En 1931 un diplomtico alemn destac las razones debido a las cuales su pas estaba interesado en prestar asistencia militar al extranjero en los siguientes trminos:

Del empleo de instructores militares en servicios extranjeros se espera, en general, dos provechos: uno no material y otro material. Aqul reside en la expectativa de alcanzar, mediante las tareas de organizacin y enseanza en base a preceptos alemanes, una cierta influencia entre los militares en favor de Alemania. Una ventaja de esta naturaleza no debe subestimarse, sobre todo en Suramrica, donde la Fuerza Armada suele ser un factor importante en la poltica interna. La utilidad material reside en el supuesto que con instructores alemanes tambin el armamento y equipamiento del ejrcito extranjero se realizar conforme al modelo alemn, y consiguientemente, los pedidos se realizarn en Alemania beneficiando a su industria y comercio.

Las traducciones de citas al castellano en el texto y las notas son del autor. Los nombres de los archivos se han abreviado del siguiente modo: Bundesarchiv-Militrarchiv, Bund.-Militarch; Politisches Archiv des Auswrtigen Amtes, Pol. A. des AA. Las Memorias del Ministerio de Guerra y Colonizacin de Bolivia se han abreviado con Memoria.

In March 2015, a group of feminist writers and academics in Argentina organized a marathon reading event to protest femicide, using the slogan “Ni Una Menos.” Less than three months later, more than 250,000 Argentines participated in the first #NiUnaMenos demonstration in Buenos Aires. Since then, #NiUnaMenos has transformed into a transnational feminist movement and has shifted the conversation about gender violence in digital and physical spaces. Drawing from critical discourse analysis and feminist theory, this article examines the discursive strategies employed by #NiUnaMenos. It analyzes key texts from the months leading up to the first demonstration and argues that these texts were strategically constructed as “sites of struggle” in order to reach diverse groups. The analysis reveals four discursive dichotomies in which the movement’s discourse oscillates between seemingly opposing ideas and channels. This discursive oscillation allowed #NiUnaMenos to reach the masses and, in turn, spark a cultural shift toward gender equality.

O Brasil tem apresentado, ao longo da história, resultados educacionais pífios em relação a seus vizinhos latino-americanos. A literatura sugere que uma possível causa do atraso educacional tenha sido o viés elitista das políticas educacionais. Este trabalho traz novas evidências de que as políticas educacionais conduzidas pelo governo federal foram elitistas no período 1930–1964. Embora o ensino primário fosse responsabilidade dos estados, grande parte das receitas tributárias estava sob o poder da União. Assim, as políticas educacionais federais eram importantes para determinar os resultados em todos os níveis de ensino. As evidências coletadas em discursos e em dados de financiamento educacional mostram que as políticas do período tenderam a dar pouca importância ao ensino primário. Em particular, há evidências de que os governos de Getúlio Vargas e Juscelino Kubitschek, os mais compromissados com a estratégia de industrialização por substituição de importações, privilegiaram o ensino superior, em detrimento do ensino primário para as massas.

In this article I consider the temporality of postapocalyptic narrative and use a contemporary postapocalyptic novel, Plop (2004), by the Argentine author Rafael Pinedo, to open up new considerations of Domingo Faustino Sarmiento's classic Facundo: Civilización y barbarie (1845). Following the method proposed by Jorge Luis Borges (1966) in “Kafka and His Precursors,” it is my position that Pinedos novel invents a new, postapocalyptic Facundo, thus converting Sarmiento into one of the American continent's first postapocalyptic authors. Furthermore, Pinedos novel reframes the “civilization or barbarism” debate under the contemporary sign of ecological catastrophe, allowing the reader to arrive at new and startling conclusions about language, the environment, and disaster.

Se presenta una revisión histórica y un análisis cuantitativo de las relaciones entre el crecimiento económico boliviano y los precios de los recursos naturales predominantes en la estructura de las exportaciones en el período 1970–2013, en particular: el estaño, el zinc, la plata, el oro y el gas natural. Tomando en cuenta la tendencia del precio del estaño en el período 1970–1986 y la del gas natural en el período 2000–2013 encontramos que es posible estimar la tendencia del crecimiento económico, respectivamente, con errores medios de predicción de 1.25 y 0.50 puntos porcentuales, respectivamente. Las tendencias de los precios de estos recursos reproducen el 89 por ciento de la tendencia del crecimiento. La fuerte relación entre las tendencias de estas variables, exentas de fluctuaciones inducidas por factores coyunturales internos o externos a la economía boliviana, demuestra la importancia que tienen los precios de estos recursos como predictores del crecimiento económico. Encontramos, además, que en el período 1987–1999, ninguno de los precios de otros minerales y recursos naturales como el del zinc, la plata y el oro permite predecir la tendencia de crecimiento económico con similar precisión.

A little more than fifty years ago, French medievalist Marc Bloch (1928) tried to persuade his fellow historians of the importance and usefulness of the “comparative method.” Explanations, he argued, based on “those proverbs of common-sense psychology which have neither more nor less validity than their opposites” had to be replaced by causal explanations arrived at with the help of systematic comparison. In response to these exhortations, most historians, as Bloch himself noted, “express polite approval and then go back to work without changing their habits.” Nevertheless, the last decades have seen a remarkable growth in comparative studies in history as well as in the social sciences in general. Since 1959, the journal Comparative Studies in Society and History has played a crucial role in this regard. Yet the results of comparative historical studies have not been such as to challenge the skepticism of many historians who associate comparative approaches with facile analogies, pseudo-similarities, and questionable generalizations. Comparison too often seems to imply the sacrifice of the unique and differentiating features of each situation in the past for the sake of some broad scheme. Many historians are put off by social scientists, such as sociologist S. N. Eisenstadt (1963), whose ambitious comparative schema seem marked by typologizing with little empirical basis. To quote Bloch once more, the empirical historian will probably never become a philosopher of history or a sociologist although “he may, according to his state of mind, grant them admiration or a skeptical smile.”

A substantial amount of scholarly work has been conducted on considerations (or lack thereof) of gender in the context of peace negotiations. While gender-specific concerns, particularly those focused on women’s empowerment, are now emphasized in the language of international and national organizations involved in peacebuilding (e.g., UN Security Council Resolution 1325), many times this language is just “talk.” Often, on-the-ground practice and policy does not reflect the lived experiences of women in post-accord or transitional contexts. This article analyzes the change in roles and the roles available to women in pre-negotiation and framework-setting negotiation processes between the Colombian government and nonstate armed actors. The study examines the negotiations between the Colombian government under the Juan Manuel Santos administration and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarios de Colombia (FARC) in 2012–2016 to interrogate the ways that women, feminist groups, and women’s organizations play a role in pre-negotiation processes.

Freedom of the press has long been considered a critical requirement for the maintenance of democratic government. Most previous writings on the position of the press around the world, however, have argued that restrictions on the press have become generally more numerous in recent years and, hence, press freedom levels have been declining over time. Merrill et al., in their survey of national press systems, note that “recent surveys and studies tend to indicate that in many ways freedom of the press is eroding slowly in a worldwide context. Press laws are proliferating, sanctions of many kinds are growing up to thwart the free workings of the press, and press councils and other groups are moving in to restrict activities of the press.” Survey articles on the state of the press in Africa and in Asia reach the same conclusion for those regions, and a recent report of the prestigious Inter-American Press Association argued that press freedom in the western hemisphere is under greater threat than ever before. Even in some advanced western nations the press has come under attack by governmental officials, as is evident in the United States with both the Nixon administration's antipress activities as well as recent court rulings that limit press coverage of legal proceedings and the secrecy of newsmen's sources and working materials.

This essay is divided into three parts: a discussion of the pervasive role of Marxism-Leninism in Soviet Latin American studies; an examination of the contents of a collection of translated readings of USSR scholars tentatively entitled The Soviet Image of Latin America, 1945–1965: A Documentary History, and a general survey of certain basic works devoted to the principal Latin American themes prescribed by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

The field of international relations and foreign policy in Latin America is presently experiencing tremendous institutional and intellectual growth. These developments are increasingly emphasizing economic and political determinants at the national and international levels over the traditional focus on diplomacy and international law. This article will address one of the major theoretical issues in the study of international relations: can structural theories provide anything more than very general predictions of international politics? In addition, because most work using this perspective focuses on great powers, I ask whether structural theories can explain the behavior of lesser powers.

The recent burgeoning of interest in agrarian reform throughout Latin American countries (Schaedel, 1965; Smith, 1965) has been accompanied by unprecedented attention on the part of social scientists in Latin America and elsewhere in what is called colonization. This is largely because what often is designated as official colonization (or projects to establish on the land groups of families headed by the operators of small or medium-sized farms) is one of the major measures used in attempts to achieve agrarian reform, and also because what frequently is referred to as spontaneous colonization (or the process by which settlers established new farmsteads for themselves on portions of the public domain) is another. In this article attention is concentrated upon the books, monographs, and articles dealing with colonization and settlement, and particularly those that have been put into circulation during the last decade.

O presente artigo se insere na linha de estudos sobre a baixa presença de mulheres na política brasileira. Nesse trabalho, testamos se a eleição de uma prefeita aumenta o número de mulheres disputando o próximo pleito para a prefeitura no mesmo município. A análise deste efeito contágio dialoga com outros trabalhos cujo foco é o momento da apresentação e seleção de candidatas como um dos filtros decisivos para viabilizar a eleição de mais mulheres em disputas eleitorais. Esse estudo tem como base de dados as eleições municipais para prefeito no Brasil entre 2000 e 2012. Chegamos à conclusão de que nos municípios em que houve a eleição de uma prefeita a probabilidade de ter candidatas lançando-se pela primeira vez na próxima eleição é 1,8 vezes maior em comparação com a última disputa eleitoral. Outra constatação é a de que os homens que concorrem ao pleito reagem de forma diferente à eleição de uma mulher. A pesquisa sugere também que, além de fatores mais conhecidos, como arranjos institucionais ou condicionantes socioeconômicos, eventos chaves, como a vitória de mulheres em eleições majoritárias, desencadeiam mecanismos de retroalimentação que resultam na ampliação do espaço das mulheres na política.

Este trabajo analiza, en el contexto de la Guerra Fría y del terrorismo de Estado, el comportamiento de una red integrada por referentes religiosos que, articulados con organizaciones de la sociedad civil y del Estado lograron el cese de la ayuda militar norteamericana al gobierno argentino, el otorgamiento de asilo político a algunos ciudadanos argentinos y pedidos por otros detenidos desaparecidos. Los religiosos que formaban parte de esta red fueron aquellos que, en diferente grado, incorporaron alguna nota de secularización: laicidad de la política, pluralización social o autonomía personal. Esta diversidad se explica por las distintas concepciones de lo sagrado de las que eran tributarios los sectores católicos.

O objetivo do texto é estudar deforma comparativa a programação e a identidade político-institucional das emissoras de rádio do poder legislativo brasileiro (Rádio Senado e Rádio Câmara), sob a perspectiva da comunicação política em interface com a cultura e a democracia. A hipótese que orienta o estudo é de que, apesar de terem sido criadas em 1998, essas emissoras são herdeiras da tradição de rádio educativo no Brasil, projeto iniciado na década de 1920. Conclui que tal herança persiste, mas com uma nova abordagem, cujo foco é a educação para a democracia e a cidadania. Permanece, porém, o modelo tradicional de comunicação política, baseado no poder unilateral do Estado de decidir o que o cidadão deve saber e de que forma a educação e a cultura devem ser tratadas.

This issue marks the start of LARR's thirty-sixth year of publication, the twentieth year of LARR's tenure at the University of New Mexico, and the beginning of the process of moving the journal to a new host institution, yet to be determined. The history of LARR is in some ways the history of Latin American studies as an interdisciplinary field. Before LARR, research on Latin America was essentially a disciplinary endeavor, carried out primarily by historians, political scientists, and faculty in literature. LARR's establishment represented a declaration that the complex realities of Latin America and the Caribbean required the interaction of information and perspectives from many fields. It also reflected a leap of faith in the untested notion that those conducting disciplinary research on Latin America would be interested in research from other fields.