Published online by Cambridge University Press: 07 April 2011
Plantations, which originated as agricultural enterprises within colonial economic systems and which came to be established particularly in tropical dependencies, have occupied an equivocal position in the economic development philosophies and plans of less developed countries. Their colonial origin and their traditionally export-oriented and often mono-cultural characteristics have subjected them to a wide range of adverse criticism, despite their undoubted earning capacity.
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24 Excluding tea and coconuts, which are not included in subsequent references to plantation area in this paper. In 1975, these minor plantation crops occupied almost 20, 000 ha.
25 The “loss” of estate area by subdivision was partly compensated for by some new planting on reserve lands by “non-subdivided” estates. It is also likely that many subdivisions remained above the 40 ha/100 acre statistical threshold and thus technically remained plantations. This undoubtedly contributed t o the change in size distribution mentioned earlier.
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29 This tonnage was produced by factories on estates. A further 482, 667 tons were produced by factories off estates. Much of the fruit for this production would have originated on estates whose yielding oil palm area was as yet too small to support their own factory.
30 Including Japanese and Singaporean as well as European.
31 Lim, op. cit.
32 The east coast states were arguing for rubber planting as a key to regional economic development in the early 1960s when the official insistence was that rural areas should be relieved of their dependence oh rubber (Rudner, op. cit. ).
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35 As a sampling frame, this list proved to be somewhat deficient since the 1975 Rubber Statistics Handbook lists 347 estates in the three states (301 in Kedah and Perlis, 46 in Pinang). It may be that the mailing addresses, the only initial indicators of location, may in some instances have been outside the three states.
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