Published online by Cambridge University Press: 07 September 2010
Much research has sought to understand why mixed communities in Indonesia have been torn apart by violent conflict. By contrast, little is known about how people live together successfully in the mixed, low-conflict communities that exist in abundance throughout the Indonesian archipelago. This paper explores the inter-communal relations in the multiethnic, Christian-Muslim coastal village of Oelua in Roti, Nusa Tenggara Timur province. Mechanisms of agreement across ethnic, religious and livelihood differences have shaped and reproduced a low-conflict community — including transfers of land, labour, technology and surplus; use of customary law and conflict management; and social mixing and interpersonal relations. The findings suggest that there are lessons to be learned from communities like Oelua about how to foster social and economic inclusion, which could inform national and regional political agendas concerned with governing difference in a post-New Order Indonesia.
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44 Ammarell, ‘Bugis migration and modes of adaptation to local situations’, p. 52.
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60 Suryadinata, Leoet al., Indonesia's population: Ethnicity and religion in a changing political landscape (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2003), p. 109CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In this article, I loosely refer to people of mixed ethnic Rotinese and non-Rotinese heritage (Bugis, Butonese, Makassarese) as ‘Rotinese Muslims’ or ‘Oelaba Muslims’. It should be noted, however, that within this grouping there are also indigenous Rotinese who are not of mixed ethnic heritage. These include men and women (mostly women) who converted from Christianity to Islam as a result of intermarriage, as well as some men who initiated their conversion to Islam outside of marriage.
61 Fox, Harvest of the palm, p. 9.
62 In Oelaba there are very small numbers of Sama Bajau descendants. Sama Bajau are traditionally nomadic fisher people, many of whom have settled on coastal land in the last half century but in general remain oriented to the sea for their livelihood.
63 The name Wakatobi is derived from the first syllable (two letters) from each island as follows: Wa from Wanci, Ka from Kaledupa, To from Tomea and Bi from Binongko.
64 Acciaioli, ‘Principles and strategies of Bugis migration’, pp. 244–5, analyses patterns of Bugis migration to central Sulawesi and identifies several types, strategies and phases. The two main migration types he identifies among the Bugis are chain migration, whereby groups of kin follow the initial pioneers to the new destination; and patron-client migration, whereby high-status pioneers organise their followers to join them in the new homeland as a ready source of labour.
65 The local Islamic tradition is for sons to inherit the family name of their fathers as their first name.
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75 Like many ethnic groups in NTT, the Rotinese also commonly speak bahasa Kupang, a local language derived from Malay known also as Kupang Malay. Villagers in Oelua commonly mix together bahasa Kupang and bahasa Indonesia.
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82 Manek Christophe Tungga granted the land and trees just eight years prior to Roti adopting the national government system of sub-district administrative areas and administrators in 1969. At that time there was only one sub-district and one administrator for the whole of Roti and this officially replaced the traditional political domains and their local rulers.
83 In Oelua today, there are few signs of material culture from the places of origin of the Muslim migrants. A single example of Butonese cultural heritage that has merged with Rotinese culture is of a local song accompanied by the gong, known as Li Butu, to which men perform martial arts at weddings. The Dengka word li means ‘sound’ (in relation to a song) while the word Butu is Rotinese for Buton. Li Butu is the only local song that is accompanied by the gong and martial arts rather than with the usual gong and dance and was brought to Oelua by Butonese migrants.
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85 As the last two manek of Dengka supported and recognised Oelaba Muslim residents through land grants, this seems to have set a precedent for supportive practices that the village head has felt compelled to continue.
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91 Tule, Longing for the house of God, p. 275, notes that the Muslims of Kéo, Central Flores experience a tension between living and practising a pure Islamic way of life (sometimes the platform of Islamic parties or movements) and adapting Islam to local beliefs, culture and values.
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104 Halāl literally means proper or lawful, especially in relation to food. In practice, it means using special methods for the slaughtering of animals for human consumption, and using ‘clean’ cooking pots, plates and cutlery that are not used for cooking or serving pork. A Christian host will arrange for such food to be prepared, and often served, in an adjacent or neighbouring house.
105 Tule, Longing for the house of God.
106 Ibid., p. 224 n179.
107 This is also the case amongst indigenous Rotinese who fine each other for mis-using language and a range of other petty verbal offences in relation to upholding honourable negotiations.
108 Fox, Harvest of the palm, p. 81.
109 The percentage composition of ethnic and religious groups is one variable that could be important in comparative village studies.
110 Allen, Lost geographies of power.
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112 Ibid., p. 179.
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