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“I will give the people unto thee” 1: The Činggisid Conquests and Their Aftermath in the Turkic World

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 September 2009

P. B. Golden
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Extract

The Mongol conquests produced the last in a series of realignments of the Turkic peoples, creating, more or less, the configurations in which we find them today. The earliest of these realignments was associated with the rise and fall of the Hsiung-nu polity (second century BC to mid-second century AD). This was the first of the attempts at a pannomadic state. Mao-tun, the “Great Shanyü whom heaven has set up”, the founder of the Hsiung-nu union, boasted in a letter to the Han Court that because of his efforts “all the people who live by drawing the bow are now united into one family.”2 Činggis Qan expressed similar thoughts regarding the “people having skirts of felt” i.e. living in feltcovered tents.3 Although it cannot be demonstrated that all the Eurasian nomads were, indeed, incorporated into the Hsiung-nu polity, substantial numbers of the Turkic nomads undoubtedly were. In its formative, “heroic” years of conquest and in the course of its collapse, a number of Turkic (and other) pastoral, nomadic peoples were brought into motion along China's northern frontiers and adjoining regions. Others were pushed westward, some making their way to what is today Kazakhstan and into the Caspian-Pontic steppelands. This marked the first large-scale movement westward of Turkic peoples from Inner Asia to Central Asia and thence to the Western Eurasian steppelands. The final stages of these migrations ultimately brought some of the nomads to Danubian Europe and the Hungarian Plain.

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Research Article
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Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society , Volume 10 , Issue 1 , April 2000 , pp. 21 - 41
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Copyright © The Royal Asiatic Society 2000

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Footnotes

1

The Secret History of the Mongols, trans. CleavesF. W. (Cambridge, Mass., 1982), pp. 173–4. With these words Činggis Qan granted the conquered “Forest Peoples” to his eldest son Joči.

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68 Sâma, Abû, Tarâjim rijâl al-qamayn al-sâdis wa’l-sabi‘ al-ma‘rûf bi’l-ḏayl ‘alâ al-rawdatayn, ed. al-Kawṯarî, M. (Cairo, 1947), p. 208,Google Scholar cited in and translated by Amitai-Preiss, Mongols and Mamluks, p. 1.Google Scholar

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70 See Juvainî, ed. Qazwînî, , I, p. 31,Google Scholar Juvainî/Boyle, , I, pp. 42–43.Google Scholar See also Barthold, , Turkestan, pp. 392–393;Google Scholar Barfield, , The Perilous Frontier, p. 212.Google Scholar

71 The standard work on the Ilkhânids is that of Spuler, B., Die Mongolen in Iran (4th rev. ed. Leiden, 1985).Google Scholar The legitimacy of the “il-khanate” is by no means clear. Jackson, P., “The Dissolution of the Mongol Empire” Central Asiatic Journal, 22 (1978), pp. 220–222,Google Scholar suggests that the il-khanate began as “an act of usurpation” that over time (by the reign of Ġazan, 1295–1304) was transformed into an independent khanate. This interpretation is in part countered by Allsen's more comprehensive and nuanced approach, see n. 69.

72 Morgan, D., Medieval Persia 1040–1797 (London-New York, 1988), p. 81;Google Scholar Martinez, A. P., “The Īl-Xânid Army” Archivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi, 6 (1986), pp. 214–216Google Scholar and his “Changes in Chancellery Languages and Language Changes in General in the Middle East, with Particular Reference to Iran in the Arab and Mongol Periods” Archivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi, 7 (1987–1991), pp. 107–110;Google Scholar Tapper, , Frontier Nomads of Iran, pp. 75–76.Google Scholar

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78 See Kuzeev's, R. G. detailed study Proisxoždenie baškirskogo naroda (Moskva, 1974)Google Scholar as well as his Narody Srednego Povolž′ ja noted above.

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97 See the Tarikh-i Rashidi/Elias, Ross, P. 148.Google Scholar In his commentary p. 75, Ross remarks that in Mongol jete means “worthless person, ne'er-do-well, rascal,” but notes that he cannot find it in that meaning in the dictionaries. Barthold, (Islorija Kult′umoj žizni Turkestana, Sočinenija, II 1, p. 265)Google Scholar has it as a “Mongol term that corresponds to the Turkish qazaq and signifies a band of marauding outlaws who have broken with state, clan and tribe.” The လağatay-Persian dictionary, Sanglax (f. 205r) renders this term as “ğârat wa tâxt” (“plunder and spoils,” cited in Ando, Sh., Timuridische Emire nach dem Mu‘izz al-Ansâb, Berlin, 1992, pp. 52–53Google Scholar). I have not been able otherwise to find this word in Mongol or in Turkic. It is not related to the Osm. çete “a small, armed unit not part of the army,” which Eren, H. et al. (eds.), Türkçe Sözlük (Ankara, 1988), I, P. 296,Google Scholar derive from Bulgarian (cf. Bulg. četa, an Old Slavic term found also in Russ., cf. Fasmer, M. (Vasmer), Etimologičeskij slovar′ russkogo jazyka, trans. Trubačëv, O. N. (2nd ed. Moskva, 1986–1987), IV, p. 351):Google Scholar “otrjad, phalanx” SirRedhouse, James (A Turkish and English Laxicon, Constantinople, 1870, reprint Beirut, 1974, p. 714)Google Scholar thought it might be an Albanian term and knows it only in the expression çapul çeteye çikmak “to go on a marauding expedition,” çeteci, “a raider.”

98 Tarikh-i Rashidi/Elias, Ross, pp. 75, text pp. 305–310;Google Scholar Bartol′d, , Dvenadcat′ lekcij, Sočinenija, V, pp. 169–170;Google Scholar Mano, E., “Moghulistan” Acta Asiatica of the Insitute of Eastern Culture, III–IV (Tokyo, 1978), pp. 47–53;Google Scholar Piščulina, , Jugo-vostočnyj, pp, 15, 189.Google Scholar

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103 Clauson, , ED, p. 632;Google Scholar Redhouse, p. 652.

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109 Cf. Hathaway, J., The Politics of Households in Ottoman Egypt (Cambridge, 1997).Google Scholar

110 Németh, Gy., “Wanderungen des mongolischen Wortes Nökür ‘Genosse’” Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 3 (1952), pp. 1–23.Google Scholar Krader, , ℌFeudalism and the Tatar Policy” Comparative Studies in History and Society, I/1 (10, 1958), p. 87,Google Scholar sees this institution as a “parallel development among people facing similar problems of military and political organization in a period of state formation” rather than the result of diffusion by borrowing.

111 Lessing, et al. , Mongolian-English Dictionary, p. 593.Google Scholar

112 Jones, A. H. M., The Later Roman Empire 284–602 (Oxford, 1964, reprint: Baltimore, 1986), I, pp. 49–50;Google Scholar Hornblower, S., Spawforth, A. (eds.), The Oxford Classical Dictionary (3rd ed., Oxford, 1996), pp. 371–372;Google Scholar Wolfram, H., History of the Goths, trans. Dunlap, T. J. (Berkeley, 1988), p. 101;Google Scholar Bloch, M., Feudal Society, trans. Manyon, L. A. (Chicago, 1961), I, pp. 154, 182;Google Scholar Trubačëv, O. N. (ed.), Étimologičeskij slovar′ slavjanskix jazykov, vyp.5 (Moskva, 1978), pp. 134–135.Google Scholar

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118 Clauson, , ED, p. 387.Google Scholar Whether it is the precise equivalent of the comitatus among the A-shih-na Türks which, according to the Chinese sources was called Böri (“wolf”) is unclear. But, apparently, it denoted some grouping of officers/retainers close to the ruler, who had executive functions. On the “wolf guard” of the Türks, see Mau-Tsai, Liu, Die chinesischen Nachrichten zur Geschichte der Ost-Türken (T'u-küe) (Wiesbaden, 1958), I, pp. 8–9;Google Scholar see also Golden, P. B., “Wolves, Dogs and Qipčaq Religion” in Festschrift for Edmund Schütz, Acta Orientalia Hungarica, L/1 (1997), pp. 87–97.Google Scholar

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