G/3 Secret), both in 1881, MR #839.
100 ARA, Resident Bantam to Gov. Gen. NEI (18 Dec. 1883, R/1 Secret) in 1883, MR #1173.
101 “De Mohammedaansche Broederschappen in Ned. Indië”, TNI 2 (1889): 15–20; “Mohamedaansch-Godsdienstige Broederschappen”, TNI 2 (1891): 189.
102 “Resume van Artikelen in de Turksche Bladen te Constantinopel over de Beweerde Slechte Behandeling van de Arabieren in NI en van de Beschermingen ter Zake van de Ned. Pers”, IG (1898): 1096–97.
103 van den Berg, L., “Het Pan-Islamisme [ook in de NI Archipel]”, De Gids 4 (1900): 228Google Scholar.
104 Under the rubric “native” the Dutch (and British) in Southeast Asia classified Acehnese, Bataks, Boyanese, Bugis, Javanese, Malays, and a variety of other peoples indigenous to the region. Up until 1871 in Singapore, all of these groups were classified individually; after that year, they were subsumed under the category “Malay”.
105 See Fasseur, Cornells, “Een Koloniale Paradox. De Nederlandse Expansie in de Indonesische Archipel in het Midden van de Negentiende Eeuw (1830–1870)”, Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis 92 (1979): 162–86Google Scholar; à Campo, J., “Orde, Rust, en Welvaart. Over de Nederlandse Expansie in de Indische Archipel Omstreeks 1900”, Acta Politico 15 (1980)Google Scholar; Schoffer, I., “Dutch ‘Expansion’ and Indonesian Reactions: Some Dilemmas of Modern Colonial Rule (1900–1942)”, in Expansion and Reaction: Essays on European Expansion and Reactions in Asia and Africa, ed. Wesseling, H.L. (Leiden: Brill, 1978), pp. 78–99CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Voorhoeve, J.J.C., Peace, Profits, and Principles: A Study of Dutch Foreign Policy (Leiden: Nijhoff, 1985)Google Scholar; Wesseling, H.L., “The Giant That Was a Dwarf or the Strange History of Dutch Imperialism”, in Theory and Practice of European Expansion Overseas: Essays in Honor of Ronald Robinson, ed. Porter, A. and Holland, R. (London, Frank Cass, 1989)Google Scholar.
106 See dan Informasi Aceh, Pusat Dokumentasi, Perang Kolonial Belanda di Aceh (Banda Aceh: Pusat Dokumentasi Aceh dan Informasi Aceh, 1977)Google Scholar; and van ʼt Veer, Paul, De Atjeh Oorlog (Amsterdam: Uitgeverij De Arbeiderspers, 1969)Google Scholar.
107 See, in that order, Lindblad, J. Thomas, “Economic Aspects of the Dutch Expansion in Indonesia”, Modern Asian Studies 23 (1989): 1–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kuitenbrouwer, Maarten, The Netherlands and the Rise of Modern Imperialism: Colonies and Foreign Policy (Oxford: Berg Publishers, 1991)Google Scholar; Black, Ian, “The ‘Lastposten’: Eastern Kalimantan and the Dutch in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries”, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 16,2 (Sep. 1985)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Locher-Scholten, Elsbeth, Sumatraans Sultanaat en Koloniale Staat: De Relatie Djambi-Batavia (1830–1907) en het Nederlandse Imperialisme (Leiden: KITLV, 1994)Google Scholar.
108 Local polities looked for allies wherever they could against the Dutch. Aceh sounded out Italy and the United States in this regard, while Riau explored the possibilities of an alliance with Japan. For the latter, see Andaya, Barbara Watson, “From Rum to Tokyo: The Search for Anti-Colonial Allies by the Rulers of Riau, 1899–1914”, Indonesia 24 (1977): 123–56.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
109 ARNAS, “Politiek Verslag der Residentie Borneo West 1870” (Borneo West #2/8); “Maandrapport der Residentie Borneo Zuid-Oost 1870” (Borneo Z.O. #10a/5).
110 “Kraing Bonto-Bonto; Verhaal van den Opstand in de Noorder-districten van Celebes in 1868 en van het Dempen van dien Opstand”, Indische Militair Tijdschrift (hereafter IMT) 3 (1872): 198–233; Gov. Heckler to Gov. Gen. NEI, 27 Sep. 1905, Telegram #554 (Riouw, fiche #294, 296) in MvK, PVBB.
111 See, for example, van Daalen, Kotaradja to Gov. Gen. NEI, 20 Nov. 1905, Telegram #909, and 16 Dec. 1905, Telegram #962, both in Atjeh, fiche #10 (MvK, PVBB). Many more citations exist on the phenomenon.
112 A good source of information is the Indisch Militair Tljdschsrift (IMT, Military Journal of the Indies), which chronicled the penetration of the frontier in graphic detail.
113 P.G. Schmidhamer, “De Expeditie naar Zuid Flores”, IMT 24,2 (1893): 101–115; 197–213; A. Tissot van Patot, “Kort Overzicht van de Gebeurtenissen op Flores en Enige Gegevens Betreffende dat Eiland”, IMT 38,2 (1907): 762–72.
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115 “Kort Overzicht van de Ongeregelheden op Halmahera”, IMT 38,1 (1907): 328–31Google Scholar; see also Young, Kenneth, Islamic Peasants and the State: the 1908 Anti-Tax Rebellion in West Sumatra (New Haven: Yale University Southeast Asia Monograph Series, 1994)Google Scholar.
116 von Geusau, J. Alting, “De Tocht van Overste Van Daalen door de Gajo-Alas- en Bataklanden (1904)”, IMT 70,2 (1939): 593–613Google Scholar; Kempees, J.C.J., “Na Dertig Jaren”, IMT 65,1 (1934): 111–16.Google Scholar
117 Fasseur, Cornelis, “Cornerstone and Stumbling Block: Racial Classification and the Late Colonial State in Indonesia”, in The Late Colonial State in Indonesia: Political and Economic Foundations of the Netherlands Indies 1880–1942, ed. Cribb, Robert (Leiden: KITLV, 1994), p. 34.Google Scholar
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119 Hekmeijer, writing for a legal audience in Wet en Adat, gave the numbers of native Christians in the Indies around 1896 as follows. He counted approximately 26,500 native Catholics, mainly in Minahasa, and on Flores and Timor; around 212,000 native Protestant Church members, mostly in the Moluccas, and parts of Java and Minahasa; and approximately 90,000 native Christians not belonging to any particular Christian denomination, who were primarily to be found on Java, Sumatra, Borneo, Nias, Savu, Sumba, the Sangi and Talau Islands, and New Guinea. See Hekmeijer, F.C., “De Rechtstoestand der Inlandsche Christengemeenten in Ned. Indië”, Wet en Adat (1896/1897): 31.Google Scholar
120 Schich, C.J., “De Rechtstoestand der Inlandsche Christenen”, IG 2 (1892): 1532.Google Scholar
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126 Wolluston, A., “The Pilgrimage to Mecca”, Asiatic Quarterly Review 1 (1886): 408.Google Scholar
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129 ARA, 1872, MR #820.
130 ARNAS, “Algemeen Administratieve Verslag der Residentie Palembang 1874” (Palembang #64/17).
131 ARNAS, “Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Banka 1875” (Banka #66).
132 ARNAS, “Politiek Verslag der Residentie Borneo West 1870” (Borneo West #2/8).
133 ARNAS, “Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Borneo Zuid-Oost 1871” (Borneo Z.O. #9/2). See the statistics on Amoenthaij and Martapoera in particular.
134 ARNAS, “Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Borneo West 1886” (Borneo Z.O. #517); “Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Borneo Zuid-Oost 1886” (Borneo Z.O. #9a/7).
135 ARNAS, “Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Riouw 1890” (Riouw #64/1–2); “Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Palembang 1886” (Palembang #65/6).
136 ARA, Resident Palembang to Gov. Gen. NEI (1 Jun. 1881, Very Secret) in 1881, MR #563; see also van Goor, J., “A Madman in the City of Ghosts: Nikolaas Kloek in Pontianak”, Itinerario 9,2 (1985): 196–211CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
137 ARA, “Extract Uit het Register der Besluiten van dan Gouverneur General van Nederlandsch-Indië” (8 Mar. 1883, Very Secret #4) in 1883, MR #252.
138 “De Bedevaart naar Mekka, 1909/1910”, IG 2 (1910) : 1638.Google Scholar
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141 See Chew, Daniel, Chinese Pioneers on the Sarawak Frontier 1841–1941 (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1990), p. 109.Google Scholar
142 See his discussion of the Segai-i and other peoples of the forest interior and littoral; competition was intense, and spurred much violence (including headhunting raids) over large parts of the island. James Warren, Sulu Zone, p. 90.
143 Some of the goods being traded in marketplaces in Borneo were guttah, rottan, iron, copper, textiles, tobacco, gambier, dried fish, timber and rice; also much desired, but in shorter supply, were glass, oil and salt, beads, and gold. See ARNAS, Algemeen Administratieve Verslag der Residentie Borneo West 1874 (Borneo West #5/4).
144 ARNAS, “Politiek Verslag der Residentie Borneo West 1870” (Borneo West #2/8).
145 ARNAS, “Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Borneo West 1886” (Borneo West #5/17).
146 Raja Sarawak to Resident West Borneo, 12 Apr. 1905, and 16 May 1905 (Borneo West, fiche #394); Resident Southeast Borneo to Gov. Gen. NEI, 22 May 1909 (Borneo Z.O., fiche #477) both in MvK, PVBB. For contemporary scholarship on this topic, see Pringle, Robert, Rajahs and Rebels: The Ibans of Sarawak under Brooke Rule, 1841–1941 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1970)Google Scholar.
147 ARNAS, “Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Borneo Zuid-Oost 1889” (Borneo Z.O. #9a/10). Most were searching for work on Sumatra's tobacco plantations.
148 ARNAS, “Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Borneo West 1889, 1890” (Borneo West #5/20, #5/21).
149 Pistorius, A.W.P. Verkerk, “Palembangsche Schetsen. Een Dag bij de Wilden”, TNI 1 (1874): 150Google Scholar.
150 See Naim, Mochtar, Merantau: Pola Migrasi Suku Minangkabau (Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press, 1979)Google Scholar, especially pp. 2–3 and the map on p. 65. Colonial accounts of Minangkabau cultural practices can be found in van Eerde, J.C., “De Adat Volgens Menangkabausche Bronnen”, Wet en Adat 3 (1896): 209–220Google Scholar; and Klerk, E.A., “Geographische en Etnographische Opstel over de Landschappen Korintji, Serampas, en Soengai Tenang”, TBG 39 (1897): 1–117Google Scholar. For a good discussion on the period being studied here, see Graves, Elizabeth, The Minangkabau Response to Dutch Colonial Rule in the Nineteenth Century (Ithaca: Cornell Modern Indonesia Project, 1981), pp. 19–21Google Scholar; Kato, Tsuyoshi, Matriliny and Migration: Evolving Minangkabau Traditions in Indonesia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1982), especially p. 23Google Scholar; and Abdullah, Taufik, Schools and Politics: The Kaum Muda Movement in West Sumatra (1927–33) (Ithaca: Cornell Modern Indonesia Project, 1971), especially pp. 18–22Google Scholar. Other archipelago peoples also undertook comparable movements, and the Minangkabau complex is only the most famous.