Excavations at the small-scale domestic settlement of Gramalote between 2010 and 2014 allowed the exploration of the social dynamics and economic interactions in the second millennium BC on the Peruvian North Coast. Detailed excavations and materials recovered during the intervention contribute a unique opportunity to explore domestic aspects of early settlements in the Andes. This study presents new data on the public sectors of Gramalote's settlement, house-to-house differences, and evidence that the extended family was a unit of economic productivity and collective action. This analysis assesses the degree of overlap, and lack thereof, in the economic activities of each house during the Initial Period (1500–1200 cal BC). A new model for social and economic interactions is proposed, with the aim of exploring alternative models from the bottom-up perspective for the emergence and consolidation of social complexity in the Central Andean Region.

An excellent illustration of the strong intertwinement of the art, image, text, and ritual characteristics of the ancient Americas is the codex-style pottery of the Mixteca-Puebla style. These ceramics, together with painted books and murals, were manifestations of an artistic style and iconography known as the Mixteca-Puebla style, which developed in central and south Mexico during the late Postclassic period (A.D. 1250–1521). Scholars have long recognized the motifs depicted on these vessels as part of the iconographic corpus of the Borgia group and Mixtec codices, and they have proposed that these vessels had ceremonial uses. A recent study of a large sample of these artifacts from the Puebla-Tlaxcala Valley, central Veracruz, the Mixtec region, the Valley of Oaxaca, and the Basin of Mexico confirms both suggestions, showing that the vessels' painted images were more than mere decoration; they conformed to a pictography that referred to essential notions of Mesoamerican rituality. It is proposed that the meaning of this pictography was related to the context in which the vessels were used. Most likely the painted signs conveyed meanings by using stylistic devices of Mesoamerican ceremonial language. Addressed here are the mechanisms of this pictography, the progress made in reading it, and insights into the vessels' use context.

Se estudia la diferenciación temporal y la divergencia genética entre los períodos Formativo (300 a.C–400 d.C), Tiwanaku (400 d.C–1000 d.C.) y Desarrollo Regional (1000 d.C–1470 d.C.) del grupo inhumado en el ayllu de Quitor de San Pedro de Atacama (Norte de Chile), con el fin de conocer si existen cambios biológicos asociados con los períodos o fases del desarrollo cultural de la región. La muestra está representada por 326 individuos provenientes de diferentes sitios o sectores del yacimiento. Para evaluar las diferencias fenotípicas entre períodos se emplearon 37 caracteres métricos del cráneo y un conjunto de procedimientos de análisis estadístico uni y multivariado. En el marco de la teoría genética de los caracteres cuantitativos se espera que el parentesco de cada período junto con la varianza fenotípica, fluctúen de acuerdo con el tamaño efectivo y el aporte migratorio desde regiones próximas y más o menos distantes. En efecto, el parentesco promedio estimado para este ayllu (FST) fue de .03, siendo mayor en mujeres que en hombres. En general, de acuerdo con este valor es posible inferir que los habitantes de Quitor vivieron en una condición de mayor aislamiento que los grupos agroalfareros asentados en el Valle de Azapa (FST = .013). Además en el período Medio (Tiwanaku) se produjo un incremento moderado de la varianza fenotípica producida probablemente por un exceso de flujo gènico proveniente de regiones próximas.

The development of Middle Preclassic (900–300 BC) ceremonial architecture is receiving more attention by archaeologists conducting research in the Maya Lowlands. Although a few examples have been partially excavated, there is still a dearth of information on how and why monumental constructions were originally built. This is largely because early structures often lie below several layers of sequential architecture, making them difficult to locate. Even when Middle Preclassic architecture is identified, exposure is often too limited to fully investigate its form and function. A well-preserved and accessible Middle Preclassic platform would be a rare find and could greatly enhance our knowledge and understanding of the subject. At Pacbitun, Cayo District, Belize, such a discovery has been made beneath the artificially raised surface of the main plaza. To make the most of this opportunity, five seasons of excavation worked to expose this massive building in its entirety. In this article, we provide details concerning the structural design of the platform and its abandonment, as well as present potential architectural comparisons. We conclude by reevaluating complexity at Pacbitun.

Some 3,500 years ago, the Sechín Alto Polity built large, precisely planned cities, one of which contained the largest structures in the New World at that time. Such accomplishments reflect strong, enduring leadership, and we propose that the power and leadership role of these leaders was tangibly manifested by a unique, widely used architectural element and by a related symbol within polity iconography. The distinctive architectural form is a free-standing module that is omnipresent in power loci: temple, palace, storehouse, mid-level administrative buildings, roadside structures, and a satellite site. We also interpret recurring symbols within Sechín Alto Polity iconography as more abstract representations of this architectural form in its capacity as a power symbol. The essence of this "architecture of power" transcended time as the modular form was imitated by a subsequent polity.

One of the benchmark ceramic chronologies for the Central Maya Lowlands—that of Becán, Campeche—was critically flawed in its inception. Its flaws resultedfrom a perceived need to parallel the established Uaxactún bellwether and a failure to recognize that the typological and modal content of the sequence of assemblages defined was not continuous but disjunctive in character. In fact, this sequence reflected a broken continuum of discrete segments separated by a major break representing an actual occupational and historical gap in the site history of Becán. This paper reexamines the premises of the original Becán sequence, reassesses its structure and chronology, and offers a new alternative for its replacement and future fieldtesting. Reassessments of individual types and groups and their relationships and established chronologies, joined with a fresh consideration of Bejuco-phase depositional circumstances and stratigraphies, suggest that the political failure of Becán and the consequent abandonment of the center may have occurred as early as A.D. 730-750. The resulting gap in the occupational and ceramic sequences of the site lasted into the early ninth century. The suggested changes have significant ramifications not only for the chronologies of the site and the surrounding Río Bec region, but also for their cultural, architectural, and political histories.

Past Maya communities were composed of a number of social, political, and economic components that were bound together in specific ways. Understanding how such components were organized at the scale of the entire community to form a single functioning entity is an important archaeological issue that is presently not well understood. To address this issue, large-scale research into community organization has been initiated at the Terminal Classic (A. D. 800-1000) Puuc center of Sayil. A program of broad-scale surface collections has systematically covered almost 1.5 km2 of the site's mapped urban area (3.5 km2). Preliminary results from the 1990 field season are providing data related to important components of the community such as social differentiation, economic and subsistence specialization, and the spatial structure of political and religious organization. This study is contributing toward the development of new methods for exploring large archaeological sites and can be employed ultimately to address broader issues concerning societal transformations among the Prehispanic Maya.

Con el propósito de conocer la variabilidad en la producción de alfarería en el centro-este de Argentina, se estudiaron conjuntos procedentes de 14 sitios arqueológicos ubicados temporalmente en el Holoceno tardío (ca. 3000–250 años aP). Se registraron prácticas de elaboración compartidas a escala macrorregional, relacionadas con la preparación de las pastas cerámicas (agregado de tiesto molido) y la decoración (aplicación de variantes del inciso para plasmar elementos de diseño similares). El tiesto molido no siempre es observable a simple vista en las vasijas, por lo que su contexto de transmisión entre comunidades involucraría la presencia de los ceramistas durante el proceso de manufactura. Por su parte, las representaciones decorativas poseen gran visibilidad y pueden ser copiadas o tomadas prestadas entre comunidades en situaciones de contacto más superficiales y ocasionales, sin que esto implique necesariamente el movimiento de alfareros. En el marco de amplias redes de interacción social circularon modos de decorar, ceramistas con sus modos de preparar las pastas y, excepcionalmente, vasijas. En este escenario, ciertos elementos de diseño reconocidos en la alfarería de la macrorregión abordada habrían funcionado como diacríticos de interacción social, es decir, como un medio para reforzar relaciones de intercambio entre diferentes grupos.

Latin American archaeology has been influenced by the world theoretical context, from which it has developed original approaches. Currently, a culture-history conceptual foundation still predominates in the region, with some modern variants that have emphasized environmental aspects and approached specific problems. Processual archaeology, especially the North American varieties, remains minor in the region despite many Latin American archaeologists’ belief that their work falls within this camp. Post-processual trends are even less well represented, although a growing number of researchers focus in an eclectic fashion on subject matter that corresponds to the post-processual agenda (e.g., identity, multivocality, etc.). Researchers in certain areas within the region are producing original research linked to political economy and its relation to ideology, and others are focusing on symbolic and cognitive aspects (in some cases within a structuralist framework). In Latin America several interesting methodological developments are emerging, among which ethnoarchaeology and vertebrate taphonomy stand out. In recent years historical archaeology has been one of the disciplines that has grown the most and achieved the greatest popularity. Despite the still-limited nature of Latin American archaeology’s contributions in the field of theory and methodology, there is nonetheless sustained growth in this direction, fundamentally in the generation of models for the interpretation of regional processes. However, these contributions are not visible at the level of international debate and are generally ignored by archaeologists from the central countries. The multiple causes of this phenomenon are analyzed.

The marine subsistence economy of the prehistoric people of northern Chile was heavily reliant on fiber technology for the components of nets, lines, and tethers. Despite the significance and the remarkable preservation of fiber artifacts along the arid Atacama coastline, these components have received little direct attention. This case study of fiber artifacts from the Caleta Vitor archaeological complex is the first broad overview of techniques, material usage/preference, and fiber-processing conventions at a northern Chilean Archaic period site. The data presented in this paper indicate gradual change in material preferences over time, shifting from locally available vegetal fiber, which dominates the Archaic period, with small amounts of camelid fiber, to the predominance of camelid fiber in the Late Formative period. This change coincides with the appearance of more complex weaving techniques indicating participation in the previously established textile tradition proposed by Ulloa (2008) as stretching from the Azapa Valley to the Loa River.

Analysis of a large animal bone assemblage from the Formative archaeological site of Challuabamba in Ecuador’s southern highlands provides additional evidence for the existence of local and extra-local trade connections during the second millennium B.C. Previous archaeological research has established that Formative occupants of this highland region accessed various maritime and terrestrial routes for the long-distance exchange of exotic goods with different highland and lowland areas throughout the Andes. The Formative zooarchaeological record at Challuabamba clearly implicates the provisioning of select high yield body portions of deer and the importation of exotic taxa, or parts thereof most likely from lowland sources directly to the west. Taphonomic analyses and zooarchaeological identification of the Challuabamba assemblage offer additional corroborating evidence for the early operation of prehispanic trade systems in the Northern Andes.

Investigations of the Proyecto Arqueológico Tlajinga Teotihuacan (PATT) in 2019 focused on the southern neighborhood center of this cluster of non-elite residences in the southern periphery of the ancient Mexican metropolis. Our objective was to better understand the social infrastructure of public space within the district and how it tied its inhabitants together. Our methods included excavations at two large architectural complexes, geophysical prospection of these and adjacent structures and plazas, and chemical residue analysis of floors and sediments. They revealed architecturally elaborate complexes decorated with mural painting that appear to have been the loci of civic-ceremonial activities. Materials from the excavated portions of the complexes are inconsistent with residential uses, although it is possible that local elites lived elsewhere in the complexes or in others located nearby. The investigations therefore demonstrate that the semipublic spaces of neighborhood centers were distributed as distantly as this periphery of Teotihuacan and could be as elaborate as those in the urban epicenter, underscoring the city's more muted social inequality.

A multiyear field project focused on long-distance causeways between Uci and Cansahcab in Yucatan, Mexico, supports their use for processions and pilgrimages, their role in the creation of multisite polities, and their involvement in the constitution of local authority. Yet details of the causeways’ construction suggest that people contested this authority. Work was central to these dynamics and comes in the form of labor as practice, investments in the maintenance of relations with other-than-human beings, and the ways that causeways produced embodied experiences that were ideal for their use in pilgrimages.

This article explores religion, death, and mortuary practices in the Southern Moche (A.D. 1-800) periphery as viewed through the excavation of grave contexts at the site of Huambacho, Nepeña Valley, Peru. Moche influence reached Nepeña as is visible in the construction of religious buildings at the site of Pañamarca and the presence of Moche style ceramics at several sites. In 2003 and 2004, scientific excavations at Huambacho, an Early Horizon center mainly built and occupied during the first millennium B.C., yielded a series of intrusive graves containing Gallinazo, Virú, and Moche style objects. This contribution contextualizes these discoveries and focuses on the analysis of funerary patterns of burial, osteological evidence, and symbolic meanings with the objective of understanding local funerary practices and Moche religious and cultural expressions. Symbolic references to coast-highland interactions, inversions in body positioning, and possible human sacrifices bring insights into the complex and potentially tense sociohistorical cirmcumstances in Nepeña during the Moche phase.

A unique cotton Taíno reliquary—the only extant example currently known—provides an unprecedented window onto the complex mortuary and ritual ceremonies of the pre-Hispanic Caribbean. This study explores its cultural context as recorded by the early Spanish and French chroniclers and missionaries who were witness to the use and beliefs surrounding these objects in both the Greater and Lesser Antilles. It provides the first AMS radiocarbon date for the reliquary, placing it within a firmer historical context. It also examines the woven sculpture in some detail, providing a review of the manufacture process and a detailed study of the components—cotton, animal hair, lianas, gourd, resins and shell—that went into its creation. From the wrapping of important cemís (representations of spirits) in cotton, to the binding of the skeletal remains of venerated ancestors within elaborate weavings, cotton had an intrinsic value as a material that wrapped and bound the ancestors to the living and the living to each other.

Excavation of a small Maya ceremonial structure at the site of Piedras Negras, Guatemala, has revealed a Late Classic period (ca. A.D. 600–900) vaulted tomb containing the remains of a young member of the royal family whom we identify as “Night-time Turtle.” The artifact assemblage from the burial included a modest quantity of carved jade jewelry (38 pieces), an incised vessel dating to the early Yaxché (ca. A.D. 630–680) ceramic phase, and a ceremonial “bundle” of bloodletting implements. Although the sex of this adolescent was not determined during osteological examination, hieroglyphic evidence from a recovered stingray spine suggests that this was a prince, probably the son of Ruler 2 or 3. Placed at an entrance to the royal precinct atop its monumental staircase, his funerary structure was an integral part of the sacred landscape, accessed by visitors to the precinct or to the palace beyond. Following a description of the site, tomb, osteology, and artifacts, we discuss the nature of this landscape and the role in it played by this “guardian” of the Acropolis.

In their 1995 Latin American Antiquity article, Haviland and Haviland argued that the people who produced much of the graffiti of Tikal were depicting visions from altered states of consciousness. In this paper, I argue that there is room for alternative interpretations. Comparison with children"s drawings from across the world suggests that children or people without training in Maya representational conventions authored a portion of the graffiti. Though this portion may be small, the possibility that children were involved provides a rare opportunity to discuss the experience of childhood. I argue that the content of the graffiti and the inter-subjective context of its production reveal several processes of becoming. Among other things, the graffiti permit an account of how children learn: legitimate participation in a community of people with varied levels of experience. This relational understanding of graffiti production also provides grounds for considering innovation and transformation in the medium of expression. Finally, I argue that the act of representation gives young people a form of mastery over the themes they portray. This helps them to accommodate confusing or difficult relations in their lives and to harmonize with their world in such a way that makes them culturally intelligible subjects.

The site of Inkawasi (or Incahuasi) is located in the Cahete Valley, on the south coast of Peru. It was a major garrison and storage facility for the Inka expansion onto the south coast, built for housing and provisioning troops in the Inka assault on the Huarco peoples. Archaeological excavations of the storage facility have exposed what is to date a collection of 34 khipus (or quipus), the Inka knotted-string recording devices. We first explain why we consider the collection to constitute an “archive” and what the implications of that classification are for considering the significance of such a large collection of accounting devices associated with state storage. Several of the khipus were found associated with, or covered by, aji (Capsicum sp.), peanuts (Arachis hypogaea), and black beans (Phaseolus vulgaris). We suggest that these may be the products that the khipus recorded. Several khipus were tied together, and two sets of tied, paired samples are shown to contain very similar quantitative records. Close study of the paired samples, as well as the numerical values knotted into several other khipus, reveal different strategies that were being used by the khipu-keepers to maintain “checks-and-balances” accounting. Evidence was also found of possible standardized accounting units for agricultural produce brought to Inkawasi. These took the form of a grid-like array of squares produced by impressing ropes into the floors of two rectangular sorting spaces in the storage complex. The grid-work of squares may have served in the process of spreading out the produce on the floor and collecting and accounting for these products in standardized units. We conclude with reflections on how the processes, procedures, and routines of accounting observed at Inkawasi provide information for approaching the writing of an autochthonous history of the Inka state based on the study of accounting practices.

In this paper, I use data gathered from recent excavations conducted in the San Lorenzo region to explore the nature of Olmec site structure. Most studies dealing with this topic have focused on ceremonial precincts at large regional centers. Recent archaeological investigations conducted at the low lying Early Formative period (1500–900 B.C., radiocarbon years) site of El Remolino provide a unique opportunity to study how the Olmec organized domestic space outside primary centers. Although no easily identifiable structural remains were found at El Remolino, refuse disposal patterns are used to infer architectural arrangement and also provide clues on site layout. In order to investigate variations in household spatial structure in the San Lorenzo region, the Remolino data are compared with results from household archaeological studies conducted in an elite precinct (the Group D area) at the regional center of San Lorenzo. Findings indicate that household spatial layout at El Remolino ascribed to a residentially dispersed house-lot type of spatial patterning, whereas spatial structure in the Group D area of San Lorenzo adheres closer to the more nucleated house compound type of spatial patterning.

The city of Teotihuacan (AD 1–550) was a major multiethnic urban center that attracted migrants from as far away as west Mexico and the Maya region. Past research in the Tlajinga district at Teotihuacan using oxygen isotopes from human remains estimated that nearly 30% of the population of Tlajinga 33, a single apartment compound, were migrants. This study takes a dual-isotope approach (87Sr/86Sr and δ18Op) to reevaluate the proportion of in-migration at Tlajinga and includes data from two additional apartment compounds, Tlajinga 17 and 18 (n = 23). New results indicate that migrants comprised ~45% of the Tlajinga population. Previously acquired radiocarbon dates combined with mortuary and isotope data suggest that immigration to Tlajinga was highest during the first centuries of compound occupation. Nevertheless, migration was a continual process throughout its history. Additionally, a new finding suggests that residents of Tlajinga 33 ingested foods with higher 87Sr/86Sr ratios than did those of Tlajinga 17 and 18. We hypothesize that the incorporation of imported lime for the nixtamalization process skewed the 87Sr/86Sr ratios of human remains, a potentially important finding for future studies at Teotihuacan.