Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-p9bg8 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-27T13:01:17.744Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Early Chinese Clan Organizations in Singapore and Malaya, 1819–1911

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 August 2009

Yen Ching-Hwang
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

The Chinese have always been known to have elaborate family and clan systems. In traditional Chinese society, the family was a close-knit group with four or five generations under the same roof. It was a biological and economic unit, and was the nucleus of all important social activities. The clan, which comprised various kinship-bound families, also formed an important part of the social fabric of the traditional Chinese society.

Type
Articles
Information
Journal of Southeast Asian Studies , Volume 12 , Issue 1 , March 1981 , pp. 62 - 91
Copyright
Copyright © The National University of Singapore 1981

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 For a good discussion on the traditional Chinese family system, see Lang, Olga, Chinese Family and Society (New Haven, 1946)Google Scholar. See also Yueh-hua, Lin, The Golden Wing: A Sociological Study of Chinese Familism (London, 1948)Google Scholar; Hsu, Francis L.K., Under the Ancestor's Shadow: Chinese Culture and Personality (New York, 1948)Google Scholar.

2 See two important studies on traditional Chinese clan organizations: one by Hu, Hsien Chin entitled The Common Descent Group in China and Its Functions (New York, 1948)Google Scholar and the other by Hui-chen, Liu Wang entitled The Traditional Chinese Clan Rules (New York, 1959)Google Scholar.

3 See Kulp, D.H., Country Life in South China: The Sociology of Familism (New York, 1925)Google Scholar [reprinted in Taipei, 1966].

4 See Newbold, T.J., Political and Statistical Account of the British Settlements of the Straits of Malacca (London, 1839), vol. 1, p. 11Google Scholar; Chin, Siah U, “Annual Remittances by Chinese Immigrants to Their Families in China”, Journal of the Indian Archipelago and Eastern Asia (Singapore) I (1847):35–36Google Scholar.

5 See Siang, Song Ong, One Hundred Years' History of the Chinese in Singapore (London, 1923), p. 96Google Scholar; Chinghwang, Yen, The Overseas Chinese and the 1911 Revolution, with Special Reference to Singapore and Malaya (Kuala Lumpur & New York, 1976), p. 4Google Scholar.

6 See Freedman, Maurice, Lineage Organization in Southeastern China (London, 1958), pp: 1–8Google Scholar; idem, Chinese Lineage and Society: Fukien and Kwangtung (London, 1966), pp. 1–42.

7 See Murdock, G.P., Social Structure (New York, 1965), p. 43Google Scholar.

8 see Vaughan, J.D., The Manners and Customs of the Chinese of the Straits Settlements (Singapore, 1879) [reprinted 1971], pp. 34–35, 42–47Google Scholar; idem, “Notes on Chinese of Penang”, Journal of the Indian Archipelago and Eastern Asia 8 (1854):8–13.

9 For the custom of sending back bodies of relatives to China for burial by rich Chinese merchants, see Vaughan, , Manners and Customs, p. 31Google Scholar.

10 For a study on the psychological need of wealthy Chinese merchants for community leadership, see Ching-hwang, Yen, “Ch'ing Sale of Honours and the Chinese Leadership in Singapore and Malaya, 1877–1912”, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 1, no. 2 (09 1970):20–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

11 See Hua, Wu, Hsin-chia-po hua-tsu hui-kuan chih [Records of Chinese Associations in Singapore], vol. 2 (Singapore, 1975), p. 1Google Scholar.

12 See Hsia-wei, Chang, “Ts'ao Ah-chih yu Ts'ao Chia Kuan” [Ts'ao Ah-Chih and the Ts'ao Clan House], in Hsiao-sheng, Lin et al. , Shih-le ku-chi [Historical relics of Singapore] (Singapore, 1975), pp. 171–75Google Scholar.

13 Ibid., pp. 1–4.

14 See “Ma-liu-chia chiang-hsia-t'ang Huang-shih tsung-ch'ih shih-lueh” [“A Short History of the Kang Har Ancestral Temple of Malacca”], in Pin-lang-yu chiang-hsia-t'ang Huang-shih tsung-ch'ih, (ed.), Huang-shih tsu-p'u chih pai ssu-shih chou-nien chi-nien t'e-k'an [Genealogy of the Huang Clan and the Souvenir Magazine of its 140th Anniversary] (Penang, 1970), no page numberGoogle Scholar.

33 The 4 Cantonese-speaking clans are the Sze Yap Chan Si Wuikun, Chou Chia Ch'ih, Lau kwan Cheong Chew Ku Seng Wuikun, and Li Shih Shu She.

34 The two Southern Fukien-dialect-speaking clans are the Hokkien Kew Leong Tong and the Po-chia-keng Tan Clan Temple.

35 The Hainanese dialect clan is the Ch'iung-yai Huang Clan Association, and the Teochew dialect clan is the Teo Chew Kang Hay T'ng.

36 See Purcell, Victor, The Chinese in Malaya (Kuala Lumpur, 1967), pp. 104–5Google Scholar; Barth, Gunther, Bitter Strength: A History of the Chinese in the United States, 1850–1870 (Cambridge, Mass., 1964), pp. 9–31, 50–76Google Scholar; Yong, C.F., The New Gold Mountain: The Chinese in Australia, 1901–21 (Adelaide, 1977), p. 1Google Scholar.

37 For the history of the sworn brotherhood among Liu Pei, Kuan Kung, Chang Fei, and Chao Tze-lung, and genealogies of the four clans, see the various articles contained in a souvenir magazine of the Liu Kuan Chang Chao Clan Association of Singapore and Malaysia, entitled Hsin-chia-po Ma-lui-hsi-yu Liu Kuan Chang Chao t'ao-t'ang kung-so chi-nien k'an (Penang, 1968)Google Scholar.

38 Early membership lists of this organization cannot be obtained, but from the lists since 1949, we can be assured that the association belongs to the Cantonese-speaking group. For instance, the 1949 list contains 770 names, all of them came from Nan-hai, P'an-yu, Shun-te, T'ai-shan, Tung-kuan, K'ai-p'ing, San-shui, Tseng-ch'eng, Hsin-hui and Chung-shan. See Liu Kuan Chang Chao Ku-Ch'eng Hui-kuan ti ch'i-shih liu chou-nien chi-nien t'e-k'an [Souvenir Magazine of 76th Anniversary of the Lau Kwan Cheong Chew Ku Seng Wuikun of Singapore] (Singapore, 1949), pp. 47–59Google Scholar.

39 The Census of Singapore in 1881 shows that there were 47,625 Fukienese and Teochews out of 86,766 total Chinese population, while the Cantonese only numbered 14,853. See Census of the Straits Settlements 1881(Singapore), quoted in Freedman, Maurice, “Immigrants and Associations: Chinese in Nineteenth-Century Singapore”, in Fallers, L.A., Immigrants and Associations (The Hague, 1967), p. 19Google Scholar.

40 See Hsiao-sheng, Lin, “Shih-chiu shih-chi Hsing-hua she-hui te pang-ch'uan cheng-chih”, in Hsiao-sheng, Lin et al. , (eds.), Shih-le ku-chi, pp. 5,37Google Scholar.

41 See Wen-yu, Huang, “Ling-yang hui-kuan shih-lueh” [A short history of the Ning Yeung Association], in Tsai-ning, Huang et al. , Hsin-chia-po Ning-yang hui-kuan i-pai san-shih chou-nien chi-nien t'e-k 'an [Souvenir Magazine of 130th Anniversary of the Ning Yeung Association of Singapore] (Singapore, 1952), p. 1Google Scholar.

42 The Hsiang Kongsi which was founded for the people from the Hsiang-shan district, Kwangtung Province, is the predecessor of the Chung-Shan Association of Singapore. The Hsiang-shan district, from which Dr. Sun Yat-sen came, had its name changed to Chung-shan district in memory of Dr. Sun Yat-sen whose other name was Sun Chung-shan. See Ch'u-ch'ai, Liu et al. (eds.), Hsin-chia-po Chung-shan hui-kuan ti i-pai i-shih san chou-nien chi-nien t'e-k'an [Souvenir Magazine of 113th Anniversary of the Chung Shan Association of Singapore] (Singapore, 1950)Google Scholar.

43 The Nam Shum Association was founded by the Cantonese from the Nan-h'ai and Shun-te districts. This association celebrated its 123th anniversary in 1962; that meant its founding year was 1839. See Yuan-h'ao, Liang, “Pen-kuan shih-lueh” [A short history of the Nan Shun Association], in Hsin-chia-po Nan-shun hui-kuan i-pai nien san chou-nien chi-nien t'e-k'an [Souvenir Magazine of 123rd Anniversary of the Nam Shun Association of Singapore] (Singapore, 1964), p. 52Google Scholar.

44 See Hua, Wu, Hsin-chia-po hua-tsu hui-kuan chih, vol. 1, p. 60Google Scholar.

45 A study of the rules and regulations of the Khoo Kongsi of Penang (representing localized lineages) and the Lau Kwan Cheong Chew Ku Seng Wuikun of Singapore (representing non localized lineages) led to the above conclusions. See Pin-lang-yu Lung-shan-t'ang Ch'iu kung-su chang-ch'eng [Rules and regulations of the Leong San Tong Khoo Kongsi of Penang] (Penang, 1921?)Google Scholar; Hsin-chia-po Liu Kuan Chang Chao Ku Ch'eng hui-kuan ch'ang-ch'eng [Rules and regulations of the Lau Kwan Cheong Chew Ku Seng Wuikun of Singapore] (Singapore, 1963)Google Scholar.

46 See Aik, Lim Teong, “Pin-ch'eng Lin kung-ssu Tun-pen-t'ang chih Lin-shih mien-shu-t'ang chien-shih” [A short history of Lim Kongsi Toon Pun Tong and Lim Sz Bian Soot Tong, Penang], in Aik, Lim Teong (ed.), Ma-lai-hsi-ya Pin-ch'eng Lin-shih tun-pen-t'ang chih mien-shu-t'ang i-pai chou-nien chi-nien k'an [Centenary Souvenir of Lim Kongsi Toon Pun Tong and Lim Sz Bian Soot Tong, 1863–1963] (Penang, 1963), pp. 12, 16Google Scholar.

47 See Rules and Regulations of Lim Sz Bian Soot Tong, Penang (Penang, 1952), p. 2Google Scholar; Rules and Regulations of Lim Kongsi Toon Pun Tong, Penang (Penang, 1952), p. 2Google Scholar.

48 See Aik, Lim Teong, “A Short History of Lim Kongsi Toon Pun Tong and Lim Sz Bian Soot Tong, Penang” (English version), in Aik, Lim Teong, Centenary Souvenir of Lim Kongsi Toon Pun Tong and Lim Sz Bian Soot Tong (English version) (Penang, 1963), p. 13Google Scholar.

49 The two deities were the gods of Goe Kuan village. See the inside cover of the Centenary Souvenir of Lim Kongsi Toon Pun Tong and Lim Sz Bian Soot Tong.

50 See Lim Teong Aik, op. cit., p. 14.

51 Interview with Mr. Lim Teong Aik, Secretary of the Lim Kongsi, in his residence in Penang on 18 July 1974.

52 See Wickberg, E., The Chinese in Philippine Life, 1850–1898 (New Haven, 1965), p. 172Google Scholar; Siang, Song Ong, One Hundred Years' History of the Chinese in Singapore, p. 96Google Scholar.

53 See Freedman, Maurice, Lineage Organization in Southeastern ChinaGoogle Scholar; Freedman, Maurice, Chinese Lineage and Society: Fukien and KwangtungGoogle Scholar.

54 See Newell, W.H., Treacherous River: A Study of Rural Chinese in North Malaya (Kuala Lumpur, 1962), p. 20Google Scholar.

55 See Ching-hwang, Yen, The Overseas Chinese and the 1911 Revolution, With Special Reference to Singapore and Malaya, pp. 7–9Google Scholar.

56 See, e.g., the Thye Guan Tong Ong Kongsi of Penang which had its clan head addressed as chia-chang. This term is still used nowadays. See Pin-lang-yu t'ai-yuan-t'ang wang-shih tsu-miao chang-ch'eng [Rules and regulations of Thye Guan Tong Ong Kongsi, Penang] (the copy obtained by the author in July 1974).

57 See, e.g., the structure of the Lim clan in Penang. See Rules and By-laws of Kew Leong Tong Lim Kongsi, an undated pamphlet in both Chinese and English.

58 See Siew, Khoo Hock, “Ma-lai-hsi-ya Pin-lang-yu Ch'iu-shih lung-shan-t'ang chi-lueh”, in Ch'iu Hsiu-ch'iang and Ch'iu Shang-yao, (eds.), Ch'iu-shih jen-wen chi-lueh, vol. 1, p. 33Google Scholar; see also Siew, Khoo Hock, “Pin-lang-yu Ch'iu-shih lung-shan-t'ang shih-lueh chih t'ang-wu fa-chan k'ai-k'uang ko-chih t'ang-chih shih-mo”, in Pin-ch'eng Hsen-teh-t'ang Ch'iu kuing-ssu, (ed.), Hsin-chiang wu-fang yu-teh-t'ang wen-fu-kung p'ai-hsi p'u-tia, n.pGoogle Scholar.

59 See The Kong See Boo Poe [Chinese Daily News], 22/3/1897, pp. 3–4Google Scholar.

60 See Freedman, Maurice, “Kinship, Local Grouping and Migration: A Study in Social Realignment among Chinese Overseas” (Ph.D. diss., University of London, 1956), p. 10Google Scholar.

61 See Hsu, Francis L.K., Clan, Caste and Club (New York, 1963), pp. 63–65Google Scholar.

62 In 1910, two subgroups of Huang clan in a village of P'an Yu district, Kwangtung province, engaged in serious fighting which involved more than 1,000 people. See Lat Pau, Oct. 1910, p. 9. In 1934, two branches of a clan in an emigrant village in the region of East Kwangtung and South Fukien made warlike preparation for large-scale Fighting because of disputes over children. See Chen, Ta, Emigrant Communities in South China: A Study of Overseas Migration and Its Influence on Standards of Living and Social Change (New York, 1940), p. 129Google Scholar.

63 Interview with Mr. Khoo Eu Chai, the President of the Khoo Kongsi of Penang at the Khoo Kongsi administrative house on 3 Feb. 1971.

64 See Khoo Phaik Suat, “The Clan Kongsis of Penang, with Particular Reference to the Leong San Tong Khoo Kongsi” (B.A. Hons. Academic Exercise, Universiti Sains Malaysia, Penang, Feb. 1974), p. 10.

65 Ibid.

66 Interview with Mr. Khoo Eu Chai on 3 Feb. 1971.

67 These small fangs had retained names of their ancestral halls called T'ang (Tong ), they were the Shao Teh T'ang (Seow Teik Tong ) of Shung fang, Yao Teh T'ang (Yeow Teik Tong ) of Chingfang, Shen Teh T'ang (Sin Teik Tong ) of Wu fang, Shui Teh T'ang (Swee Teik Tong ) of Men fang, Shui T'ng T'ang (Swee Thong Tong ) of Yu fang, Shu Teh T'ang (Soo Teik Tong ) of Chai fang, P'ei Chen T'ang (Pi Chin Tong ) of T'ien fang, and Chin Shan T'ang (Kim Shan Tong ) of Ch'in fang. See Khoo Phaik Suat, op. cit. p. 11; interview with Mr. Khoo Eu Chai on 3 Feb. 1971.

68 See Siew, Khoo Hock, “Hsin-chiang Wu-fang Shen-teh-t'ang Ch'iu kung-ssu chien-shih” [A short history of the Wu Fang Shen-teh-t'ang Khoo Kongsi], in Pin-ch'eng Shen-teh-t'ang Ch'iu kung-ssu, (ed.) Genealogical Record of Goh Pang Khoo Clansmen, n.pGoogle Scholar.

69 See Yang, C.K., A Chinese Village in Early Communist Transition (Cambridge, Mass., 1965), p 86Google Scholar.

70 Ibid., p. 87.

71 A Chinese name nearly always consists of three characters, of which the first is surname or family name, the middle one is generation name, the last is the personal name. Usually, generation name and personal name are combined to make a meaning.

72 Interview with Khoo Eu Chai in Penang on 3 Feb. 1971.

73 The genealogical code word for the eighth generation of the Khoo clansmen is Kay (), and is followed by Phaik (, ninth generation), Theng (, tenth generation), Hoon (, eleventh generation), Swee (, twelve generation), Jin ( A , thirteenth generation), Boon (, fourteenth generation), and then followed by Huan (), Kok ( ), Hua ( ), Thai ( ), Heng (), Soo (.), Kay (), Boo ( ), Teng ( ), Kah ( ), Lay ( ), Sin ( ), Kar ( ), It ( ), Kuan ), Soo ( ), Sin ( ), Aing( ), Chian(), Chiew ( ), Saik(), Hock (), Har ( ), Ee( ), Boh ( ), Choo (), Ean ( ), Ek ( ), Say ( ), Giap (. ), Giang ( ), Cheng ( ). and Kah ( ). All these names are romanized according to southern Fukien dialect. See “A List of Genealogical Code Words for Members of Leong San Tong Khoo Kongsi”, the same list is incorporated into a leaflet entitled Hsin-chiang Ch'iu-shih ko-p'ai hsi chao-chi tsu chien-p'u [Brief genealogy of “Sin Kang” Seah Khoo's ancestors of various branches] (Penang, 1967)Google Scholar.

74 See the genealogical chart of the Wu fang Khoo Kongsi, in Pin-ch'eng Shen-teh-t'ang Ch'iu kung-ssu, (ed.), Genealogical Record of Goh Pang Khoo Clansmen, p. 74Google Scholar.

75 See Hsia-yang chih-teh-t'ang Yang Kung-ssu chang-ch'eng [Rules and regulations of Har Yang Sit Teik Tong Yeoh Kongsi] (Penang, n.d.), appendix.

76 E.g., the list of genealogical code words printed by the Lim Kongsi of Penang made such a specific demand. See “List of Generations of Goe Kuan Seah Lim Clan”; see also Aik, Lim Teong (ed.), Centenary Souvenir of Lim Kongsi Toon Pun Tong and Lim Sz Bian Soot Tong, 1863–1963 (Penang, 1963), pp.25–26Google Scholar.

77 See the genealogical charts of the Wu fang Khoo clansmen from the 8th to 23rd generation, in Pin-Ch'eng Shen-teh-t'ang Ch'iu kung-ssu, (ed.), Genealogical Record of Goh Pang Khoo Clansmen, pp. 1–84Google Scholar; “A List of Genealogical Code Words for Members of Leong San Tong Khoo Kongsi”.

78 E.g., the genealogical code word of the Khoo Kongsi for the 18th generation is Thai (T'ai in mandarin, ), but some Wu fang Khoo clansmen who belonged to this generation used words like Boon (Wen, ) and Cheng (Ch'ing, ). According to the list distributed by the Khoo Kongsi, “Boon” is the code word for the 14th generation, and “Cheng” is the code word for the 46th generation. See Pin-ch'eng Shen-teh-t'ang Ch'iu kung-ssu, (ed.), Genealogical Record of Goh Pang Khoo Clansmen, pp. 69–72Google Scholar; “A List of Genealogical Code Words for Members of Leong San Tong Khoo Kongsi.

79 For a discussion on the judicial power of the Chinese clans in Late Ch'ing China, see van der Sprinkel, S., Legal Institutions in Manchu China (London, 1962)Google Scholar.

80 See Hu, Hsien Chin, The Common Descent Group in China and Its Functions (New York, 1948), p. 29Google Scholar.

81 ibid.

82 Interview with Mr. Khoo Eu Chai in Penang on 3 Feb. 1971.

83 See Ching-hwang, Yen, “Ch'sing Sale of Honours and the Chinese Leadership in Singapore and Malaya, 1877–1912”, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies I. no. 2 (09 1970):20–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

84 See Aik, Lim Teong, “A Short History of Lim kongsi Toon Pun Tong and Lim Sz Bian Soot Tong, Penang”, in Aik, Lim Teong (ed.), Centenary Souvenir of Lim Kongsi Toon Pun Tons and Lim Sz Bian Soot Tong, p. 13Google Scholar.

85 Ibid.

86 To identify Lin Ju-chou as Lim Hua Chiam, see “Pin P'ing-chang kung-kuan kuang-hsu chia-ch'en la-yueh chih i-shih pu” [Minutes of the Chinese Town Hall, Penang], vol. 2, 23 Jan. 1905 to Oct. 1913 (unpublished); Hsueh-pu kuan-pao [Gazette of the Ministry of Education], vol. 9 (1st day of 11th moon of 32nd year of Kuang-hsu, 16 12 1906), p. 47Google Scholar.

87 See “Minutes of the Chinese Town Hall, Penang”, vol. 2.

89 Ibid.; “A List of Superintendents, Directors and Deputy Directors of the Chung Hua School. Penang”, in Gazette of the Ministry of Education, vol. 9 (12 1906), p. 47Google Scholar.

89 See Lim Teong Aik, op. cit., p. 16.

90 In recommending Lim for the award of the title, the Ministry of Agriculture, Industry and Commerce praised him for his distinguished service to the local Chinese community, his leadership, and his efforts in promoting Chinese education. See “Memorial of the Ministry of Agriculture, Industry and Commerce to the Court, accepted and approved by the Empress Dowager on 18th day of 3rd moon of 34th year of Kuang-hsu (18 Apr. 1908)”, reproduced in Lat Pau, 30 May 1908. p. 9.

91 See Lim Teong Aik, op. cit., p. 13.

92 See Wright, A., Twentieth-Century Impressions of British Malaya (London, 1908), p. 744Google Scholar.

93 See “Minutes of the Chinese Town Hall”, vol. 2, 23 Jan. 1905 to Oct. 1913.

94 See Lim Teong Aik, op cit., p. 16.

95 Ibid.

96 See “List of Early Trustees of Leong San Tong Khoo Kongsi 1850–1910” and “List of Surviviing Trustees at 1970”, in Khoo Phaik Suat, “The Clan Kongsis of Penang, with Particular Reference to the Leong San Tong Khoo Kongsi” (unpublished), pp. 14–15.

97 The dominant position of the Hai fang and Wu fang still can be seen from the statistics compiled in 1969-for the period from Jan. 1959 to Sept. 1969. Hai fang had 2,486, Wu fang 844, Shung fang 624, Yu fang 448, Men fang 372, T'ienfang 272, Ch'in fang 244, Chai fang 107, and Ching fang 74. The combined number of Hai fang and Wu fang is 3,330, while the remaining 7 fangs number only 2,141. See “Hsin-chiang Ch'iu-shih ko p'ai-hsi tsu-ch'in teng-chi t-ung'chi piao” [Statistics of the various fangs of the Khoo clansmen], in Pin-ch'eng Shen-teh-t'ang Ch'iu kung-ssu, (ed.), Genealogical Record of Goh Pang Khoo Clansmen, appendixGoogle Scholar.

98 See “Pin Ch'iu-shih chia-chang ming-lu” [A list of Khoo clan leaders] deposited at the Khoo Clan House, Penang.

99 E.g., the word “Teh” is found both on the lists of genealogical code words of Lim Kongsi and Yeoh Kongsi of Penang; the word “Shin” (Generation) is found on the lists of genealogical code words of Lim Kongsi, Yeoh Kongsi, and Khoo Kongsi. See “A List of Genealogical Code Words for Members of Leong San Tong Khoo Kongsi”, “A List of Genealogical Code Words for the Yeoh Kongsi”, in Rules and Regulations of Yeoh Kongsi, Penang, appendix; and “A List of Generations of Lim Kongsi Toon Pun Tong and Bian Soot Tong”, in Aik, Lim Teong (ed.), Centenary Souvenir of Lim Kongsi Toon Pun Tong and Lim Sz Bian Soot Tong, pp. 25–6Google Scholar.

100 See Pin-Ch'eng Lin-shin Chung-hsiao-t'ang chang-ch'eng [Rules and regulations of the Hall of Loyalty and Filial Piety of Lim Clan, Penang] (1965)Google Scholar.

101 “Yao Teh T'ang” was the name for Ching fang (Chneh pang), “Shen Teh T'ang” was the name for Wu fang (Goh pang) which is also the name of a sub-clan, and “Shui T'ung T'ang” was the name for Yu fang (Soo pang). All these three fangs and sub-clan belonged to the Khoo Kongsi of Penang. Interview with Khoo Eu Chai in Penang on 3 Feb. 1971; see also Khoo Phaik Suat, op. cit., p. 11.

102 E.g., the Lim Kongsi of Penang, the Khoo Kongsi of Penang, and the Po-chia-keng Tan clan of Singapore have stated this very clearly in their rules and regulations. See Rules and By-Laws of Kew Leong Tong Lim Kongsi (an undated booklet in both Chinese and English), p. 13; Pin-lang-yu lung-shan-t'ang Ch'iu kung-ss Chang'ch'eng (n.d.), chap. five, sections 6 and 7.

103 Khoo Chian Eng was worshipped by the Khoo Kongsi of Penang, Yeoh Teck Keng was worshipped by the Yeoh Kongsi of Penang, Lim Jiong Kong by Lim Kongsi of Penang, Ong Sim Chi was worshipped by the Thye Guan Tong Ong Kongsi of Penang and Hokkien Ong Clan Temple of Singapore, Tan Guan Kong was worshipped by Eng Chuan Tong Tan Kongsi of Penang and Tan Eng Chuan Tong of Malacca, and Huang Hsiao-shan was worshipped by Kang Har Ancestral Temple of Malacca, Koong Har Tong Ancestral Temple of Penang and Teo Chew Kang Hay Tng of Singapore. See Brief Genealogy of “Sin Kang” Seah Khoo's Ancestors of Various Branches; Rules and Regulations of Yeoh Kongsi of Penang, item 4; Lim Teong Aik, Centenary Souvenir of Lim Kongsi Toon Pun Tong and Lim Sz Bian Soot Tong; Hsiunan, Wang (ed.), Wang-shih k'ai-tsung pai-shih lu (Singapore, 1971), pp. B30–32, C2Google Scholar; Ch'i-yu, Ch'en (ed.), Yun-ch'uan-t'ang Ch'en-shih tsu-p'u, p. 5Google Scholar; Yung-ch'ing, Ch'en (ed.), Ma-liu-chia yun-ch'uan-t'ang Ch'en-shih tsung-ch'ih ta-hsa lo-ch'eng k'ai-mo tien-li chih pai-chou-nien chi-nien t'e-k'an (Malacca, 1974)Google Scholar; Pin-lang-yu Huang-shih tsung-ch'ih (ed.), Huang-shih tsu-p'u chih pai ssu-shih chou-nien chi-nien t'e-k'an.

104 Ibid.

105 See Yang, C.K., Religion in Chinese Society (Berkeley, Calif., 1967), pp. 29–30Google Scholar.

106 E.g., the Khoo Kongsi in Penang placed the statue of Khoo Chian Eng, the progenitor of the Khoo clan in China, in the central shrine. Apart from this, tablets of the second, third, fourth, and fifth ancestors of the Khoo clan and their wives were also deposited there. See Siew, Khoo Hock, “ma-lai-hsi-ya Pin-lang-yu Ch'iu-shih lung-shan-t'ang chi-lueh”, Ch'iu Hsiu-ch'iang and Ch'iu Shang-yao, (ed.), Ch'iu-shih jen-wen chi-lueh, p. 33Google Scholar.

107 See Hsu, Francis L.K., Under the Ancestor's Shadow: Kinship, Personality and Social Mobility in China (Stanford, Calif., 1971), p. 53Google Scholar.

108 This practice has been continued among clans today; some of them have openly listed the prices of shrine positions for ancestral tablets. The Lim Kongsi of Penang stated in its by-laws the conditions and sums of money for various positions in the shrines. Those who could pay M$l,000 or more could deposit their ancestral tablets in the central shrine; those who could pay $240 or more in the left shrine; and those who could only pay $120 had to deposit their ancestral tablets in the right shrine. See Rules and By-laws of Kew Leong Tong Lim Kongsi (enforced from 1 Jan. 1948), English section, p. 14. This practice was also adopted by the Po-chia-keng Tan clan of Singapore. In its rules and regulations, it states that “members who donate M$300 each time could deposit their ancestral tablets in the central shrine and they themselves would become permanent members of the clan; those who donate $200 each time could deposit their ancestral tablets in the left shrine and those who donate $100 in the right shrine, and they themselves would be given permanent membership of the clan. See Hsin-chia-po yun-ch'uan kung-so shih-liu chou-nien chi-nien t'e-k'an [Souvenir magazine of 16th anniversary of the Eng Chuan Kong So of Singapore] (Singapore, 1954), chap. 6, Tsung-hsien shih-chuan, p. 6Google Scholar.

109 See Pin-ch 'eng Yun-ch'uan-t'ang Ch'en kung-ssu chang-ch'eng (The rules of the Eng Chuan Tong Tan Kongsi, Penang], p. 2, item 8; Pin-lang-yu T'ai-yuan-t'ang Wang-shin tsu-miao chang-ch'eng [Rules and regulations of Thye Guan Tong Ong Kongsi, Penang], p. 9, item 35; Hsueh-lan-ngo Yeh-shih tsung-ch'ih chang-ch'eng [Rules and regulations of the Yap Clan Temple, Selangor], p. 6, item 31; interview with Mr. Yeh Tan-po (aged 70) at Yap Clan Temple, Jalan Bandar, Kuala Lumpur, on 15 Jan. 1974; interview with Mr. Chan Siew Hup at the Chan Clan Temple, 49 Jalan Cecil, Kuala Lumpur, on 15 Jan. 1974.

110 Ibid.

111 According to C.S. Wong, a Malaysian historian who witnessed an ancestral worship ceremony conducted by the Khoo Kongsi in Penang in 1964, the ceremony consisted of two parts: installation of new spiritual tablets, and homage to the ancestors. See Wong, C.S., A Cycle of Chinese Festivities (Singapore, 1967), pp. 16–18Google Scholar.

112 Ibid.

113 The Lim Kongsi of Penang indicated in its by-laws that the clan's protector goddess, Thean Seong Seng Boe (T'ien Shang-Sheng Mu , also known as T'ien Hui), should be installed at the front hall of the clan temple, and two sacrificial ceremonies (on the Winter Solstice Day which falls on 23rd of 12th moon, and the Goddess's birthday which falls on the 23rd of 3rd moon) must be held every year. See Rules and By-Laws of Kew Leong Tong Lim Kongsi, p. 13.

114 See Chen, Ta, Emigrant Communities in South China (New York, 1940), pp. 40–41Google Scholar.

115 The legend of T'ien Hui originated in the Sung Dynasty. According to the legend, the 6th daughter of Lin Yuan, a resident of the P'u T'ien district of Fukien province, disappeared in a storm in an attempt to save her elder brother. She thus became the Protector Goddess for the sea-fearing groups in coastal Fukien. Because of her alleged power, she was conferred the title of “Tien Hui” by Emperor Yung-lo of the Ming Dynasty. Later she was further conferred the title of “T'ien Hou”. She was also known among sea-fearing people as “Ma Tsu P'o” ). The worship of “T'ien Hui” was popular in South China, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Southeast Asia. For the origins and cult of “T'ien Hui”, see several articles contained in Ma-liu-chia Hsing-un hui-kuan hsin-hsa lo-ch'eng T'ien-hou kung hsin-tien yu kao chun chi-nien k'an (Souvenir Magazine of the Founding of the New Building of Hin Aun Association of Malacca and the Completion of the New T'ien Hou Temple) (Malacca, 1973?), pp. 130–56Google Scholar; see also Yun-tsiao, Hsu, Pei-ta-nien shih (A History of Pattani) (Singapore, 1946), p. 119Google Scholar.

116 For instance, the Khoo Kongsi's clan God was “Tua Sai Yeah” (Ta Shih Yeh , the colloquial name of General Hsieh Hsien of the Chin Dynasty ) which was probably connected with the early migration of the Khoo clansmen from North to South China, and was worshipped in China. The clan gods of Yeoh Kongsi were Sye Thow Kong (Shih T'ou Kung ) and Poe Seng Tai Tay (Pao Sheng Ta Ti ) which were also worshipped by the Yeoh clan in the H'ai Ch'eng district, of Fukien. See Siew, Khoo Hock, “Ma-lai-hsi-ya Pin-lang-yu Ch'iu-shih lung-shan-t'ang chi-lueh”, in Hsiu-ch'iang, C'iu and Shang-yao, Ch'iu (eds.), Ch'iu-shih jen-wen chi-lueh, p. 33Google Scholar; Seng, Oon Ee, “Legends Surrounding the Yeoh Kongsi”, The Star (Penang) 25 06 1973, p. 19Google Scholar.

117 See Khoo Hock Siew, op. cit.; “Pin hsia-yang chih-teh-t'ang Yang kung-ssu ch'ang-chien shih” [A short history of the founding of the Har Yang Sit Teik Tong Yeoh Kongsi of Penang], the inscription of the stone tablet of Yeoh Kongsi copied by the author on 5 Feb. 1971.

118 See Souvenir Magazine of 16th Anniversary of the Eng Chuan Kong So of Singapore, Section on Clan Leaders, p. 8; Rules and By-laws of Kew Leong Tong Lim Kongsi, p. 13.

119 To the Chinese peasants, the new year festival was not just to start afresh a new hopeful year, but also to celebrate the passing of the severe winter and to welcome a lively spring in which their economic activities started again.

120 In the traditional Chinese society, the Christian week system in which Sunday is the rest day was unknown. In fact, the system was largely irrelevant to the predominantly non-Christian and agrarian population. Shop employees in country towns were given holidays to observe those most common festivals such as Chinese New Year, the May festival, and the Moon festival. Following this tradition, early Chinese immigrants in Singapore and Malaya worked most of the days throughout the year except for a few festival days.

121 See Vaughan, , The Manners and Customs of the Chinese of the Straits Settlements, pp. 42–44Google Scholar; Sing po, 21 June 1890, p. 1, 30 May 1892, p. 1,5 Oct. 1892, p. 1,6 Mar. 1893, p. 1, 17 June 1893, p. 1,23 Sept. 1893, p. 1.

122 Many of the clan organizations in Singapore and Malaysia today still have their own clan cemeteries, e.g., the Jen Kuei Gan Clan Temple of Malaysia in Malacca has its own cemetery. See “Ma-lai-hsi-ya Jen-kuei Yen-shih tsung-ch'ih yen-ke shih chi-lueh” [A short history the Jen Kuei Gan Clan Temple of Malaysia], in Yen-shih tsung-chin shih-lu [Historical Records of Gan clansmen], ed. Swee-chang, Yen (Johore Bahru, 1973 ?)Google Scholar, n.p. The Hokkien Yeoh clan in Singapore has its own cemetery named “Hiap Guan Mount”. See Feng-shan, Yang, “Fu-chien Yang-shih ts'ung-shan-Hsieh Yuan Shan shih-lueh” [A short history of the cemetery of Hokkien Yeoh Clan-Hiap Guan Mount], in Ta-chin, Yang, (ed.) Yang-shih Tsung-pu, P.G. 16Google Scholar.

123 E.g., the Teo Chew Kang Hay T'ing of Singapore which was founded in 1867, still continues its tradition of mobilizing all clansmen to visit ancestral graves. See Kuo-chih, Huang, “Wu-chin ssu-hsi.kan-yen”, in Shih-t'ung, Huang and others (ed.) Ch'ao-chou chiang-hsia-t'ang chiu-shih wu chou-nien chi-nien t'e-k'an [Souvenir Magazine of 95th Anniversary of the Teo Chew Kang Hay t'ng, Singapore] (Singapore, 1962), E-10Google Scholar.

124 See Kong See Boo Poe (Kuala Lumpur), 22 03 1897, pp. 3–4Google Scholar.

125 See Hu, Hsien Chin, The Common Descent Group in China and Its Functions, pp. 184–85, App. 58Google Scholar.

126 See Rules and By-Laws of Kew Leong Tong Lim Kongsi, p. 9Google Scholar.

127 See Suat, Khoo Phaik, “The Clan Kongsis of Penang, with Particular Reference to the Leong San Tong Khoo Kongsi” (unpublished), p. 18Google Scholar.

128 Interview with Mr. Khoo Eu Chai In Penang on 3 Feb. 1971.

129 See Pin-lang-yu lung-shan-t'ang Ch'iu kung-ssu chang-ch'eng, pp. 2–3Google Scholar.

130 See Ssu-chou jih-pao [Federated Malay States Daily Press] (Kuala Lumpur), 13 12 1910, p. 4Google Scholar.

131 See “Pin-ch'eng Ch'en-shih yun-ch'uan-t'ang chien-shih” [A short history of the Eng Chuan Tong Tan Kongsi, Penang], in Ch'i-yu, C'en (ed.), Yun-ch'uan-t'ang Ch'en-shih tsu-p'u [The genealogy of the Eng Chuan Tong Tan Clan] (Penang, 1967) (n.p.)Google Scholar.

132 E.g., the Eng Choon Toh Teo Gan Ancestral Temple () of Malacca which was founded in 1949, has included this function in its rules and regulations. See Ma-liu-chia yung-ch'un t'ao-ch'ang Yen-shih ts'ung-ch'ih chang-ch'eng [Rules and regulations of the Eng Choon Toh Teo Gan Ancestral Temple, Malacca) (Malacca, 1949), Chinese Section, p. 2, rule no. 12Google Scholar.

133 See “Rules and Regulations of the Po-chia-keng Tan Clan of Singapore”, chap. 9, in Souvenir Magazine of 16th Anniversary of the Eng Chuan Kong So, Singapore, chap. 6, p. 6Google Scholar.

134 The appointed Chinese kapitans were given judicial and administrative power over their dialect groups or Chinese community as a whole. See Wong, C.S., A Gallery of Chinese Kapitans (Singapore, 1963)Google Scholar.

135 See van der Sprinkel, S., Legal Institutions in Manchu China, pp. 80–87Google Scholar.

136 See, e.g., the rules and regulations of the Po-chia-keng Tan clan of Singapore in Souvenir Magazine of 16th Anniversary of the Eng Chuan Kong Jo of Singapore, chap. 6, p. 6.

137 For a discussion on clan wars in Fukien and Kwangtung, see Freedman, Maurice, Lineage Organization in Southeastern China, pp. 105–13Google Scholar; Lat Pau reported frequent clan fights in Fukien and Kwangtung; e.g., there were reports about clan fights in Shun Teh district, Kwangtung (28 Oct. 1889, p. 6), clan fights in T'ung An district, Fukien 29 Oct. 1889, p. 6), clan fights in Ch'uan-chou prefecture, Fukien, (13 Nov. 1889, p. 2, 26 Nov. 1889, p. 2), the fights between Wu and Fu clans of Nan An district, Fukien (8 Apr. 1891, p. 5) and the fights between Lim and Koh (Lin and Hsu) of the Feng Au village, Teochew prefecture, Kwangtung (1 May 1891, p. 5).

138 E.g., the fights between Li and Chua (Li and Ch'ai) clans in Singapore — both belonged to the Teochew dialect group (Sing Po, 20 Apr. 1891, p. 8), and the fights between Teochew Lim and Tan (Lin and Ch'en) clans in Singapore (Sing Po, 8 Mar. 1898, p. 8).

139 See rule no. 30 of the Lim Kongsi, Kew Leong Tong of Penang, in Rules and By-Laws of Kew Leong Tong Lim Kongsi, p. 8Google Scholar; see also “Rules and Regulations of the Pao-ch'ih-kung Tan Clan of Singapore”, chap. 10, in Souvenir Magazine of the 16th Anniversary Celebration of the Eng Chuan Kong So of Singapore, chap. 6, p. 6.

140 See “Pin-ch'eng Ch'en-shih yun-ch'uan-t'ang chien-shih”, in Ch'i-yu, Ch'en (ed.), Yun-ch'uan-t'ang Ch'en-shih tsu-p'u (n.p.)Google Scholar.

141 See Khoo Phaik Suat, op. cit., p. 21.

142 Interview with Mr. Yeoh Seng Chan in Penang on 17 July 1974.

143 Ibid.

144 According to Mr. Yeoh Seng Chan, clan war was rife in South China in the 19th and 20th centuries. There was a war between Khoo, Cheah, and Yeoh in H'ai Ch'eng, but the trustees of the Sam Quaye Tong came to some kind of understanding, and used remittances as a means to threaten parental clans to settle the fight. Ibid. Mr. Yeoh did not specify the year of the big fight, his reference could be the one occurred in Apr. 1891 between and Yeoh, Khoo, reported in Lat Pau, 4 04 1891, p. 8Google Scholar.

145 See “Notes on the Chinese of Penang”, Journal of Indian Archipelago and Eastern Asia 8 (1854):1Google Scholar.

146 The term “Baba” used here is to designate the people of Sino-Malay parentage and those “Straits Chinese” who had acquired strong Sino-Malay culture. A useful discussion on this topic is found in Seng, Png Poh, “The Straits Chinese in Singapore: A Case of Local Identity and Socio-Cultural Accommodation”, Journal of Southeast Asian History 10, no. 1 (03 1969):96–99Google Scholar.

147 See Freedman, Maurice, Chinese Family and Marriage in Singapore, p. 124Google Scholar.

148 See Rules and By-Laws of Kew Leong Tong Lim Kongsi, p. 15Google Scholar.

149 See Ho, Ping-ti, The Ladder of Success in Imperial China (New York, 1964), pp. 168–209Google Scholar.

150 Freedman, Maurice, Lineage Organization in Southeastern China, p. 51Google Scholar.

151 See Freedman, Maurice, Chinese Lineage and Society: Fukien and Kwangtung, pp. 69–75Google Scholar.

152 See Suat, Khoo Phaik, “The Clan Kongsis of Penang, with Particular Reference to the Leong San Tong Khoo Kongsi” (unpublished), p. 17Google Scholar; interview with Yeoh Seng Chan in Penang on 17 July 1974.

153 See Ching-hwang, Yen, The Overseas Chinese and the 1911 Revolution, with Special Reference to Singapore and Malaya, pp. 154–57Google Scholar.

154 See Siew, Khoo Hock, “Pin-ch'eng lung-shan-t'ang Ch'iu kung-ssu shih-lueh chih t'ang-wu fa-chan k'ai-k'uang”, in Pin-ch'eng Shen-teh-t'ang Ch'iu kung-ssu, (ed.), Genealogical Record of Goh Pang Khoo ClansmenGoogle Scholar, Appendix; in the Ch'ing official record the Sin Kang School was known as the “Khoo Clan School” (Ch'iu-shih chia-tsu hsueh-t'ang, ). See “Report of the Consul-General of the Straits Settlements, Sun Shih-ting about the Founding of Chinese Schools by Chinese Merchants in Southeast Asia”, in Cheng-chih kuan-pao [Ch'ing Government Gazette], 28th day of 9th moon of 33rd year of Kuang-hsu (3 11 1907)Google Scholar.

155 See Khoo Phaik Suat, op. cit., p. 17.

156 See the enrolment advertisement of the Lim Clan School published in Penang Sin Pao, 18 02 1911, p. 4Google Scholar.

157 See Chung Hsing Jih Pao (Singapore), 16 10 1909, p. 1Google Scholar.

158 See “Pin-ch'eng Ch'en-shih Yun-ch'uan-t'ang chien-shih”, in Ch'i-yu, C'en (ed.), Yun-ch'uan-t'ang Ch'en-shih tsu-p'u (n.p.)Google Scholar.

159 This conclusion is drawn after comparing the curricula of the Ts'un Ku Hsueh T'ang, a modern primary school in Hupeh province, with the curricula of the Lim Clan School. See Chih-tung, Chang, Chang Wen-hsiang hung ch'uan-chi [Complete works of Chang Chih-tung] (Taipei, 1963), vol. 3, pp. 2000–2002Google Scholar; Penang Sin Pao, 18 02 1911, p. 4Google Scholar.

160 This conclusion is drawn after comparing the curricula of the Ying Sin School (founded by the Hakka dialect group in Singapore in 1907) and the Lim Clan School. See Hsing-chia-po Yin-hsin hsueh-t'ang chueh kai chien-ming chang-ch'eng [Modified comprehensive rules and regulations of the Ying Sin School, Singapore] (Singapore, 1907), pp. 2–7Google Scholar; Penang Sin Pao, 18 02 1911, p. 4Google Scholar.

161 See Penang Sin Pao, 18 02 1911, p.4Google Scholar.

162 Ibid.

163 The syllabi of the Lim Clan School were not published in the newspaper, but the similar syllabi of the Ying Sin school in Singapore can be used to illustrate this point. See Modified Comprehensive Rules and Regulations of the Ying Sin School, Singapore, p. 3.

164 The Rules and Regulations of the Kew Leong Tong Lim Clan School stated that students were to be guided by their teachers to pay homage to Confucius' portrait on the 1st and 15th days of every month. Moreover, they were required to bow to the portraits of Confucius and progenitors of the clan after classes were dismissed every day. See Penang Sin Pao, 18 02 1911, p. 4Google Scholar.

165 Ibid.