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The Last Days of the Song Dynasty: Evidence of the Flight of Song Officials to Southeast Asia before the Mongol Invasions

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 August 2017

ADAM T. KESSLER
ADAM T. KESSLER*
Affiliation:
Independent Scholar atkessler@yahoo.com
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Abstract

In the first part of the 13th century ce, Khubilai Khan's armies began their invasion of the Southern Song dynasty (1127-1279). When they reached the Song capital Lin'anfu at Hangzhou City, Zhejiang province, at the beginning of 1276, the Song officials decided to flee south with the two Song child heirs to the throne. This article examines ancient records of the flight of the Song court with particular emphasis on the history of its famous Prime Minister Chen Yizhong. Archaeological evidence is further evaluated as it relates to Chen's exploits within China and in Southeast Asia.

Type
Research Article
Information
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society , Volume 28 , Issue 2 , April 2018 , pp. 315 - 337
Copyright
Copyright © The Royal Asiatic Society 2017 

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References

1 Xingnong, Shen, Chaoqiao suoyuanji (River's Edge, New Jersey [Global Publishing Company], 1993), p. 1Google Scholar. Deng, Gang, Chinese Maritime Activities and Socioeconomic Development, c. 2000 BC-1900 AD (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1997), p. 16Google Scholar (the section entitled “Privately Organized Emigration”).

2 Tuo, (Yuan) Tuo, et al., Songshi (Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1977)Google Scholar, Vol. 36, Juan 418, the “Chen Yizhong liezhuan” chapter, p. 12529 (hereafter: SS).

3 Ibid., p. 12532. (Song) Zhou Mi, Guixin zashi — bieji, Juan shang, the “Chen Yizhong fu” chapter in Guixin zashi waibazhong (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1991), p. [1040-]124 says that Chen Yizhong's “predecessors were historiographers.” (Guixin zashi hereafter: GXZS).

4 Op. cit., pp. 12529–12530. All English renderings of official positions held by Chen Yizhong are according to Hucker, Charles O., A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1985), pp. 127Google Scholar (#483 [3]), 145–146 (#795), 245 (#2590, [2]), 306–307 (#3631 [1]), 411 (#5042, [3]), 495 (#6445). Hucker's dictionary is online at: http://projects.iq.harvard.edu/files/cbdb/files/hucker_official_titles_ocr_searchable_all_pages.pdf.

5 Op. cit., pp. 12530–12531. Ibid., Vol. 36, Juan 418, the “Wen Tianxiang liezhuan” chapter p. 12535 corroborates Chen's biography: “In the 8th month of 1275 Prime Minister Chen Yizhong still had not returned to court. In the 10th month he arrived.”

6 (Ming) Song Lian, et al., Yuanshi (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1976), Vol. 10, Juan 127, the “Boyan liezhuan,” pp. 3108–3109. (Yuanshi hereafter: YS).

7 SS, p. 12532. See also ibid., Vol. 25, Juan 243, the “Houfei — xia” chapter, the biography of Xie Daoqing, p. 8660. Concerning “Gaotingshan,” cf. ibid., Vol. 3, p. 947, n. 8. Wen Tianxiang's Jinianlu, p. 5b. I am reading the folio version on the Hathi Trust Digital Library website, cf. https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015059649684;view=1up;seq=30. (Jinianlu hereafter: JNL). GXZS — Xuji, Juan shang, the “Erwang ru Min dalue” chapter, p. [1040-]64. For the location of “Yupuzhen,” cf. Qixiang, Tan (ed.), Zhongguo lishi dituji (Shanghai: Zhonghua dituxue she, 1975)Google Scholar, Vol. 6, p. 58, (3)/6. (Zhongguo lishi dituji hereafter: ZGLSDTJ). YS, Vol. 1, Juan 9, the “Shizu benji — 6” chapter, p. 177. Ibid., p. 3109 adds that after crossing the Zhejiang the Song officials proceeded to “sail south by sea.” The Southern Song Lin'anfu capital's “Jiahuimen” southern gate was located north of today's Hangzhou City Nanxingqiao (Nanxing Bridge), cf. https://zhidao.baidu.com/question/54601496.html, dated 2016-12-01, Section 1, Sub-section (2).

8 SS, p. 12532.

9 (Song) Wen Tianxiang, Jidushi, “Jingyan yongli — #28” in Tianxiang, (Song) Wen, Wen Wenshan quanji (Taipei: Heluo tushu chubanshe, 1975), Juan 16, p. 403Google Scholar. (Jidushi hereafter: JDS). (Yuan) Songji sanchao zhengyao jianzheng (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2010), p. 453, n. 4, cites the Wuyue beishi. (Songji sanchao zhengyao jianzheng hereafter: SJSCZYJZ). SS, Vol. 3, Juan 47, the “Leiguogong — erwangfu” chapter, p. 939 says people were dispatched to summon Chen Yizhong from “Qing'ao.” Pan Mengbu, “Ta shi Wenzhou lishishang diyiwei zaixiang youshi you zhengyi de lishi renwu — Chen Yizhong de Wenzhou zongji” online at: http://blog.sina.com.cn/s/blog_afe8e7660102vmun.html, dated 2015-05-27, the section entitled “Dungui Qing'ao, Qingshan shanqing.”

10 Op. cit., p. 940. JDS, Juan 16, p. 403 also says Emperor Shi ascended the throne on the 1st day of the fifth month. SJSCZYJZ, p. 455, n. 1 cites the (Song) Zhaozhonglu that simply says that Emperor Shi ascended the throne during the fifth month. SS, Vol. 38, Juan 451, the “Zhang Shjie liezhuan,” p. 13273 also only says Chen Yizhong and others put Emperor Shi on the throne during the fifth month. For Fuzhou as Fuzhou City, cf. ZGLSDTJ, Vol. 6, p. 68, (2)/5.

11 The “Zhengfa ping Song” chapter of Tianjue, (Yuan) Su, Yuan wenlei, (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1993)Google Scholar, Juan 41, p. [1367-]516. JDS, Juan 16, p. 406, “Chen Yizhong — #40.” (Yuan) Huang Jin, “Lujun shichuan houxu” in Jinhua Huang xiansheng wenji, Juan 3. I read the online folio edition at: http://ctext.org/library.pl?if=gb&file=84384&page=81, p. 81. (“Lujun shichuan houxu” hereafter: LJSCHX). For the distance between Xiushan and Xiangshan, cf. ZGLSDTJ, Vol. 6, p. 67, (5)/10. Zongyi, Rao, Jiulong yu Songji shiliao (Hong Kong: Wanyou tushu gongsi, 1959), p. 33Google Scholar.

12 SS, pp. 943–944; Vol. 38, Juan 451, the “Lu Xiufu liezhuan” chapter, p. 13276. LJSCHX, p. 82, (Yuan) Huang Jin's annotation also says that Zhao Shi became ill from shock after the battle at Jing'ao. Chen Daochun, “Guanyu Chen Yizhong jige wenti de tantao” online at: http://www.daluom.com/read.php?tid-44041.html, dated 2012-09-20 (2012a), Section VIII entitled “Chen Yizhong weishenma zou Zhancheng.” Youwen, Jian, “Gangzhou wenti zhi zai yanjiu” in Youwen, Jian (ed.), Song huangtai jinianji (Hong Kong: Xianggang zhaozu zongqin zonghui, 1960), p. 192Google Scholar. (Song huangtai jinianji hereafter: SHTJNJ). Chen Nanhai, “Jing'ao haizhan: Chen Yizhong de yingxiong biaoqian.” I read Chen's article in the online journal Longwan shizhi, under the sub-division entitled “Baijia luntan,” No. 36, dated 2013-10-31, p. 1. (Longwan shizhi hereafter: LWSZ). Luo Xianglin, et al., 1842 Nian yiqian zhi Xianggang jiqi duiwai jiaotong — Xianggang qiandaishi (Hong Kong: Zhongguo xueshe, 1950), p. 91 (n. 26). ZGLSDTJ, Vol. 6, p. 67, (8)/7-8 shows Qizhouyang Island approximately 60 km northeast of Wenchang.

13 SS, pp. 943, 12532. (Song) Chen Zhongwei (1212-1283), the “Guangwang benmo” chapter in SJSCZYJZ, Juan 6, pp. 483–484 (n. 2). Chen Liqun, “Songmo Chen Yizhong xingji kaobian,” Mintai wenhua jiaoliu, 2011.1 (Jikan), No. 25, p. 34. Chen's article is online at: http://max.book118.com/html/2014/0331/7131891.shtm. Chen Nanhai (2013), p. 2.

14 JDS, Juan 16, p. 404, “Jingyan bintian — #31”; p. 406, “Chen Yizhong — #40.” For Gangzhou established at the beginning of the Northern Song, cf. Rao Zongyi, “Gangzhou fei Dayushan bian” in SHTJNJ, p. 175 that cites the (Song) Taiping huanyuji. GXZS — Xuji, p. [1040-]64. LJSCHX, p. 81. ZGLSDTJ, Vol. 6, p. 66, (6)-(7)/6-7; Vol. 7 (1982), p. 33, (7)/5.

15 Rao Zongyi in SHTJNJ, pp. 178–179. For Chen's poem, cf. ibid., p. 214. Concerning the “Jipu Pavilion” mentioned in the poem, it was first constructed during the between 1242–1252, cf. “Wuyang Jiputing” online at: http://baike.baidu.com/item/%E5%90%B4%E9%98%B3%E6%9E%81%E6%B5%A6%E4%BA%AD. As a contemporary Chen Yizhong would have known of it. SS, p. 944.

16 LJSCHX, pp. 81–82. That the funeral occurred in the 5th month is consistent with the fact that the new Emperor Bing's Xiangxing reign-year was also inaugurated in the fifth month of 1278, cf. (i) SS, p. 944; (ii) SHTJNJ, pp. 124, 196. JDS, Juan 16, p. 404, “Xiangxing dengji — #32.” Op. cit. (SS, p. 944). Sun Jian, “Jiaguo linianxia de zhengzhi chuantong yu zhengju bianqian — Tang Song shiqi yi Shanlingshi wei hexin de zhengzhi wenhua kaocha,” Xueshu yanjiu 1:2013, pp. 104, 108. Chen Nanhai, “Wenzhou xuezhe youguan Songmo Chen Yizhong yanjiu de guandian huizong” online at: http://blog.sina.com.cn/s/blog_d17cb7390102vppj.html, dated 2015-05-21, Section III, Sub-section (2).

17 Rao Zongyi (1959), p. 8. Shi Chenlai, “Yetan Jin Luxiang ‘Guang jizi cao’ yu Chen Yizhong” in LWSZ, under the sub-division entitled “Shihai gouchen,” No. 37, dated 2014-01-02, p. 1.

18 GXZS — Xuji, p. [1040-]64. Rao Zongyi in SHTJNJ, p. 202. For the complete text of the “Jingyan Emperor's Last Testament (Jingyan huangdi yizhao),” cf. Luo Xianglin, et al., p. 97 (n. 31). SS, p. 13276.

19 Ibid., the “Zhang Shijie liezhuan” chapter, p. 13273; the “Lu Xiufu liezhuan” chapter, pp. 13275–13276. JDS, Juan 16, p. 412, “Zhi Fuan dengji — #62.” LJSCHX, p. 80, (Yuan) Huang Jin's annotation explains that when Emperor Shi was put on the throne at Fuzhou in the fifth month of 1276, Fuzhou was renamed “Fuan Fu” (i.e., the Fuan of op. cit. JDS). Chen Daochun “Xunmi Chen Yizhong kang Yuan de lishi yiji” online at: http://www.daluom.com/read.php?tid-44042.html, dated 2012-09-20 (2012b), third to the last paragraph.

20 Gao Qi, “Songmo Chen Yizhong qianyin taicangkao” online at: http://www.360doc.com/content/15/0922/14/2062149_500700263.shtml, dated 2015-09-22, third paragraph of Section IV entitled “Gangzhou xiangxing gaiyuan zhenxiang tuice: Song Duanzong weizai Gangzhou bingshi.”

21 Ibid. Chan, Hok-lam, “Chinese Refugees in Annam and Champa at the End of the Song Dynasty,” Journal of South Asian History, Vol. 7, No. 2 (Sept., 1966), p. 9Google Scholar (and n. 32).

22 Ibid., pp. 4–6. Spinks, C. Nelson, “A Reassessment of the Annamese Wares,” Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 64, Pt. 1 (Jan., 1976), p. 51Google Scholar. SS, p. 12530. For Chen Zhongwei, cf. ibid., Vol. 36, Juan 422, the “Chen Zhongwei liezhuan” chapter, pp. 12618–12620. For Chen Zhongwei and Zeng Yuanzi, cf. (14TH c.) Lê Tắc (Li Ze), An Nam chí lược [Annan zhilue] (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2000), pp. 267–268. Regarding Zeng Yuanzi, also cf.: (i) JDS, Juan 16, pp. 406–407, “Zeng Yuanzi — #44”; (ii) Tang Baohai, “Yuan, Yue jiashen zhi zhanzhong de Hanren wuzhuang,” online at: http://www.npopss-cn.gov.cn/n/2013/0422/c362350-21230308.html, dated 2013-04-22, Section I, third paragraph.

23 C. Nelson Spinks, p. 51. Tang Baohai, Section I-III. For Söghetei death in the fifth month of 1285, cf.: (i) YS, Vol. 2, Juan 13, the “Shizu benji — 10” chapter, p. 277; (ii) ibid., Vol. 10, Juan 129, the “Suodu liezhuan,” p. 3153; (iii) Tang Baohai, the third paragraph of Section III cites the Annan shilue which records Söghetei's death occurred on the 5th day of the fifth month; (iv) Guo Zhenze and Zhang Xiaomei (eds.), Yuenan tongshi (Beijing: Zhongguo Renmin Daxue chubanshe, 2001), p. 342, Section III.

24 Hok-lam Chan, pp. 6–7. SS, p. 12532. YS, Vol. 1, Juan 11, the “Shizu benji — 8” chapter, p. 232 says Söghetei had initially attacked Annam in 7th month of 1281. Ibid., p. 3152 relates: “In 1282 Söghetei set out from Guangzhou with a thousand battleships to invade Annam. Annam met the invasion with 200,000 troops. Söghetei led his commando units in the attack and 50,000 Annamese were killed or drowned. Another 60,000 were killed when they were defeated at Dalanghu [i.e., Da Nang or Da Nang Bay]. Annam then surrendered.” For “Dalanghu” as modern-day Da Nang, cf. http://www.cnki.com.cn/Article/CJFDTotal-GJHH201502010.htm, dated 2015-02. Op. cit., p. 268. Tang Baohai, first paragraph: “In the 1st month of 1285, Söghetei's forces attacked southern Vietnam by sea.”

25 Hok-lam Chan, pp. 4–5 Ibid., p. 5, n. 16 adds: “The poem is included in his collective work of poetry, Tran ton thi top (Chen Shengzong shiji). For a bibliographical note, see Gaspardone, Emile, ‘Bibliographie Annamite,’ BEFEO XXXIV (1934), p. 87Google Scholar.” Rugua (Rukuo), (Song) Zhao, Zhufanzhi in Yunwu, Wang (ed.), Congshu jicheng (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1936)Google Scholar, Vol. 3272, Juan Shang, p. 2. (Congshu jicheng: hereafter CSJC). Hirth, Friederich and Rockhill, W.W. (Translators and Annotators), Chau Ju-Kua: His Work on the Chinese and Arab Trade in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries, Entitled Chu-fan-chi (St. Petersburg: Printing Office of the Imperial Academy of Sciences, 1911), p. 49Google Scholar lists Bintonglong as one of Annam's dependencies. Ibid., p. 51 (Section 3.) lists Bintonglong as “Panrang (Coast of Cochinchina).” Ibid., n. 1 explains: “The identification of Bintonglong with the Parang coast of Cochinchina, the Sanskrit Panduranga, first pointed out by Hirth, Aus der Ethnographie des Tschau Ju-kua, has been accepted by all subsequent writers. See H. Finot, BEFEO, III, pp. 630–648. The name appears in the earliest Cham inscriptions under Parang and Panran. All the Chinese forms of the name — point to an original form Pandaran and this conclusion is supported by local chronicles.” For Chen Yizhong's arrest warrant, cf. YS, p. 276.

26 SS, p. 12532. C. Nelson Spinks, p. 51. The complete Yongjia Chenshi debei inscription is quoted in Wang Ting's article “Fenguan yiyin — Yuan dasitu Chen Ping de jiashi yu shiji,” online at: http://www.eurasianhistory.com/data/articles/a02/2036.html, dated 2009-12-29, third paragraph of Section I. Its final page, n. 6 says it is copied from Zhongguo fangzhi congshu (Taipei: Xinwenfeng chuban youxian gongsi), pp. 2431–2432. Chen Nanhai (2015), end of Section I. Chen Daochun (2012b), second to the last paragraph. Pan Mengbu, the second paragraph of the section entitled “Hupao shibian, Shidebei can.” Ting, Wang, Xiyu Nanhai shidi kaolun (Shanghai: Shijie chuban jituan, 2008), p. 165Google Scholar.

27 Xiaoping, Li, “Nan Song huangjin huobi de guibao — Jinyezi,” Dongfang shoucang 1:2011, pp. 93–94Google Scholar. Xiaoping, Li, Jinyin liuxia (Hangzhou: Zhejiang Hangzhou daxue, 2004). p. 43Google Scholar. Hao, Chen, “Hangzhou xinchu Nan Song jinpai, yinting kaoshu — jiantan Nan Song shiqi huangjin de huobihua chengdu,” Zhongguo huobi 1:2000, p. 25Google Scholar.

28 Ibid., p. 27, Section II. Op. cit., p. 45. Li Xiaoping (2011), p. 94. Of import, gold was regularly used for military expenses during the Southern Song dynasty, cf.: (i) Chen Hao, p. 28; (ii) Li Xiaoping (2004), p. 45.

29 Yu, Wang, “Hangzhou faxian Nan Song huobi — Jinyezi,” Zhongguo qianbi 1:2002, pp. 44–46Google Scholar. The Golf Leaf uncovered at Hangzhou City in 1999 has a broken l. 13cm, w. 10cm; the one found in 2000 is the type folded four times: l. 13.5cm, w. 10cm, weight 38g. For color photographs of the Hangzhou City Gold Leaves, cf. Fig. 1–2, the first frontispiece. Xingwu, Chen, “Zhejiang Huzhou Santianmen Songmu,” Dongnan wenhua 9:2000, pp. 41–44Google Scholar. Yanzhi, Tu, “Nan Song Jinyezi kaoshu — jianlun Nan Song huangjin de huobixing,” Qianbi bolan 1:2002, p. 18Google Scholar, Section II, Sub-section (2). Tu's article appears online at: http://www.doc88.com/p-9962675105542.html. (Song) Wu Zimu, Menglianglu, Juan 20, the “Jiaqu” chapter in CSJC, Vol. 3221, p. 186. Chen Xingwu (as above), pp. 41–42 (Fig. 1, Item #1) calls the Huzhou Santianmen tomb's “Peizhui” ornament a “Xiapeizhui.” The original term “Xiapei” of “Xiapeizhui” dates from the Tang dynasty and refers to a silk embroidered scarf that was attached to a woman's neck and shoulder that wrapped around her body. During the Song dynasty, while it was still attached to a woman's neck and shoulder, it was refitted to hang on her chest so as to display a gold, silver, or jade ornament attached to its end. It was then simply called a “Peizhui,” cf. “Jinyingqi — Peizhui” online at: http://www.mugwum.com/shoucangwenhua/2905.html, second paragraph.

30 Xianjun, Wu, “Wenzhoushi Renminlu chutu Nan Song Jinyezi huobi,” Zhongguo qianbi 3:2008, pp. 37–38Google Scholar. For color photographs of the Wenzhou Hoard Gold Leaves, cf. Fig. 1–5, the second frontispiece. For the location of Wenzhou's ancient Yongningmen southern city gate, cf. Chenhui, Bao, Wenzhou gujiu dituji (Shanghai: Shanghai Shiji chuban gufen youxian gongsi Shanghai shudian, 2014), p. 65Google Scholar (Fig. 3–4: “Yongjia jingtu”). For a color photograph and description of the Wenzhou City Hoard's phoenix-shaped gold hairpin, cf. “Nan Song jin fenghuang shijian” online at: http://baike.baidu.com/item/南宋金凤凰饰件.

31 SS, p. 12531. JNL, p. 7b. Song Emperor Ningzong’s Gongsheng Renlie Queen (1162-1232) was of the Yang surname. There was also Duzong’s Yang queen (?-1279). She was the mother of Emperor Shi and the older sister of Yang Liangjie (?-1279). For both women, cf. SS, pp. 8656–8658, 8662. For further reference, cf. SHTJNJ, pp. 125, 174 (“Buyi”).

32 Op. cit., p. 12532. Chen Liqun, p. 33, Section III entitled “Cangmu yu Dongshandao Damaoshan.” Pan Mengbu, the section entitled “Chusheng zhidi, Xiangru zhifang.” Bao Chenhui, p. 71 (Fig. 3–8: “Xinding chengchi fangxiangtu”) shows Ruianmen east of Yongningmen with Xunshan (Mountain) directly southeast of Ruianmen. Chen Xingwu, pp. 41–42 (Fig. 1, Item #2) describes the noblewoman's gold hairpin retrieved from Santianmen tomb at Huzhou as “simple, elegant, and regal.”

33 Sukkham, Atthasit, “Gold Leaves and Ornaments: Mysterious Chinese Gold in Khao Chai Son, Phatthalung, Southern Thailand,” Southeast Asian Ceramics Newsletter, Vol. VIII, No. 2 (October, 2014-January, 2015), pp. 5–6Google Scholar. Ibid., p. 5’s Fig. 1 shows five of the Gold Leaves recovered from the hoard and is captioned: “Various types of Southern Song monetary gold leaves, Khao Chai Son, National Museum, Bankok”; Fig. 2: “Twin sheets of monetary gold leaves, Khao Chai Son, National Museum, Bankok”; Fig. 3: “Folding monetary gold leaves, Khao Chai Son, National Museum, Bankok.” Sukkham's article is online at: http://museum.bu.ac.th/Newsletter/SEACM_V8_no2.pdf. For the provenance of the Khao Chai Son Hoard near an old canal, personal communication from Atthasit Sukkham, 8-26-2015. For the hoard's ”flattened gold bars” numbering 5, cf. ibid., p. 5’s Fig. 5. For Song gold ingots weighing approximately 40g, cf. Chen Hao, pp. 25 (the table called “Jinting gaikuangbiao”), 27. For the largest gold piece from the Khao Chai Son Hoard illustrated in my Fig. 5 weighing approximately 1kg, cf. the photograph of the piece on a scale at the beginning of Noel Tan, “Gold Found in Phatthalung, Sparkling Gold Rush,” in the Southeast Asian Archaeology Newsblog (SEAArch) online at: http://www.southeastasianarchaeology.com/2014/06/03/gold-found-in-phatthalung-sparking-gold-rush/, dated June 3, 2014. The caption to the photograph reads: “Gold Found in Phatthalung Province. Source: Bankok Post 20140529.” For the Khao Chai Son Hoard “possibly carried there by Chinese merchants,” cf. Atthasit Sukkham, p. 6.

For the ban on using gold or silver for maritime trade implemented in the ninth month of 1182, cf. SS, Vol. 3, Juan 35, the “Xiaozong benji — xia” chapter, p. 678. By the twelfth century, the flood of gold and silver to Southeast Asia and beyond was an increasing problem for the Southern Song. Rockhill, W. W., “Notes on the Relations and Trade of China with the Eastern Archipelago and the Coast of the Indian Ocean during the Fourteenth Century, Part I,” T'oung Pao, Second Series, Vol. 15, No. 3 (1914), pp. 420–421CrossRefGoogle Scholar: “It was found by the middle of the twelfth century that an illicit trade had developed to a dangerous extent, and that the Chinese engaged in the smuggling were paying nearly exclusively for the goods brought from abroad in gold, silver, iron and especially in copper cash, and the drain was such as to cause the government very serious concern.” Rockhill's article is online at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/4526419?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents.

34 Op. cit., Vol. 36, Juan 418, the “Wen Tianxiang liezhuan,” pp. 12537–12538; the “Lu Xiufu liezhuan,” p. 13276. C. Nelson Spinks, pp. 50–51. The Nanhai #1 shipwreck that yielded gold dates to approximately 1160, cf. Mei Saoyue, “Pinglun 2011 nian ‘Nanhai yihao’ de kaogu shijue” online at: https://book.douban.com/review/6637717/, dated 2014-04-18, second paragraph. The ship predates the 1182 ban. One hundred and seven gold items were retrieved from the find. For the number of gold pieces retrieved and photographs of the excavation of the ship, cf. “Songdai gu chenchuan ‘Nanhai Yihao’ jinru neibu fajue wenwu tiqu jieduan” online at: http://www.kaogu.net.cn/cn/gonggongkaogu/2014/1205/48484.html, dated 2014-12-05. The third photograph (illustrated in my Figure 6, below) is captioned: “An Open-ended Gilded Bronze Dragon Design Bracelet Recovered Early During the Discovery of the Nanhai #1 Find.”

35 This section of the essay is based upon notes kindly provided to me by Professor Janice Stargardt, (Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge), May 24th, 2016.

36 Janice Stargardt's notes. Quanzhouwan Songdai haichuan fuyuan xiaozu — Fujian Quanzhou zaochuanchang, “Quanzhouwan Songdai haichuan fuyuan chutan,” Wenwu 10:1975, p. 28. Green, Jeremy, “The Song Dynasty Shipwreck at Quanzhou, Fujian Province, People's Republic of China,” The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology and Underwater Exploration (1983), 12.3, p. 253CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Stargardt, Janice, “Behind the Shadows: Archaeological Data on Two-way Sea-trade between Quanzhou and Satingpra, South Thailand, 10th-14th Century” in Schottenhammer, Angela (ed.), The Emporium of the World: Maritime Quanzhou, 1000–1400 (Leiden, 2001), pp. 338, 372Google Scholar (n. 53 cites op. cit. Green).

37 Janice Stargardt's notes. Op. cit., p. 338. Ibid., p. 377 adds: “Satingpra’s specialized entrepôt role is amply documented by the efforts it made to keep the trans-isthmian waterways open.” The trans-isthmian canal from Khao Chai Son was surveyed by Stargardt in the 1980’s, cf. her Satingpra I: The Environmental and Economic Archaeology of South Thailand, in Studies of S. E. Asian Archaeology 1, ISEAS, BAR International Series 158 (Oxford: BAR, 1983), Fig. 10–11. I reproduce her Fig. 11 as my Fig. 7. It shows the trans-isthmus canal from Khao Chai Son, its fault line and its natural passageways across the watershed.

38 Tang Baohai, the first paragraph of his essay. Guo Zhenze and Zhang Xiaomei (eds.), pp. 342–348, Section IV details the Mongols’ invasion of Annam in 1287. It is thus improbable that Chen could have returned to Annam from Thailand at that time.

39 Shen Xingnong, p. 1.

40 Chen Liqun, p. 36. Chen Nanhai (2015), Section V, Sub-section (5). Tian Zhaolai, “Shijie Chen Yizhong hun gui hechu zhimi” in LWSZ, under the sub-division entitled “Xuanyi tanmi,” No. 1, dated 2011-05-09, p. 3. Shi Chenlai, p. 2.

41 See my Song Blue and White Porcelain on the Silk Road (Leiden, 2012), pp. 249–251, 452–453 (n. 533).