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Slavery and cultural creativity in the Banda Islands

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 September 2010

Phillip Winn
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Extract

In his influential edited volume Slavery, bondage and dependency in Southeast Asia, Anthony Reid suggests that long-term slave-based systems of production were absent from agriculture in Southeast Asia, and had an ambiguous presence at best in other areas of economic activity. The argument he presents suggests that indigenous slavery in the region merged into a ‘kind of serfdom or household membership’, a situation that continued after the arrival of Europeans whose slave-holding practices were profoundly shaped by the local traditions they encountered: ‘slavery in the European colonies owed more to the Southeast Asian environment than to European legal ideas’. Reid's analysis is insightful and his conclusions persuasive. But he also notes a single exception to this general picture: ‘the Dutch perkenier system for producing nutmeg in Banda with hundreds of slave labourers on large estates’. The nutmeg estates of the Banda Islands, in eastern Indonesia, provide a rare unequivocal example of a slave mode of production in Southeast Asia, and its sole instance in an agricultural context. The islands have a similar status within established accounts of slavery in Asia more generally. While some degree of geographic and historical variation is usually acknowledged, European slavery practices in Asia are regarded as distinct from colonial slavery in the New World, where European systems were imported wholesale. Against this conclusion, the perkenier system in the Banda Islands has been described as a form of exploitation ‘unheard of in Asia’, one that represented a ‘Caribbean cuckoo in an Asian nest’. In other words, Dutch nutmeg cultivation in the Bandas constituted a New World style system of slavery operating in an Asian context.

Type
Research Article
Information
Journal of Southeast Asian Studies , Volume 41 , Issue 3 , October 2010 , pp. 365 - 389
Copyright
Copyright © The National University of Singapore 2010

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References

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38 Wright, ‘Moluccan spice monopoly’, p. 18. This figure comprised 1,826 men, 1,760 women and 526 children. Similar numbers are reported around the same period by Heeres, J.E., ‘Eene Engelsche lezig omtrent de verovering van Banda en Ambon in 1796 en omtrent den Toestand dier eilanden groepen op het eind der achttiende eeuw’, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 17 (1914): 354Google Scholar, as follows: 4,387 slaves in a total population of 5,763 people; that is, slaves equated to some 76% of the population.

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49 Ibid., p. 76.

50 Hanna, Indonesia Banda, p. 81. The adequacy of Company provisions was a regular source of friction between perkeniers and the VOC administration, with perkeniers at times substituting locally imported sago for the Company-supplied allowance of rice designated for perken slaves.

51 Heeres, ‘Eene Engelsche lezig omtrent’, p. 308. The assertion that perken slaves may have been granted certain privileges in the nutmeg groves in relation to ‘kanary nuts’ is interesting. The term ‘cultivate’ seems misapplied here; unlike the other items mentioned, these nuts (known as kenari) are produced by tall forest trees that form an integral part of the canopy protecting the nutmeg groves. Any privilege likely concerns the gathering of these oil-rich edible nuts. Village communities in the islands today strongly assert a local right to gather the fallen nuts of kenari trees, which continue to form a key component of the now almost wholly state-owned nutmeg groves, see Winn, Phillip, ‘“Everyone searches, everyone finds”: Moral discourse and resource in use in an Indonesian Muslim community’, Oceania, 72, 4 (2002): 275–93Google Scholar. Heeres may offer evidence for the existence of such a right in the 18th century, though it remains unclear whether this applied to perken slaves exclusively or extended also to local villagers.

52 Mintz, ‘Was the plantation slave’, pp. 317–18. In a Caribbean context, similar activities were part of a formalised system of ‘provision grounds’, see Verene A. Shepherd, ‘Caribbean Agriculture’, in A historical guide to world slavery, ed. Drescher and Engerman, p. 118, who observes that despite being essentially a cost-saving measure, gardening also diluted the power of slave-owners as it limited the extent to which food could be used as a means of control. Caribbean slaves engaged in organised protests in the face of attempts to reduce access to provision grounds or to place limits on the range of marketing activities associated with their own cultivation efforts.

53 Wright, ‘Moluccan spice monopoly’, p. 18.

54 Heeres, ‘Eene Engelsche lezig omtrent’, pp. 348–9.

55 Hanna, Indonesia Banda, p. 81. Neira is the name of the largest settlement in the islands and the location of its administrative centre; the island on which it is located is also known also as Neira and as Banda Neira. Perkeniers generally maintained residences on this island.

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62 Heeres, ‘Eene Engelsche lezig omtrent’, p. 355.

63 Wright, ‘Moluccan spice monopoly’, p. 18.

64 Heeres, ‘Eene Engelsche lezig omtrent’, p. 349; the term boscwagter is clearly a rendering of the Dutch boschwachter, i.e. ‘forester’.

65 Ibid., p. 355.

66 Ellen, On the edge, p. 83.

67 Quoted in Hanna, Indonesia Banda, p. 75.

68 Ellen, On the edge, p. 86.

69 Campbell and Alpers, ‘Introduction’, p. xii.

70 Hanna, Indonesia Banda, p. 79.

71 Ibid., p. 80.

72 Reid, ‘Introduction’, p. 17.

73 Ibid., p. 17.

74 Van de Waal, ‘Bijdrage’, p. 531.

75 Hanna, Indonesia Banda, p. 62.

76 Heeres, ‘Eene Engelsche lezig omtrent’, p. 354. See also Hanna pp. 93–4, and Wright, ‘Moluccan spice monopoly’, pp. 19, 45.

77 Hanna, Indonesia Banda, p. 70.

78 Heeres, ‘Eene Engelsche lezig omtrent’, pp. 324–5.

79 Hanna, Indonesia Banda, pp. 63–4.

80 Heeres, ‘Eene Engelsche lezig omtrent’, pp. 324–5.

81 Fox, ‘For good and sufficient reasons’, p. 255.

82 Ibid.

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107 This individual, now deceased, has appeared in English and Dutch travel writing where he is often referred to as ‘the last perkenier’.

108 Grimes, ‘Development and use’, p. 119.

109 Contemporary informants are careful to note that this label does not imply that the language is autochthonous (i.e. a bahasa tanah, literally ‘language of the earth’). They suggest it is instead a form of Bahasa Melayu (i.e. ‘Malay’), comparable to but distinct from Bahasa Ambon (‘Ambonese’). The latter is a form of Malay linked to the provincial capital which has become increasingly important as a lingua franca throughout the region. Bandanese are generally fluent in both forms.

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119 Ibid.

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122 The question of the ‘unfree’ status of indentured labour in Indonesia is still debated among scholars, alongside the historical role such labour plays in the emergence of capitalist forms of production. See for example, Breman, Jan, ‘Review article: New thoughts on colonial labour in Indonesia’, JSEAS, 33, 2 (2002): 333–9Google Scholar, and the reply from Vincent Houben, J.H. and Lindblad, J. Thomas, ‘Correspondence’, JSEAS, 33, 3 (2002): 559–94Google Scholar.

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125 Houben, ‘Introduction’, p. 17.

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127 Ellen Leenarts, ‘Coolie wages in western enterprises in the Outer Islands, 1919–1938’, in Coolie labour, ed. Houben and Lindblad, p. 150.

128 Lindblad, ‘New destinations’, p. 96; Breman, ‘Review article’ p. 333.

129 Breman, ‘Review article’, p. 334 refers to jual jiwa as an expression used by coolies themselves with reference to the penal sanctions.

130 Narratives of labour recruitment linked to ‘dark practices’ may well be an apt metaphor. Strategies used by colonial labour recruiters commonly involved deceitful pretexts and false promises (including offers of marriage), alongside a host of other ‘irregularities’. See Vincent J.H. Houben, ‘Before departure: Coolie labour recruitment in Java, 1900–1942’, in Coolie labour, ed. Houben and Lindblad, pp. 28–30.

131 The use of the term mir for ‘ant’ is an example of the everyday lexical borrowings from Dutch that help to distinguish Banda Malay as a distinct local variant.

132 Nierop, Trudi, ‘Lonely in an alien world: coolie communities in Southeast Kalimantan in the late colonial period’, in Coolie labour in colonial Indonesia. A study of labour relations in the Outer Islands c. 1900–1940, ed. Houben, V.J.H. and Lindblad, J.T. (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1999), p. 173Google Scholar. Nierop points to several factors conspiring to isolate coolie labourers in southeast Kalimantan from local populations, including the restricted movement of contract coolies and segregated housing, which employers were obliged to provide under Coolie Ordinances.

133 These include placing offerings on sites linked to Muslim holy figures and attending prayers led by a local imam.

134 See Fox, James J., ‘Introduction’, in Origins, ancestry and alliance. Explorations in Austronesian ethnography, ed. Fox, James J. and Sather, Clifford (Canberra: Department of Anthropology & Comparative Austronesian Project, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, Australian National University, 1996), pp. 1–17Google Scholar.

135 Goody, ‘Slavery’, p. 42.

136 Mintz, ‘Was the plantation slave’, p. 306.

137 Reid, ‘Introduction’, p. 2.