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Catholicism and the Making of the U.S. Pacific1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 October 2013

Katherine D. Moran
Katherine D. Moran*
Affiliation:
St. Louis University
*
kdm@me.com; morankd@slu.edu
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Abstract

In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, in the context of the development of U.S. power in the Pacific, some American Protestants began to articulate a new approach to Catholicism and American national identity. In Southern California, Anglo-American boosters began to celebrate the region's history of Spanish Franciscan missions, preserving and restoring existing mission buildings while selling a romantic mission story to tourists and settlers. In the Philippines, U.S. imperial officials, journalists, and popular writers tempered widespread critiques of contemporary Spanish friars, celebrating the friars' early missionary precursors as civilizing heroes and arguing that Filipino Catholic faith and clerical authority could aid in the maintenance of imperial order. Against persistent currents of anti-Catholicism and in distinct and locally contingent ways, American Protestants joined Catholics in arguing that the United States needed to evolve beyond parochial religious bigotries. In both places, in popular events and nationally circulating publications, the celebration of particular constructions of Catholic histories and authority figures served to reinforce U.S. continental expansion and transoceanic empire.

Type
Essays
Information
The Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era , Volume 12 , Issue 4 , October 2013 , pp. 434 - 474
Copyright
Copyright © Society for Historians of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 2013 

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Footnotes

1

The author would like to express her gratitude to the following people for their generous comments on earlier versions of this essay: Dirk Bönker, Greg Johnson, Paul A. Kramer, Timothy Matovina, Catherine Molineux, Dorothy Ross, Molly Warsh, the participants in the 2011 American Academy of Religion seminar on Religion in the American West, and the participants in the November 2010 Cushwa Center American Catholic Studies Seminar at the University of Notre Dame. She would also like to thank Steve Spiller for his help with the image of Frank Miller and the anonymous reviewers for their thoughtful responses.

References

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4 “President Takes His Farewell of Coast” Los Angeles Times, Oct. 13, 1909.

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7 The classic historical surveys of American anti-Catholicism are Billington, Ray Allen, The Protestant Crusade, 1800–1860: A Study of the Origins of the American Nativism (New York, 1938)Google Scholar, and Higham, Strangers in the Land. My engagement with antebellum American Protestant attitudes to Catholicism came as well through Franchot, Jenny, Roads to Rome: The Antebellum Protestant Encounter with Catholicism (Berkeley, 1994)Google Scholar; and through the analysis of antimodernism in Lears, T.J. Jackson, No Place of Grace: Antimodernism and the Transformation of American Culture, 1880–1920 (Chicago, 1981)Google Scholar. On the changing dynamics of anti-Catholic speech and thought in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries: Davis, David Brion, “Some Themes of Counter-Subversion: An Analysis of Anti-Masonic, Anti-Catholic, and Anti-Mormon Literature,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review 47 (Sept. 1960): 205–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dolan, Jay P., In Search of American Catholicism: A History of Religion and Culture in Tension (Oxford, 2003)Google Scholar; Fenton, Elizabeth, Religious Liberties: Anti-Catholicism and Liberal Democracy in Nineteenth-Century U.S. Literature and Culture (Oxford, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Griffin, Susan M., Anti-Catholicism and Nineteenth-Century Fiction (Cambridge, 2004)Google Scholar, Massa, Mark, Catholics and American Culture: Fulton Sheen, Dorothy Day, and the Notre Dame Football Team (New York, 1999)Google Scholar, and Massa, Anti-Catholicism in America: The Last Acceptable Prejudice, 2nd ed. (New York, 2005)Google Scholar; McGreevy, John T., Catholicism and American Freedom: A History (New York, 2003)Google Scholar, and McGreevy, “Thinking on One's Own: Catholicism in the American Intellectual Imagination, 1928–1960,” Journal of American History 84 (June 1997): 97–131CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Schultz, Kevin M., Tri-Faith America: How Catholics and Jews Held Postwar America to Its Protestant Promise (Oxford, 2011)Google Scholar; and Smith, Anthony Burke, The Look of Catholics: Portrayals in Popular Culture from the Great Depression to the Cold War (Lawrence, KS, 2010).Google Scholar

8 I use the term “Anglo” to mirror the way the settlers defined themselves, distinguishing themselves from Native Americans, Mexicans, or Mexican Americans. I follow Carey McWilliams's Southern California Country in defining Southern California as the half of the state south of the Tehachapi mountains. Like McWilliams and Phoebe Kropp but against standard practice, I capitalize “Southern California” in reference to a self-conscious regional identity. McWilliams, Carey, Southern California Country: An Island on the Land (New York, 1946)Google Scholar; Kropp, Phoebe S., California Vieja: Culture and Memory in a Modern American Place (Berkeley, 2006).Google Scholar

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10 Numerous scholars remark on the paradox of a Protestant population celebrating a Catholic past, but they generally do so only in passing. One exception is Roberto Lint Sagarena, “Inheriting the Land: Defining Place in Southern California from the Mexican American War to the Plan Espiritual de Aztlán” (PhD diss., Princeton University, 2000), which focuses on negotiations between Protestant and Catholic Californians around the memorialization of the Spanish past. Also Sagarena, “Building California's Past: Mission Revival Architecture and Regional Identity,” Journal of Urban History 28 (May 2002): 429–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Sagarena, “Re-Forming the Church: Preservation, Renewal, and Restoration in American Christian Architecture in California,” in Practicing Protestants: Histories of Christian Life in America, 1630–1965, ed. Maffly-Kipp, Laurie F. et al. (Baltimore, 2006), 118–34Google Scholar. Also, Kropp, California Vieja, 85–88.

11 On the American Catholic and Protestant presence in the post-annexation Philippines: Anderson, Gerald H., ed., Studies in Philippine Church History (Ithaca, 1969)Google Scholar; Clymer, Kenton, Protestant Missionaries in the Philippines, 1898–1916: An Inquiry into the American Colonial Mentality (Urbana, 1986)Google Scholar; Harris, Susan K., God's Arbiters: Americans and the Philippines, 1898–1902 (Oxford, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ileto, Reynaldo Clemeña, Pasyon and Revolution: Popular Movements in the Philippines, 1840–1910 (Quezon City, 1979)Google Scholar; Raftery, Judith, “Textbook Wars: Governor-General James Francis Smith and the Protestant-Catholic Conflict in Public Education in the Philippines, 1904–1907,” History of Education Quarterly 38 (Summer 1998): 143–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Reuter, Frank T., Catholic Influence on American Colonial Policies, 1898–1904 (Austin, 1967)Google Scholar; and Schumacher, John N., Readings in Philippine Church History, 2nd ed. (Quezon City, 1987)Google Scholar. On the Philippine-American War and colonial state building: Kramer, Paul A., The Blood of Government: Race, Empire, the United States, and the Philippines (Chapel Hill, 2006)Google Scholar; as well as Go, Julian and Foster, Ann, eds., The American Colonial State in the Philippines: Global Perspectives (Durham, 2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Go, Julian, American Empire and the Politics of Meaning: Elite Political Cultures in the Philippines and Puerto Rico during U.S. Colonialism (Durham, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hoganson, Kristin, Fighting for American Manhood: How Gender Politics Provoked the Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars (New Haven, 2000)Google Scholar; May, Glenn Anthony, Social Engineering in the Philippines: The Aims, Execution, and Impact of American Colonial Policy, 1900–1913 (Westport, CT, 1980)Google Scholar; Miller, Stuart Creighton, “Benevolent Assimilation”: The American Conquest of the Philippines, 1899–1903 (New Haven, 1982)Google Scholar; and Welch, Richard E. Jr., Response to Imperialism: The United States and the Philippine-American War, 1899–1902 (Chapel Hill, 1979).Google Scholar

12 Kramer, Blood of Government, 208.

13 Matovina, Timothy, Latino Catholicism: Transformation in America's Largest Church (Princeton, 2012)Google Scholar, and Matovina, “Remapping American Catholicism” U.S. Catholic Historian 28 (Fall 2010): 31–72Google Scholar. Also Maffly-Kipp, Laurie F., “Eastward Ho! American Religion from the Perspective of the Pacific Rim” in Retelling U.S. Religious History, ed. Tweed, Thomas A. (Berkeley, 1997), 127–48.Google Scholar

14 In other words, the rise of U.S. power in the Pacific produced two locally grounded and yet thematically linked discourses. My overall analysis might apply in different ways to other regions, for example Puerto Rico or the American Southwest.

15 Camarillo, Alberto, Chicanos in a Changing Society: From Mexican Pueblos to American Barrios in Santa Barbara and Southern California, 1848–1930 (Cambridge, 1979)Google Scholar; Deverell, Whitewashed Adobe; Haas, Lisbeth, Conquests and Historical Identities in California, 1769–1936 (Berkeley, 1995)Google Scholar; Monroy, Douglas, Thrown Among Strangers: The Making of Mexican Culture in Frontier California (Berkeley, 1993)Google Scholar, and Monroy, The Borders Within: Encounters Between Mexico and the U.S. (Tucson, 2008)Google Scholar, ch. 2; Pitt, Leonard, The Decline of the Californios: The History of the Spanish-Speaking Californians, 1846–1890, intr. Gutiérrez, Ramón A. (Berkeley, 1998)Google Scholar; and Sandos, James A., “‘Because He Is a Liar and a Thief’: Conquering the Residents of ‘Old’ California, 1850–1880,” California History 79 (July 2000), 86–112.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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17 Singleton, Religion in the City of Angels, xxiv; Michael E. Engh, S.J., “‘A Multiplicity and Diversity of Faiths’: Religion's Impact on Los Angeles and the Urban West, 1890–1940,” Western Historical Quarterly 28 (Winter 1997): 463–92.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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19 One 1897 writer in the San Francisco literary magazine the Overland Monthly, for instance, claimed that “the mission fathers had it in their power to make citizens of the Indian, [but] they chose to make them their slaves.” John E. Bennett, “Missions of California: Should They Be Restored?” Overland Monthly Feb. 1897, 160, quoted in Kropp, California Vieja, 53. On Dana's shift in language, John Ogden Pohlman, “California's Mission Myth” (PhD diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1974), 22; and Sagarena, “Inheriting the Land,” 27–33.

20 Sánchez, Rosaura, Telling Identities: The Californio Testimonios (Minneapolis, 1995), 72–75.Google Scholar

21 The title of Bancroft's California Pastoral: 1769–1848, as well as his focus on the so-called “golden age” of California, suggests nostalgia for the pre-Gold Rush past. But in his book's first sentence, Bancroft tempers that nostalgia and raises the specter of precisely the stereotypes his Californio informants were trying to reverse: “Before penetrating into the mysteries of our modern lotos-land [sic],” he writes, “or entering upon a description of the golden age of California, if indeed any age characterized by ignorance and laziness can be called golden, let us glance at life and society elsewhere on this planet.” Bancroft, Hubert Howe, California Pastoral: 1769–1848, vol. 34 of The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft (San Francisco, 1888)Google Scholar, 1. Italics mine. For more on Californio memoirs and the Spanish Past myth, see Kropp, California Vieja, 19–46; Padilla, Genaro M., My History, Not Yours: The Formation of Mexican American Autobiography (Madison, 1993)Google Scholar; Pitt, The Decline of the Californios; Pubols, Louise, “Becoming Californio: Jokes, Broadsides, and a Slap in the Face” in Alta California: Peoples in Motion, Identities in Formation, ed. Hackel, Steven W. (Berkeley, 2010), 131–55Google Scholar; Sagarena, “Inheriting the Land,” ch. 1; and Sánchez, Telling Identities.

22 Jackson, Helen Hunt, Ramona (1884; Boston, 1939)Google Scholar. For more on Phillips, Jackson, Kate, Helen Hunt Jackson: A Literary Life (Berkeley, 2003)Google Scholar; Mathes, Valerie Sherer, Helen Hunt Jackson and Her Indian Reform Legacy (Austin, 1990)Google Scholar. On Ramona's cultural legacy, DeLyser, Dydia, Ramona Memories: Tourism and the Shaping of Southern California (Minneapolis, 2005)Google Scholar; Thomas, David Hurst, “Harvesting Ramona's Garden: Life in California's Mythical Mission Past” in Columbian Consequences: vol. 3, The Spanish Borderlands in Pan-American Perspective, ed. Thomas, David Hurst (Washington, 1991), 119–57Google Scholar; and Starr, Inventing the Dream, ch. 2.

23 These essays were later published in Jackson, Helen Hunt, Glimpses of Three Coasts (Boston, 1888).Google Scholar

24 For more on the mission revival style, see Weitze, Karen J., California's Mission Revival (Los Angeles, 1984).Google Scholar

25 On Lummis, Bingham, Edwin R., Charles F. Lummis: Editor of the Southwest (San Marino, CA, 1955)Google Scholar; Fiske, Turbesé Lummis and Lummis, Keith, Charles F. Lummis: The Man and His West (Norman, 1975)Google Scholar; Gordon, Dudley, Charles F. Lummis: Crusader in Corduroy (Los Angeles, 1972)Google Scholar; and Thompson, Mark, American Character: The Curious Life of Charles Fletcher Lummis and the Rediscovery of the Southwest (New York, 2001).Google Scholar

26 Lummis, at least, doubted James's claims to expertise. He once said that it “is possible that [James] told the truth—but if so, it must have been an accident.” But James's work remained popular, and the two men occasionally collaborated. Lummis to Book Editor, Messrs. Little, Brown & Co., Boston, MA, May 12, 1927, Charles Fletcher Lummis Manuscript Collection, Correspondence Series, Braun Research Library, Autry National Center, Los Angeles, CA (hereafter Braun Library).

27 For an in-depth discussion of the Mission Play, Deverell, Whitewashed Adobe, 207–52.

28 See Klotz, Esther, The Mission Inn: Its History and Artifacts, 3rd ed. with an update by Curl, Alan (Corona, CA, 1993)Google Scholar; and Gale, Zona, Frank Miller of Mission Inn (New York, 1938)Google Scholar.

29 Jackson, “Father Junipero and His Work” in Glimpses of Three Coasts (Boston, 1888)Google Scholar, 45.

30 Ibid., 46, 54.

31 Truman, Maj. Benjamin Cummings, Missions of California (Los Angeles, 1903)Google Scholar, 6.

32 Franchot, Roads to Rome, ch. 4–7; and Mary Muriel Tarr, “Catholicism in Gothic Fiction: A Study of the Nature and Function of Catholic Materials in Gothic Fiction in England (1762–1820)” (PhD diss., Catholic University of America, 1946), esp. ch. 5.

33 “California The Land of Dreams”: A Pageant Presented at the Twentieth Annual Convention California Federation of Women's Clubs (Hollywood, [c. 1921])Google Scholar, Huntington Library and Rare Books Collection, San Marino, CA (hereafter HLRB), 22, 25. See also “The Mission Play by John Steven McGroarty, Presented in the Mission Play House at Old San Gabriel Mission, California” program [Los Angeles, 1923], HLRB, 20–21.

34 G. H. Hutton, “Old California Missions,” West Coast Magazine, Nov. 1906, 7.

35 Jackson, “Father Junipero and His Work,” 55. For other “hives of industry” comments, see McGroarty, John Steven, Santa Barbara, California (Southern Pacific Lines, 1925)Google Scholar, HLRB, 19; Katherine Thompson Von Blon, “The Hospices of Today,” California Life (“Mission Play Special”), Jan. 1920, 29.

36 On visual representations of the Black Legend in the context of the Spanish-Cuban-American War, Miller, Bonnie, From Liberation to Conquest: The Visual and Popular Cultures of the Spanish-American War of 1898 (Amherst, MA, 2011)Google Scholar. On visual representations of empire in the Philippines, Brody, David, Visualizing American Empire: Orientalism and Imperialism in the Philippines (Chicago, 2010).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

37 Kramer, Blood of Government, 3.

38 In 1914, on his way out of office, Worcester published a second, more polemical account of his work in the Philippines entitled The Philippines Past and Present. In it he defended the necessity of U.S. retention of political authority in the Philippines by depicting “non-Christian” Filipinos as noble savages in need of both uplift and defense against the corrupted Christian majority.

39 Ilustrado, meaning “enlightened,” referred to a group of elite, Spanish-speaking, often European-educated Filipinos. My use of “Filipino” simply to signify men and women born in the Philippine islands is somewhat anachronistic, as this word's boundaries were being debated during this time by both Americans and Philippine-born men and women. For a discussion of the origins of the term and its contested boundaries, see Kramer, Blood of Government, 66–73. For the First Philippine Commission's interviews with Filipinos, see Report of the Philippine Commission to the President, vol. 2: Testimony and Exhibits (Washington, DC, 1900)Google Scholar.

40 Rizal, José, Noli Me Tángere, trans. Lacson-Locsin, Soledad (Hawaii, 1997)Google Scholar; Foreman, John, The Philippine Islands. A Political, Geographical, Ethnographical, Social and Commercial History of the Philippine Archipelago and Its Political Dependencies, Embracing the Whole Period of Spanish Rule, 2nd ed. (New York, 1899)Google Scholar. For contemporary commentary on Foreman's inaccuracies, see LeRoy's, James A. review of The Philippine Islands in American Historical Review 12 (Jan. 1907): 388–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Other works by ilustrados influential among Americans include Ramon Lala, Reyes, The Philippine Islands (New York, 1898)Google Scholar, and T. H. Pardo de Tavera, “History” in United States Bureau of the Census, Census of the Philippine Islands: Taken Under the Direction of the Philippine Commission in the Year 1903 (Washington, 1905), 309–410.Google Scholar

41 “Friars” in this essay refers to the four Spanish friar orders subject to Philippine anti-friar complaints: the Augustinians, Dominicans, Franciscans, and Recollects. These friars were not the only churchmen on the islands, but other religious orders such as the Capuchins and the Jesuits were largely immune from anti-friar sentiment because they were more recent arrivals and engaged mainly in missionary and educational work. Anti-friarism did not apply to Filipino priests, who were prevented from entry into the friar orders and who themselves were often anti-friar. It is also worth noting that contrary to canon law almost all of the parish priests in the Philippines were Spanish friars.

42 This list of complaints can be found in most histories that touch on religion in the Philippines during this time. On American Protestant missionaries' attitudes toward Philippine anti-friarism, Clymer, Protestant Missionaries, ch. 5. For a point of view sympathetic to the friars, see Pilapil, Vicente R., “Nineteenth-Century Philippines and the Friar-Problem,” The Americas 18 (Oct. 1961): 127–48.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

43 The number 300 comes from León Ma. Guerrero, “Nozaleda and Pons: Two Spanish Friars in Exodus” in Studies in Philippine Church History, ed. Anderson, 174; and Peter G. Gowing, “The Disentanglement of Church and State Early in the American Regime in the Philippines” in Studies in Philippine Church History, ed. Anderson, 204. The broad outlines of this story were widely reported in the United States. See, for example, “Friars and Filippinos,” New York Observer and Chronicle, Aug. 11, 1898, 171, and “Outrages by Filipinos,” Washington Post, Oct. 19, 1898.

44 Gilbert, Paul T., The Great White Tribe in Filipinia (Cincinnati, 1903), 164–66.Google Scholar

45 Report of the Philippine Commission to the President, 2:368–71, 405.

46 Morris, Charles, Our Island Empire: A Hand-Book of Cuba, Porto Rico, Hawaii, and the Philippine Islands (Philadelphia, 1899)Google Scholar, 376; Worcester, Dean C., The Philippine Islands and Their People (New York, 1898), 342–43Google Scholar. Worcester's book, and this particular claim, were quoted widely in the American press. See, for example, “The Friars of the Philippines,” New York Evangelist, July 7, 1898.

47 See, for example: Worcester, The Philippine Islands, 349; Morris, Our Island Empire, 376, 379. Like the class claim, this was also repeated in the American press: see Margherita Arlina Hamm, “The Filipinos and the Friars,” Independent, Sept. 1898, 748.

48 H. Phelps Whitmarsh, “The Friar: A Philippine Sketch,” Outlook, Apr. 7, 1900, 834, 835–36; Gilbert, Great White Tribe, 245.

49 Whitmarsh, “The Friar: A Philippine Sketch,” 834, 835–36.

50 Gilbert, Great White Tribe, 250.

51 Hannaford, Adjutant E., History and Description of the Picturesque Philippines with Entertaining Accounts of the People and their Modes of Living, Customs, Industries, Climate and Present Conditions (Springfield, OH, 1900), 97Google Scholar; Atkinson, Fred W., The Philippine Islands (Boston, 1905), 87.Google Scholar

52 Atkinson, The Philippine Islands, 321.

53 Taft, William H. and Roosevelt, Theodore, The Philippines (New York, 1902), 128–30.Google Scholar

54 Phillips, Helen Hunt Jackson, 238–39; Helen Hunt (H. H.) Jackson, “The Present Condition of the Mission Indians in Southern California,” Century, Sept. 1882, 519–20.

55 Frank Miller, “Notes for an autobiography, dictated at Laguna Beach, Mar. 1935, by Frank Miller,” Mission Inn Museum Archives, Riverside, California, 7–8. For an example of Catholic representation at a Miller event, see “Riverside,” Los Angeles Tidings, Nov. 28, 1913.

56 On Dockweiler, see Charles Fletcher Lummis to Frank Miller, May 23, 1916, Lummis Manuscript Collection, Landmarks Club Series, Braun Library. On Knights of Columbus, see “Barbecue of the Knights. Wondrous Feast Extended to Visiting Brothers,” Los Angeles Times, June 8, 1905.

57 Bishop Thomas James Conaty to James D. Phelan, May 9, 1911, Thomas James Conaty Collection, Archival Center, Archdiocese of Los Angeles, San Fernando Mission, Mission Hills, CA (hereafter AALA).

58 Frank Miller to Bishop Conaty, July 26, 1909, Conaty Collection, AALA.

59 “The Coming of the Father,” Catholic Tidings, Aug. 7, 1895, 4 (editorial page); untitled note, Catholic Tidings, June 29, 1895, 4.

60 Conaty to Lena K. Hofstetter, May 11, 1906, and Conaty to Mrs. B. Ellen Burke, June 16, 1911, Conaty Collection, AALA; Esperanza, “A Historical Fraud,” Tidings, June 13, 1904, 1–2. In 1897 the Catholic Tidings shortened its name to the Tidings.

61 Lummis to Conaty, n.d. [c. 1914], Conaty Collection, AALA; Conaty, “The Proposed Memorial Hall,” Conaty's Homilies, Addresses, and Lectures Collection, AALA.

62 Hutchings, DeWitt V., The Story of Mount Rubidoux, Riverside, California (Riverside, CA: Mission Inn, [n.d.])Google Scholar, Papers of Lynden Ellsworth (L. E.) Behymer, HLRB, 4.

63 Smith, W. Hamilton, A Joy Ride from Coast to Coast with Boumi-Almas (Washington, DC, 1912)Google Scholar, Frank Miller Hutchings Collection, RMM, 23.

64 The missionaries' discourse about Philippine Catholicism was, by necessity, more theologically oriented and focused on competition than was popular discourse. Regarding the complex interplay among various missionaries, see Clymer, Protestant Missionaries. Missionary discourse did parallel popular discourse about Catholicism in two respects. American Protestant missionaries tended to express admiration for the early Catholic missionaries on the islands, and some Episcopal missionaries identified more with the Catholic Church than with Protestant churches. The Episcopal mission in general tended to focus on converting Filipino animists and Muslims rather than Filipino Catholics. Clymer, Protestant Missionaries, 2, 27, 105 (on the Episcopal Church); ch. 5 (on approaches to Roman Catholicism).

65 Taft, The Church and Our Government in the Philippines, 28–30. This use was well known: during the war, stereopticon slides were made of American soldiers perched atop steeples surveying the countryside and posing in front of churches-cum-barracks. Photos of these slides appear in Maria Serena I. Diokno, Voices and Scenes of the Past: The Philippine-American War Retold (Quezon City, 1999), 81, 82, 101.

66 Reuter, Catholic Influence, 73. “Protest Filed by Catholics,” Chicago Daily Tribune, Sept. 17, 1899.

67 Gowing, “The Disentanglement of Church and State,” 207.

68 Farrell, John T., “Background of the 1902 Taft Mission to Rome,” Catholic Historical Review 36 (Apr. 1950): 1–22Google Scholar; Reuter, Catholic Influence, chap. 7; Alvarez, “Purely a Business Matter”; and Domenico, Roy Palmer, “An Embassy to a Golf Course? The Conundrum of American Diplomatic Representation to the Holy See” in The Columbia History of Roman Catholicism in America, ed. Fisher, James T. (New York, forthcoming)Google Scholar. I am particularly grateful to Roy Palmer Domenico for his correspondence on this subject.

69 “The Religious Press,” New York Evangelist, Dec. 8, 1898, 15.

70 Worcester, The Philippine Islands, 346–47. See also Morris, Our Island Empire, 376–79.

71 Kramer, Blood of Government, 211.

72 Jackson, “Echoes in the City of Angels” in Glimpses of Three Coasts, 103.

73 Raymond, W. and Whitcomb, I. A., Raymond's Vacation Excursions—A Winter Trip to California (Boston, [1883])Google Scholar, HLRB, 38.

74 Borton, Francis S., Handbook of the Glenwood Mission Inn ([Riverside, CA, c. 1922])Google Scholar, RMM, 16.

75 McGroarty, John Steven, The Mission Play: A Pageant Play in Three Acts (Acting Version) (n.p., 1911)Google Scholar, HLRB.

76 Although Californios often criticized the missionaries for hoarding the best land, some also expressed admiration for the missionaries' entrepreneurship and productivity, which may have inspired Anglo-American accounts. Sánchez, Telling Identities, 67.

77 W. G. Willis, “An Inn and a Mission,” West Coast Magazine, Jan. 1913, 15.

78 A. L. P., “A Sketch. Discovery, Settlement and Progress” in La Fiesta de Los Angeles ([Los Angeles], 1894)Google Scholar, HLRB, 22. For a similar claim about padre managerial efficiency, see Laurence Blair, “The King's Highway,” West Coast Magazine, Sept. 1906, 3.

79 Both the Mission Play and Mission Inn were partly funded by Henry E. Huntington. The Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce, the Merchants and Manufacturers Association, and the Los Angeles Realty Board all joined a movement to restore the San Fernando Mission. And the Mission Play and a similar Ramona Pageant were both, at times, financed by local Chambers of Commerce. The Landmarks Club: What it Has Done, What it Has to Do (Los Angeles, 1903)Google Scholar, HLRB; Starr, Inventing the Dream, 86–88; List of contributors to San Fernando Mission Candle Day [c. 1916], Lummis Manuscript Collection, Landmarks Club Series, Braun Library; Ramona: California's Greatest Outdoor Play ([Hemet, CA]: Ramona Pageant Association, Inc., [c. 1933])Google Scholar, HLRB; Deverell, Whitewashed Adobe, 234–35.

80 Starr, Inventing the Dream, 86–88.

81 Miller to Conaty, Apr. 22, 1907, Conaty Collection, AALA.

82 “Padre Junipero Serra,” Conaty's Homilies, Addresses, and Lectures Collection, AALA.

83 Clough, Edwin H., Ramona's Marriage Place (Chula Vista, CA, 1910)Google Scholar, HLRB, 57. For an example of this argument, Kropp, California Vieja, 89.

84 Truman, Missions of California, 2–3. Though it is unclear where the language originated, it is worth noting that Truman's formulation is very similar to that found in a Catholic World article published in 1901, which read: “The work is moving on for the protection of these venerable piles, which represent, on the Pacific coast, an energy as forceful and courage as true as that manifested by the Puritan Fathers upon the bleak and inhospitable shores of New England.” E. H. Enderlein, “The Preservation of the Missions in Southern California,” Catholic World, Aug. 1901, 639. An excerpt of Enderlein's article (including this sentence) had appeared on the first page of the Tidings on Aug. 17, 1901, under an identical headline.

85 McGroarty, John Steven, “Old Missions of California” in The Mission Play by John Steven McGroarty, Presented in the Mission Play House at Old San Gabriel Mission, California ([Los Angeles, 1923])Google Scholar, HLRB, 32.

86 “The Preservation of the California Missions,” Tidings, Aug. 17, 1901, 1.

87 On the Fantasy Heritage's racial and ethnic formations, see in particular Deverell, Whitewashed Adobe, and Kropp, California Vieja.

88 Kropp, California Vieja, 80–81.

89 For more on the analogy between friars and Puritans, Sagarena, “Building California's Past,” 432–35.

90 “Schurman in the City,” Chicago Daily Tribune, Aug. 21, 1899.

91 Morris, Our Island Empire, 325.

92 Gilbert, Great White Tribe, 51.

93 Ogden E. Edwards, “The Religious Orders in the Philippines,” New York Evangelist, Sept. 22, 1898, 5.

94 Sturtevant, David R., Popular Uprisings in the Philippines, 1840–1940 (Ithaca, 1976), 80–83.Google Scholar

95 Russel, Florence Kimball, A Woman's Journey Through the Philippines (Boston, 1907)Google Scholar, 42. On anting-anting, see Ileto, Pasyon and Revolution, 28–35; and Sturtevant, Popular Uprisings, 25, 117.

96 Freer, William B., The Philippine Experiences of an American Teacher: A Narrative of Work and Travel in the Philippine Islands (New York, 1906)Google Scholar, 10; Russel, Woman's Journey, 42.

97 For a celebratory and detailed account of Aglipay's life and church, see Pedro S. de Achútegui, S.J., and Miguel A. Bernad, S.J., Religious Revolution in the Philippines, 2 vols. (Manila, 1960)Google Scholar. On Protestant missionary responses to the IFI, including a discussion of Aglipay's negotiations with the Episcopalian Bishop Brent, see Clymer, Protestant Missionaries, 116–23. See also Mary Dorita Clifford, “Iglesia Filipina Independiente: The Revolutionary Church” in Studies in Philippine Church History, ed. Anderson, 203–22; Gowing, “The Disentanglement of Church and State”; Salanga, Alfredo Navarro, The Aglipay Question: Literary and Historical Studies on the Life and Times of Gregorio Aglipay (Quezon City, 1982)Google Scholar; and John N. Schumacher, Readings in Philippine Church History, 313–33. Scott, William Henry, Cracks in the Parchment Curtain and Other Essays in Philippine History (Quezon City, 1982)Google Scholar contains three essays on Isabelo de los Reyes.

98 Gowing, “The Disentanglement of Church and State,” 219. As a result of these conversions—which sometimes encompassed entire congregations—the IFI attempted to claim the formerly Catholic conventos and cemeteries for their own, while Aglipayan believers argued that because the buildings were built by the community, the community should use them for whatever worship they wanted. This debate continued until 1906, when the courts ruled in favor of the Roman Catholic Church, a development that (along with some scandals and some steadfastly Roman Catholic priests) slowed the IFI's growth. Clifford, “Revolutionary Church,” 274–78. For examples of petitions regarding Aglipayan believers' attempts to use their local churches, see “Exhibit I: Report on Religious Controversies” in Bureau of Insular Affairs, War Department, Fourth Annual Report of the Philippine Commission, 1903, Part 1 (Washington, 1904), 213–351.Google Scholar

99 Devins, John Bancroft, An Observer in the Philippines, or Life in our New Possessions (Boston, 1905), 259–60Google Scholar. For another example of Protestant hopes for the IFI, see Howard Agnew Johnston, D.D., “Protestantism in the Philippines,” New York Observer and Chronicle, Apr. 18, 1907, 496.

100 Though it is unclear how many future Protestant Filipinos the IFI nurtured, these observers were right about the potentially close relationship between the IFI and Protestantism. In the first four years of the IFI's existence, Aglipay met with both Bishop Brent of the Protestant Episcopal Church and Bishop Herzog of the Old Catholic Church in Switzerland in unsuccessful attempts to secure apostolic succession. Almost sixty years later, full communion was established between the Protestant Episcopal Church of the United States and the IFI. Clifford, “Revolutionary Church,” 223, 247.

101 Freer, Philippine Experiences, 197–98.

102 Devins, Observer in the Philippines, 254.

103 Atkinson, The Philippine Islands, 334. U.S. newspapers did not describe the IFI in such detail, but headlines about the IFI also suggested that the church produced chaos. See, for example, “Church War in Manila. Women Attack a Priest and He Appeals to Taft,” Chicago Daily Tribune, Nov. 7, 1902. This story—also printed by the Washington Post, New York Times, and Los Angeles Times—describes a priest who was attacked by supporters of Aglipay after purportedly divulging confessional secrets from the altar.

104 Gilbert, Great White Tribe, 158–59; Russel, Woman's Journey, 124–28.

105 On the Malolos constitution, Majul, “Anticlericalism,” 168–69.

106 Pope Pius IX had condemned the separation of church and state in the Syllabus of Errors in 1864, and Pope Leo XIII condemned “Americanism” in 1899 in Testem Benevolentiae. American arguments about the Philippines, however, largely ignored the Vatican and appealed instead to the history of the Catholic Church in the United States as evidence of the compatibility of Catholicism and religious freedom.

107 Dolan, In Search of American Catholicism, 99–101. On Ireland, Reuter, Catholic Influence, 7–2, 25–26; Welch, Richard E. Jr., “Organized Religion and the Philippine-American War,” Mid-America 55 (July 1973): 186–87Google Scholar; Welch, Response to Imperialism, 93; and Miller, “Benevolent Assimilation,” 183.

108 “The Catholic Church in the Philippines” Independent, Feb. 1901, 337.

109 “American Friars In Islands,” Washington Post, Sept. 21, 1902.

110 “Want Native Priests,” Washington Post, July 25, 1903. The replacement of Spanish friars with American priests was widely advocated. See Ogden E. Edwards, “The Religious Orders in the Philippines,” New York Evangelist, Sept. 22, 1898, 5; and “Schurman in the City,” Chicago Daily Tribune, Aug. 21, 1899. Taft himself suggested that it would be a good idea, as long as there were enough available clergy. Taft, The Philippines, 133–34.

111 Cumings, Bruce, Dominion from Sea to Sea: Pacific Ascendency and American Power (New Haven, 2009).Google Scholar