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Peripheral Vision: Polish-Jewish Lawyers and Early Israeli Law

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 February 2018

Assaf Likhovski
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Abstract

Some of the founding fathers of Israel's legal system were lawyers educated in Polish law schools. What was the impact of this background on their legal thought? There are few explicit references to Polish law in Israeli legal texts. However, indirectly, legal and constitutional ideas taken from Polish law did appear in Israeli law. This article focuses on the legal writing of four Israeli lawyers in the period immediately after Israel's independence in 1948, showing how Polish law was used by these lawyers as a source for occasional precedents, for critiquing Israeli law (dominated by English law), and, mostly, for constitutional precedents.

The relatively greater impact of Polish law in the constitutional realm can be attributed to the fact that Poland (like other new countries established in the interwar period in the periphery of western Europe, such as Ireland) offered Israeli lawyers constitutional models that were both more modern, and more relevant to the specific circumstances of the new state, where religion played an important role in defining the identity of the nation. The history of the impact of Polish law on Israeli law can thus serve as an example of interwar constitutional innovation in the European periphery, and its later impact on post-World War II constitutional law.

Type
Original Article
Information
Law and History Review , Volume 36 , Issue 2 , May 2018 , pp. 235 - 266
Copyright
Copyright © the American Society for Legal History, Inc. 2018 

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Footnotes

For advice and comments on earlier drafts, he thanks Marek Karliner, Pnina Lahav, Doreen Lustig, Menny Mautner, Orit Rozin, Aviram Shahal, Scott Ury, Mila Versteeg, Steven Wilf, and the participants of the 4th biennial European Society for Comparative Legal History conference in Gdańsk, the 2016 American Society for Legal History Annual Conference, and the law and history workshop at the Interdisciplinary Center Herzliya. He also thanks the two anonymous reviewers of Law and History Review. He thanks Udi Becker, Shani Schnizer, and Noa Shmueli for research assistance. He is especially grateful to Katarzyna Czerwonogóra for her assistance in the collection and translation of the Polish sources used in this article, and for her assistance in research for this article. He also thanks Aliza Haiman, Rami Shtivi, Edya Skolsky-Gilad, and Tsfira Stern for assistance in collecting the Israeli archival materials, and Amanda Dale for editorial assistance. Research for this article was supported by Israel Science Foundation research grant no. 405/15. Place names are based on the rules used by the editors of the book series Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry, ed. Antony Polonsky (Oxford: The Littman Library).

References

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10. On the influence of Russian and Soviet law, see Kedar, Nir, “Ben-Gurion's Mamlakhtiyut: Etymological and Theoretical Roots,” Israel Studies 7 (2002): 117–33Google Scholar (tracing the impact of nineteenth-  and early-twentieth-century Russian ideas on the thought of Israel's first Prime Minister, David Ben-Gurion); and Shamir, Ronen, “The Comrades Law of Hebrew Workers in Palestine: A Study in Socialist Justice,” Law and History Review 20 (2002): 279, 286–87Google Scholar (briefly noting the influence of the Soviet Civil Procedure Code on the procedure of the Comrades’ Courts, a court system established by socialist Jews in 1920s Palestine). The only work that specifically discusses the Polish background of an Israel lawyer is Menachem Raniel, “Ish Midot: Nesi Beyt ha-Mishpat ha-‘Elyon Yitzhak Kahan u-Tfisato et ha-Mishpat veha-Shofet” (PhD diss., Haifa University, 2012) (a biography of Israeli Chief Justice Yitzhak Kahan, who studied law in interwar Lviv).

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12. A Codification Commission established in 1919 was appointed to accomplish this task. It embarked on a process of piecemeal legislation, meant to gradually unify Polish law. Some of the new enactments created by this commission were promulgated before World War II. For example, a Code of Civil Procedure was enacted in 1930, a new criminal code was enacted in 1932, a code dealing with the law of obligations was enacted 1933, and a new commercial code was enacted in 1934. Other enactments (such as codes dealing with property or family law) were only promulgated after 1945. In addition to these codes, legislation dealing with topics such as taxation, labor, and social rights was also enacted during the interwar period. A detailed survey of the various subfields of interwar Polish law is found in Hełczyński, Bronisław, “The Law in the Reborn State,” in Polish Law Throughout the Ages, ed. Wagner, Wenceslas J. (Stanford: Hoover Institute Press, 1970), 139–76Google Scholar. See also Bardach, Juliusz, Leśnodorski, Bogusław, and Pietrzak, Michał, Historia ustroju i prawa polskiego (Warsaw: PWN, 1994), 552–54Google Scholar. It is interesting to note that a similar method of piecemeal replacement of civil law using both the local legal heritage and comparative legal research was also adopted in Israel in the 1950s. See Likhovski, Assaf, “Argonauts of the Eastern Mediterranean: Legal Transplants and Signaling,” Theoretical Inquiries in Law 10 (2009): 619–51Google Scholar.

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14. Echoing the semantic debate in intellectual history about the notion of influence (see note 3), comparative law scholars debate the exact terms that should be used to designate the process of the movement of legal ideas across boundaries. Some of the terms used are “adaption,” “borrowing,” “circulation,” “diffusion,” “entanglement,” “influence,” “migration,” “reception,” “transfer,” and “transplantation.” In this article, I use the term “transplantation” simply because it is one of the most prevalent terms to designate this process. The term “periphery” is also problematic. There are various types of “peripheries,” for example, territories distant from state capitals, or from centers of empires, but also whole states that are politically or culturally marginal. In addition, the concept of “periphery” is relational, and thus changes its meaning depending on the “core” and “periphery” discussed (this sometimes leads to a discussion of a third type of category: semi-periphery).

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17. See, for example, Kennedy, Duncan, “Three Globalizations of Law and Legal Thought: 1850–2000,” in The New Law and Economic Development: A Critical Appraisal, ed. Trubek, David M. and Santos, Alvaro (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 19–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Kennedy does acknowledge that sometimes legal ideas created in peripheries can be imported back to the center, as was the case with nineteenth century American constitutional law, which was exported after 1945 to places such as Germany. However, his account seems to imply that the process will only occur once the periphery becomes the center of a new empire. Some additional examples of histories of legal transplants that are also based on the conventional model are “Histories of Legal Transplantations,” Theoretical Inquiries in Law 10 (2009): 299–743Google Scholar; Spamann, Holger, “Contemporary Legal Transplants: Legal Families and the Diffusion of (Corporate) Law,” Brigham Young University Law Review 6 (2009): 1813–78Google Scholar; Duve, Thomas, ed. Entanglements in Legal History: Conceptual Approaches, (Frankfurt am Main: Max Planck Institute for European Legal History, 2014)Google Scholar; and Pihlajamäki, Heikki, “Comparative Contexts in Legal History: Are We All Comparatists Now?”  Seqüência: Estudos Jurídicos e Políticos 70 (2015): 57, 64–65Google Scholar. For brief critiques of the conventional core/periphery model, see Yves Dezalay and Bryant Garth, “The Import and Export of Law and Legal Institutions: International Strategies in National Palace Wars,” in Adapting Legal Cultures, 241, 246; and Menski, Werner, Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 50–51Google Scholar.

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20. See Blum, Binyamin, “The Hounds of Empire: Forensic Dog Tracking in Britain and its Colonies, 1888–1953,” Law and History Review 35 (2017): 621, 622–24, 664–65Google Scholar.

21. See, for example, Lorca, Arnulf Becker, Mestizo International Law: A Global Intellectual History 1842–1933 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015)Google Scholar; Sands, Phillipe, East West Street: On the Origins of ‘Genocide’ and ‘Crimes Against Humanity’ (Knopf: New York: 2016)Google Scholar; Armitage, David and Pitts, Jennifer, “‘This Modern Grotius’: An Introduction to the Life and Thought of C.H. Alexandrowicz,” in Alexandrowicz, Charles H., The Law of Nations in Global History, ed. Armitage, David and Pitts, Jennifer (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017), 1–31Google Scholar.

22. See Likhovski, Assaf, “Czernowitz, Lincoln and Jerusalem and the Comparative History of American Jurisprudence,” Theoretical Inquiries in Law 4 (2003): 621–75Google Scholar; Langer, Máximo, “Revolution in Latin American Criminal Procedure: Diffusion of Legal Ideas from the Periphery,” American Journal of Comparative Law 55 (2007): 617–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Kedar, Alexandre (Sandy), “Expanding Legal Geographies: A Call for a Critical Comparative Approach,” in The Expanding Spaces of Law: A Timely Legal Geography, ed. Braverman, Irus, Blomley, Nicolas, Delaney, David, and Kedar, Alexandre (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2014), 95, 102–8Google Scholar.

23. For some relatively recent examples of the burgeoning literature on constitutional transplants, see Choudhry, Sujit, ed. The Migration of Constitutional Ideas (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008)Google Scholar; Frankenberg, Günter, “Comparative Constitutional Law,” in The Cambridge Companion to Comparative Law, ed. Bussani, Mauro and Mattei, Ugo (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2012), 171–90Google Scholar; Perju, Vlad, “Constitutional Transplants, Borrowing, and Migrations,” in The Oxford Handbook of Comparative Constitutional Law, ed. Rosenfeld, Michel and Sajó, András (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 1304–27Google Scholar. On comparative constitutional history see, for example, Armitage, David, The Declaration of Independence: A Global History (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007)Google Scholar; and Stolleis, Michael, “Comparative European Constitutional History,” Giornale di Storia Constituzionale 19 (2010): 45–56Google Scholar.

24. See, for example, Frankenberg, Günther, “Constitutional Transfer: The IKEA Theory Revisited,”   International Journal of Constitutional Law 8 (2010): 563–79Google Scholar; Jackson, Vicki C., “Comparative Constitutional Law: Methodologies,” in The Oxford Handbook of Comparative Constitutional Law, ed. Rosenfeld, Michel and Sajó, András (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 54, 59Google Scholar; and Frankenberg, Günter, ed., Order from Transfer: Comparative Constitutional Design and Legal Culture (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 2013)Google Scholar.

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26. See Perju, “Constitutional Transplants,” 1319–21; and Scheppele, Kim Lane, “The Agendas of Comparative Constitutionalism,” Law and Courts 13.2 (2003): 5, 13Google Scholar. See also Tom Ginsburg and James Melton, “Innovation in Constitutional Rights,” 10–12, 25–37 http://www.law.nyu.edu/sites/default/files/upload_documents/November%2019%20Ginsburg%20Melton%20Innovation%20in%20Constitutional%20Rights%20.pdf (accessed December 24, 2017) (discussing innovation in the area of constitutional rights, including innovations in the global periphery, but also noting the dominance of United States, United Kingdom, and French models).

27. See, generally, Peled, Yoav, The Challenge of Ethnic Democracy: The State and Minority Groups in Israel, Poland and Northern Ireland (London: Routledge, 2014)Google Scholar (a comparative study of Israel and interwar Poland, as well as Northern Ireland). See also Devji, Faisal, Muslim Zion: Pakistan as a Political Idea (Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press, 2013)Google Scholar (a structural comparison of the relationship of religion and nationalism in Zionism and Pakistani nationalism).

28. On Ireland as a “peripheral laboratory” of constitutional innovation, see Moyn, Samuel, “The Secret History of Constitutional Dignity,” Yale Human Rights and Development Journal 17 (2014): 39, 51, 53Google Scholar. For a slightly different version of this article, see Moyn, Samuel, Christian Human Rights (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2015), 25–64Google Scholar. In his discussion, Moyn also noted some similarity between the constitutional and political history of Ireland and Israel, and the impact of the Polish Constitution on the Irish one. See Moyn, “Secret History,” 51 n. 32, 53. For a typology of different models of the relationship between religion and state see, for example, Hirschl, Ran, Constitutional Theocracy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010), 21–49Google Scholar. For works comparing the constitutional history of the United States and that of countries such as Israel, India, and Ireland, see Jacobsohn, Gary Jeffrey, Apple of Gold: Constitutionalism in Israel and the United States (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998)Google Scholar; Jacobsohn, Gary Jeffrey, The Wheel of Law: India's Secularism in Comparative Constitutional Context (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003)Google Scholar; Shachar, Yoram, “Jefferson Goes East: The American Origins of the Israeli Declaration of Independence,” Theoretical Inquiries in Law 10 (2009): 589–618Google Scholar; Jacobsohn, Gary Jeffrey, Constitutional Identity (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010)Google Scholar; and Lerner, Hanna, Making Constitutions in Deeply Divided Societies (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011)Google Scholar.

29. For brief discussions of interwar constitutional history see Mazower, Mark, Dark Continent: Europe's Twentieth Century (New York: Vintage, 1998), 6–10Google Scholar; and Scheppele, “The Agendas of Comparative Constitutionalism,” 10–12.

30. A pioneering unpublished article by Tom Ginsburg and James Melton notes the importance of studying constitutional innovations (in their case, the creation of new constitutional rights), and also notes the need for a more accurate periodization scheme of the spread of such innovations. Ginsburg and Melton, however, do not see the interwar period as an important period of constitutional creativity in the specific area that they study, that of constitutional rights. See Ginsburg and Melton, “Innovation in Constitutional Rights.” See also  Daniel N. Rockmore, Chen Fang, Nicholas J. Foti, Tom Ginsburg, and David C. Krakauer, “The Cultural Evolution of National Constitutions,” https://arxiv.org/pdf/1711.06899.pdf (accessed December 24, 2017) (for a similar attitude to the interwar period). The methodology used in such works is based on quantitative analysis of explicit constitutional provisions found in formal constitutional documents. One of the problems of such an approach is that it ignores other relevant repositories of constitutional ideas such as constitutional drafts, or discussions of constitutional law in unofficial texts such as newspapers and academic periodicals.

31. See Navot, Suzie, “Israel,” in How Constitutions Change: A Comparative Study, ed. Oliver, Dawn and Fusaro, Carlo (Oxford: Hart, 2011), 191–209Google Scholar.

32. Other important lawyers who trained in Polish law schools in the interwar period include: Menachem Begin (who served as Israel's prime minister between 1977 and 1983); Moshe Ben Ze'ev (who served as the country's attorney general between 1963 and 1968); and Menachem Dunkelblum, Yitzhak Kahan, Moshe Etziyoni, and Shlomo Asher (Israeli Supreme Court justices in the first decades after Israeli independence). On Begin, see Menachem Begin Heritage Center, Jerusalem file PP-105 (Begin's Warsaw University file); Bader, Yochanan, Ha-Knesset ve-Ani (Jerusalem: ‘Idanim, 1979), 285Google Scholar; Shilon, Avi, Menachem Begin: A Life, trans. Zilberberg, Danielle and Sharett, Yoram (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2012), 10–13Google Scholar; and Perlmutter, Amos, The Life and Times of Menachem Begin (New York: Doubleday: 1987), 24–41Google Scholar. On Ben-Ze'ev, see Ze'ev, Moshe Ben, “Numerus Clausus be-Mishpatim,” Mishpatim 10 (1979/80): 544, 546Google Scholar; Carmel, Amos, Leksikon ha-Politikah ha-Yisre'elit (Lod: Dvir, 2001), 155Google Scholar; and Zilber, Dina, Be-Shem ha-Hok: Ha-Yo‘ets ha-Mishpati la-Memshalah veha-Parashot shetiltelu et ha-Medinah (Kinneret, Zmora-Bitan: Or Yehuda, 2012), 122Google Scholar.

33. See, for example, Mendelsohn, Ezra, The Jews of East Central Europe between the World Wars (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1983), 3–83Google Scholar. For an earlier discussion, see Heller, Celia S., On the Edge of Destruction: Jews of Poland between the Two World Wars (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1977), 71, 183–247Google Scholar.

34. Kulczykowski, Mariusz, Żydzi—studenci Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego w drugiej Rzeczypospolitej (1918–1939) (Kraków: Polska Akademia Umiejętności, 2004), 66, 478Google Scholar. On Jewish student in interwar Polish universities see generally, Aleksiun, Natalia, “Together but Apart: University Experience of Jewish Students in the Second Polish Republic,” Acta Poloniae Historica 109 (2014): 109–37Google Scholar.

35. Mahler, Raphael, “Jews in Public Service and the Liberal Professions in Poland, 1918–39,” Jewish Social Studies 6 (1944): 291, 313Google Scholar. See also Mendelsohn, The Jews, 27. On Jewish lawyers in late-nineteenth-century Warsaw, see, generally, Kieniewicz, Stefan, “Assimilated Jews in Nineteenth-Century Warsaw,” in The Jews in Warsaw: A History, ed. Bartoszewski, Władysław T. and Polonsky, Antony (Oxford: Blackwell, 1991), 171, 172, 176Google Scholar; and Nathans, Benjamin, Beyond the Pale: The Jewish Encounter with Late Imperial Russia (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), 343Google Scholar. This was not merely a Polish phenomenon. On the dominance of Jews in the legal profession elsewhere, see Slezkine, Yuri, The Jewish Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004), 50, 125, 224, 318Google Scholar (discussing Jewish lawyers in Europe, the United States, and the Soviet Union); and Likhovski, “Loyal Opposition?”

36. Mahler, “Jews in Public Service,” 297–99, 303, 308.

37. Ibid., 304.

38. Ibid., 308–23.

39. Ibid., 342–46. On the status of Jewish students in Polish universities in the 1930s, see generally, Melzer, Emanuel, No Way Out: The Politics of Polish Jewry, 1935–1939 (Cincinnati: Hebrew Union College, 1997), 71–80Google Scholar. For a comparative discussion, see also Livezeanu, Irina, “Interwar Poland and Romania: The Nationalization of Elites, the Vanishing Middle, and the Problem of Intellectuals,” Harvard Ukrainian Studies 22 (1998): 407–30Google Scholar.

40. The transition required the acquisition of new linguistic skills (in Hebrew, and also English, given the strong English influence on the law of mandatory Palestine and later of Israel). Lawyers trained abroad were also required to pass special bar examinations to practice law.

41. For discussions of Anglo-American-trained and German-trained Israeli lawyers, see the works by Lahav, Likhovski, Oz-Salzberger, and Sela-Sheffy mentioned in notes 7–9.

42. See, for example, Shachar, Harris, and Gross, “Nohagey”; and Shachar, Yoram, “Merhav ha-Semekh shel Bet ha-Mishpat ha-‘Elyon 1950–2004,” Ha-Praklit 50 (2008): 19–69Google Scholar.

43. A search of an Israeli legal database (Nevo), conducted in early 2015, used the following Hebrew keywords: polin (Poland), polanyah (Poland), mishpat polani (Polish law), hok polani (Polish law), yurisprudentsyah polanit (Polish case-law), torat mishpat polanit (Polish jurisprudence), and psak din polani (Polish case). Some of the keywords (such as polin) yielded more than 500 results, but only a few of these turned out to be substantive.

44. See, for example, CA 105/47 Avraham Ya‘akov Kornblit v. Ya‘akov Freiermauer, 2 Piskey Din (hereafter PD) 184; CA 180/51 Arnold Goldkorn v. Silviyah Visotski, 8 PD 262; CA 100/57 Yezi Vandel Hirshberg v. Mariyah Yakobsfeld-Yakroskah, 12 PD 1896; and IC (Haifa) 101/50 Be-‘Inyan ‘Izvon ha-Mano'ah Meir Grinberg, 4 Psakim Mehoziyim (hereafter PM) 95.

45. “Dr. Yitzhak Kister,” in Entsiklopedyah le-Halutsey ha-Yishuv u-Vonav, ed. David Tidhar, http://www.tidhar.tourolib.org/tidhar/view/14/4529 (accessed December 24, 2017).

46. HCJ 80/70 Yehudah Elitsur v. Rashut ha-Shidur, 24(2) PD 648, 668.

47. HR 600/63 Ha-Yo‘ets ha-Mishpati v. Shmuel Reuven, 38 PM 411, 413.

48. CA 4/66 Miryam Peretz v. Ya‘akov Helmut, 20(4) PD 337, 348–49. The commentary Kister mentioned in this case was that of Grudziński, Maurycy, Ignatowicz, Jerzy, and Breyer, Stefan, Kodeks rodzinny: komentarz (Warsaw: Wydawn Prawnicze, 1959)Google Scholar.

49. AC 96/60 A.B. v. Ha-Yo‘ets ha-Mishpati, 29 PM 26; CC 3136/61/6 A.A. v. A.L., 33 PM 169, 176; and Hamratsah 2422/59 and 3105/59 Ze'ev Zubatch v. Alizah Zubatch, 22 PM 93, 96. Additional cases relying on Polish law are CC (T.A.) 860/63/8 Karolah Bizovska v. Felix Bizovski, 39 PM 183, 189; FA 13/67 “Bahan” Hevrah le-Bitu'ah BA‘AM, Haifa, v. Barukh Rozentsvayg, PD 22(1) 569, 586 (both mentioning Aleksander Wolter's 1963 book Prawo cywilne: zarys części ogólnej [Warsaw: PWN, 1963]); CA 1976/57 Irenah Grodzinskah v. Yezi Grodzinski, 16 PM 162, 169 (mentioning “Zieliński's 1938 book on citizenship printed in Warsaw”); IC 1241/63/8 Be‘inyan ha-Mano'ah Lipmanovich Yitshak, 37 PM 353, 354 (in which Kister briefly mentioned Polish evidence law); and RFA 178/70 Haim Boker v. Hevrah Anglo-Yisre'elit le-Nihul ve-Ahrayut BA‘AM, 25(2) PD 121, 131 (mentioning Austrian civil law, in force in Galicia). In addition to references to Polish legal texts, Kister sometimes alluded to Polish law based on secondary sources in English, as part of comparative surveys. See IC 377/56 Be‘inyan ha-Mano'ah Yosef Blum, 12 PM 154, 164 (on the consequences of adoption).

50. See, for example, CA 1976/57 Irenah Grodzinskah v. Yezi Grodzinski, 16 PM 162, 169–70 (in which Kister states that both Polish law and Jewish law would not regard a Jew as a Pole); HCJ 80/70 Yehudah Elitsur v. Rashut ha-Shidur, 24(2) PD 648, 668 (Kister criticizing “assimilated Jews,” whose representatives in the Sejm voted, together with the Socialist Party, in favor of the 1919 law declaring Sunday a day of rest, so as to force Jews to work on Saturdays and thus “become Poles”).

51. For a discussion of the identity options available for Polish Jews at the time see, for example, Awakening Lives: Autobiographies of Jewish Youth in Poland before the Holocaust, ed. Shandler, Jeffrey (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002)Google Scholar, and, more recently, Kijek, Kamil, “Was It Possible to Avoid ‘Hebrew Assimilation’?: Hebraism, Polonization, and Tarbut Schools in the Last Decade of Interwar Poland,” Jewish Social Studies 21 (2015): 105–41Google Scholar.

52. Netzer, Shlomo, “Hartglas, Maximilian Meir Apolinary,” in Encyclopaedia Judaica, 2nd ed., vol. 8 (Detroit: Macmillan Reference, 2007), 374Google Scholar; and Żyndul, Jolanta, “The Legal Practice of Apolinary Hartglas,” Justice, The International Association of Jewish Lawyers and Jurists 30 (2002): 45–48Google Scholar.

53. Hartglas, Apolinary, Na pograniczu dwóch światów, ed. Żyndul, Jolanta (Warsaw: Rytm, 1996), 18Google Scholar.

54. Ibid., 340.

55. Ibid., 421.

56. Ibid., 422.

57. Ibid. 340

58. Ibid., 370. Hartglas's disdainful attitude toward Israeli lawyers was shared by some of his Polish-Israeli compatriots. Zorach Warhaftig, the Polish-Israeli member of Parliament (who will be discussed later in this article), sarcastically described an international lawyers’ conference held in Israel in 1958, saying that “the Israeli lawyers wildly danced around the distinguished guests, the English lawyers, and told them that we [Israelis] were good students of their decisions, and even advised them to learn Hebrew so that they could see for themselves how well we [Israelis] interpret their decisions.” See Warhaftig, Divrey ha-Knesset, Nov. 11, 1958, 231, 232, quoted in Mautner, Menachem, Mishpat ve-Tarbut be-Yisrael be-Fetah ha-Me'ah ha-‘Esrim ve-Ahat (Tel Aviv: ‘Am ‘Oved, 2008), 90Google Scholar.

59. United Nations General Assembly Resolution 181 (II), A/RES/181 (II), November 29, 1947.

60. See ha-Rishonah, Ha-Knesset, Hukat ha-Medinah: Ha-Din ve-Heshbon shel Va‘adat Hukah Hok u-Mishpat bi-Dvar Hukat ha-Medinah veha-Diyunim be-Meli‘at ha-Knesset ha-Rishonah (Jerusalem: Ha-Madpis ha-Memshalti, 1951/2), 5Google Scholar.

61. See, generally, Rackman, Emanuel, Israel's Emerging Constitution, 1948-51 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1955)Google Scholar; Friedman, Shuki and Radzyner, Amihai, Hukah shelo Ktuvah ba-Torah (Jerusalem: IDI Press, 2006), 12, 54–55Google Scholar; Lerner, Making Constitutions, 51–70; Assaf Likhovski, “‘The Time Has Not Yet Come to Repair the World in the Kingdom of God’: Israeli Lawyers and the Failed Jewish Legal Revolution of 1948,” in Jews and the Law, ed. Mermelstein, Woeste, Zadoff and Galanter, 359–83; Harris, Ron, Ha-Mishpat ha-Yisre'eli--Ha-Shanim ha-Meʻatsvot: 1948–1977 (Bnei Brak: Ha-Kibbutz ha-Me'uhad, 2014), 61–2Google Scholar; Kedar, Nir, Ben-Gurion veha-Hukah: ‘Al Hukatiyut, Demokratyah u-Mishpat be-Medinyuto shel David Ben-Gurion (Ramat Gan: Bar-Ilan University Press, 2015)Google Scholar; and Weiler, Joseph and Lustig, Doreen, “Petakh Davar: Makom Tov ba-Emtsa‘: Mabat Tluy Heksher ‘al Ha-Mahapekhah ha-Hukatit ha-Yisre'elit,” ‘Iyune Mishpat 38 (2016): 419, 455–72Google Scholar.

62. A number of these draft constitutions can be found online at: http://main.knesset.gov.il/Activity/Constitution/Pages/ConstProposals.aspx (accessed December 24, 2017). See also RZA, PA 16, file 95; Aviram Shahal, “Ha-Hukah she-Nishkekhah: Hatsa‘at ha-Hukah shel Leo Kohn veha-Be‘ayah ha-‘Arvit,” (LLM thesis, Tel Aviv University, 2014).

63. See Radzyner, Amihai, “A Constitution for Israel: The Design of the Leo Kohn Proposal, 1948,” Israel Studies 15 (2010): 1–24Google Scholar; Radzyner, Amihai, “The Irish Influence on the Israeli Constitution Proposal, 1948,” in The Constitution of Ireland: Perspectives and Prospects, ed. Carolan, Eoin (Dublin: Bloomsbury, 2012), 69–89Google Scholar; Shahal, “Ha-Hukah she-Nishkekhah”; and Thomas Mohr, “Leo Kohn and the Law of the British Empire” (unpublished paper on file with author).

64. Hartglas, Apolinary, “Hukah le-Yisrael,” Ha-Praklit 5 (1948): 163Google Scholar. There was no judicial review in the American sense of the term in interwar Poland. Indeed, article 81 of the March 1921 Constitution explicitly stated that “the courts have not the right to inquire into the validity of duly promulgated statutes.” Nor was a constitutional court of the type created in interwar Austria or Czechoslovakia established in Poland. See Szmulik, Bogumił and Żmigrodzki, Marek, “Kwestia kontroli konstytucyjności prawa w Polsce w latach 1918-1982,” Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio K, Politologia 5 (1998): 151, 153Google Scholar. However, the March Constitution did create a “Court of State” (Trybunał Stanu) which could impeach the president and government ministers (articles 51, 59, and 64), and, in addition, article 73 established a system of administrative courts culminating with a Supreme Administrative Court, which could review administrative acts. See Ludwik Kos-Rabcewicz-Zubkowski, “Polish Constitutional Law,” in Polish Law Throughout the Ages, ed. Wagner 215, 256.

65. Hartglas, “Hukah,” 166, 167.

66. On the relationship between Hartglas and Gruenbaum, see Yitzhak Gruenbaum, “[Obituary]: Apolinary Maximilian (Meir) Hartglas,” ‘Al ha-Mishmar, March 29, 1953, 2.

67. Bader, Yochanan, Darki le-Tsiyon, 1901–1948 (Jerusalem: Makhon Jabotinsky, 1998/9), 34Google Scholar.

68. Ibid., 49. This may have been a reference to Władysław Bełza's patriotic children's poem which begins “Who are you? A little Pole.”

69. The first volume of Bader's two volume autobiography (Darki le-Tsiyon) contains a detailed discussion of the transformation of Bader's identity from that of an assimilated Polish Jew as a young person, to that of a communist, and later a Zionist.

70. Bader also practiced law for a brief period in the 1960s. See Bader, Ha-Knesset, 15.

71. Ibid., 166.

72. Jabotinsky Institute, file P 21, 8/5, Sylvie Keshet, “Heye Shalom Dr. Bader,” Yedioth Ahronot, March 25, 1977; Jabotinsky Institute, file P 21, 8/5, Ada Hoz-Peles, “Ha-Polani ha-Aharon: Sihah Ktanah ‘im Dr. Yochanan Bader-‘al Begin, Ziknah, Herut u-Mavet”; and Jabotinsky Institute, file P 21, 8/5, Meir Hovav, “Shushbin la-Netsah,” Ha-Tsofeh, July 29, 1994. See also Bader, Ha-Knesset, 117.

73. For example, his unsuccessful calls for the Israeli legal system to adopt the use of juries, calls based on his experience as a trial lawyer in Galicia, where juries were used in criminal trials during the Austrian period and (to a lesser extent) also during the interwar period. See Bader, Darki, 37, 123–24, 205; Yochanan Bader, “Shilton ‘al yedey ha-‘Am: Keytsad le-Hasigo,” Herut, January 7, 1949; Divrey ha-Knesset, February 2, 1955, 720; Divrey ha-Knesset, November 15, 1955, 321–22; and Divrey ha-Knesset, November 22, 1955, at 358–59. On the use of juries in interwar Poland, see also Pomorski, Stanislaw, “Lay Judges in the Polish Criminal Courts: A Legal and Empirical Description,” Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law 7 (1975): 198–209Google Scholar.

74. The text of Bader's draft constitution can be found in Bader's personal archive at the Jabotinsky Institute in Tel Aviv. See Jabotinsky Institute, file P 21 5/1.

75. Bader, who was linked to Begin's paramilitary group, the Irgun, was freed only on May 6, 1948, 5 days before the establishment of the state of Israel. See Bader, Darki, 427, 440.

76. Bader, Ha-Knesset, 39–40.

77. See Yochanan Bader, “Shrirut ve-Rodanut be-Masveh shel ‘Zkhuyot Yesod’,” Herut, December 31, 1948. I am indebted to Aviram Shahal for the point about the Italian constitution.

78. See, for example, “The Constitution of Poland,” Constitutional Review 5 (1921): 178–80Google Scholar; Hayden, Ralston, “New European Constitutions in Poland, Czechoslovakia and the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes,” American Political Science Review 16 (1922): 211–27Google Scholar; Kos-Rabcewicz-Zubkowski, “Polish Constitutional Law,” 254–61; Polonsky, Antony, Politics in Independent Poland, 1921–1939 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972), 46–50Google Scholar; Jędruch, Jacek, Constitutions, Elections and Legislatures of Poland, 1493–1977: A Guide to their History (Washington, DC: University Press of America, 1982), 337–66Google Scholar; Brzezinski, Mark, The Struggle for Constitutionalism in Poland (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998), 48–49Google Scholar; Garlicki, Lech, “Constitutional Law,” in Introduction to Polish Law, ed. Frankowski, Stanisław and Bodnar, Adam (The Hague: Kluwer Law International, 2005), 1–36Google Scholar; and Bardach, Leśnodorski, and Pietrzak, Historia, 501–2. For a detailed comparison of the provisions of the 1921 and 1935 constitutions see Laserson, Max M., “Two Polish Constitutions, 1921 and 1935,” Journal of Legal and Political Sociology 4.1 (1945/6): 27–52Google Scholar.

79. March 1921 Polish Constitution (hereafter PC), art. 53; Bader's draft (hereafter BD), art. 99.3. Translations of the provisions of the Polish Constitution are taken from Ludwikowski, Rett R. and Fox, William F. Jr., The Beginning of the Constitutional Era: A Bicentennial Comparative Analysis of the First Modern Constitutions (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1993), 313–27Google Scholar.

80. PC, art. 25; BD, art. 73.4.

81. See, for example, The Constitution of the German Federation of August 11, 1919, articles 132, 133 (an English translation is available in Oppenheimer, Heinrich, The Constitution of the German Republic [London: Stevens and Sons, 1923], 248)Google Scholar.

82. PC, art. 102; BD, art. 47.1.

83. PC, art. 117; BD, art. 28.

84. PC, art. 90; BD, art. 56.1.

85. PC, art. 114. Article 114 was the result of a compromise between the left-wing parties in the Sejm (who wanted to separate church and state), and right-wing parties (who wanted to give a predominant role to Catholicism in the new Polish state); see Łysko, Marcin, “Przepisy wyznaniowe w konstytucji marcowej,” in Konstytucja—ustrój polityczny—system organów państwowych: prace ofiarowane profesorowi Marianowi Grzybowskiemu, ed. Bożyk, Stanisław, and Jamróz, Adam (Białystok: Temida 2, 2010), 313–30Google Scholar. See also Porter-Szűcs, Brian, Faith and Fatherland: Catholicism, Modernity, and Poland (New York: Oxford University Press 2011), 172–3Google Scholar.

86. BD, art. 18.5. Similarity also extended to the specific details of the provisions dealing with religion in both texts. The Polish Constitution stated that “every religious community recognized by the [Polish] state…may possess and acquire movable and immovable property, administer and dispose of it,” whereas Bader's draft declared that “every religious community will have the right, within the general framework of law…to purchase and possess immovable and movable property and organize it as it deems fit.” PC, art. 113; BD, art. 21.1.

87. See, for example, Moyn, “Secret History,” 51 n. 32. On the relationship between secular nationalism and religious identity, see also Walzer, Michael, The Paradox of Liberation: Secular Revolutions and Religious Counterrevolutions (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2015)Google Scholar (discussing Israel, Algeria, and India).

88. A similar provision was also found in article 44 of the 1937 Constitution of Ireland, which stated that “the State recognises the special position of the Holy Catholic Apostolic and Roman Church as the guardian of the Faith professed by the great majority of the citizens.”

89. See Constitution of the Republic of Poland (April 23rd 1935) (Warsaw: Polish Commission for International Law Cooperation, 1935), art. 13, 16, 20, 21Google Scholar.

90. Compare the 1921 Constitution, art. 2, 25, 26, 35, 36 and BD, art. 64.

91. Brzezinski,  The Struggle, 50. Given the problematic political history of the 1921 Constitution, amended in 1926 and replaced in April 1935 by an authoritarian constitution, the fact that Bader did not fully copy it is not entirely surprising. See generally Brzezinski, The Struggle, 51–54.

92. On the history of the Law Department at the Warsaw University before 1918, see Bosiacki, Adam, “Wydział Prawa Cesarskiego Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego w latach 1869–1915,” in Zarys Dziejów Wydziału Prawa i Administracji Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego 1808–2008, ed. Bałtruszajtys, Grażyna (Warsaw: LexisNexis, 2008), 83–114Google Scholar.

93. Grażyna Bałtruszajtys, “Wydział Prawa w latach 1915–1939,” in Zarys, ed. Bałtruszajtys, 115, 150–52.

94. Sarnecki, Paweł, “Nauka prawa konstytucyjnego na Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim w okresie międzywojennym,” in Prawo konstytucyjne II Rzeczypospolitej: Nauka i instytucje, ed. Sarnecki, Paweł, (Kraków: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, 2006), 59–64Google Scholar; and Zdzisław Jarosz, “Prawo konstytucyjne na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim,” in Prawo konstytucyjne, ed. Sarnecki, 65–69.

95. Jagiellonian University Archive, Kraków, Katalog główny studentów UJ za rok szkolny 1919/20, prawo II, Sygnatura S II 291a (Jan Bader's personal file).

96. Unlike Hartglas and Bader, Warhaftig's autobiographical writings focus exclusively on the period of the Holocaust (see Warhaftig, Zorach, Palit ve-Sarid bi-Yeme ha-Sho'ah (Jerusalem: Yad va-Shem, 1983/4)Google Scholar) and the period after his immigration to Mandatory Palestine in 1947 (see Warhaftig, Zorach, Hamishim Shanah ve-Shanah: Pirkey Zikhronot (Jerusalem: Yad Shapira, 1998)Google Scholar). This, in itself, can serve as an indication of the weaker affinity to Polish culture that he had, and on the spectrum between Jewish and Polish identity, he was, as an orthodox Jew, closer to the Jewish end, like Kister, rather than the assimilationist one like the secular Hartglas and Bader. However, Warhaftig did briefly mention his education at the University of Warsaw in his autobiographical writing. See Warhaftig, Hamishim, 88.

97. See, for example, Report of the Institute of Jewish Affairs for the Period February 1, 1941 –April 30, 1947 (New York: Institute for Jewish Affairs, 1947)Google Scholar (a copy of the report can be found in the YIVO Library at the Center for Jewish History, New York).

98. See Warhaftig, Hamishim, 10–11; Warhaftig, Palit; and Warhaftig, Zorach, Hukah le-Yisrael: Dat u-Medina (Jerusalem: Mesilot, 1988), 22Google Scholar.

99. Warhaftig, Hamishim, 88–89; and Warhaftig, Palit, 325–26.

100. Warhaftig, Hamishim, 14–22.

101. Warhaftig, Zorach, “Megilat ha-‘Atsmaut u-Fkudat Sidrey Shilton u-Mishpat 1948, u-Ve‘ayot Dat u-Medinah,” in Sefer Shragai, ed. Eliav, Mordechai and Rafael, Yitzhak (Jerusalem: Mosad ha-Rav Kuk, 1981), 156, 162Google Scholar; Warhaftig, Hukah, 21–31, 60–62, 449; Warhaftig, Hamishim, 18, 69–70, 84; and Warhaftig, Palit, 325–26. See also Friedman and Radzyner, Hukah, 18–21.

102. For a list of people with whom Warhaftig was in touch, see, for example, RZA, PA 16, file 95 (vol. 3) (the list includes legal scholars, politicians, and rabbis in the United States, the United Kingdom, Sweden, France, Switzerland, Italy, and Argentina).

103. The foreign constitutions can be found in RZA, PA 16, files 98, 99. See also Warhaftig, Hukah, 41, 79, 445, 447, 452 (references to other constitutions). In one of the parliamentary debates, Warhaftig mentioned a number of South American constitutions and the similarity between them, and said that mechanically copying constitutional provisions from other countries was not something that should be done by Israelis. See ha-Rishonah, Ha-Knesset, Hukat ha-Medinah: Ha-Din ve-Heshbon shel Va‘adat Hukah Hok u-Mishpat bi-Dvar Hukat ha-Medinah veha-Diyunim be-Meli'at ha-Knesset ha-Rishonah (Jerusalem: Ha-Madpis ha-Memshalti, 1951/2), 18Google Scholar. Warhaftig did mention some examples taken from the Polish Constitution of 1921, but these were accompanied by references to other constitutions. See RZA, PA 16, File 292 (vol. 2), Va‘adat ha-Hukah: Yeshivah Shminit, October 6, 1948, 2 (discussing a provision dealing with closed-door sessions of the Parliament and referring to the Polish, United States, and Swiss constitutions); ha-Rishonah, Ha-Knesset, Hukat ha-Medinah: Ha-Din ve-Heshbon shel Va'adat Hukah Hok u-Mishpat bi-Dvar Hukat ha-Medinah veha-Diyunim be-Meli'at ha-Knesset ha-Rishonah (Jerusalem: Ha-Madpis ha-Memshalti, 1951/2), 16Google Scholar. Another example of Warhaftig's work in which the Polish Constitutions (and Polish constitutional law texts) are mentioned together with many other comparative examples is Warhaftig, Zorach, “Be‘ayot shel Takanot ha-Behirot la-Asefah ha-Mekhonenet ule-Veyt ha-Nivharim shel ha-Medinah ha-Yehudit,” Sinai 23 (1948): 24–49Google Scholar (a comparative discussion of election laws).

104. See, generally, Perju, “Constitutional Transplants,” 1320. An interesting example of this phenomenon can be found in the work of a committee created by the dominant political party in Israel at the time, the Israeli Labor Party (MAPAI), which prepared a draft constitution between December 1947 and April 1948. See Mifleget Po‘aley Eretz Yisrael: Ha-Merkaz, Li-Ve‘ayot ha-T'hukah shel Ha-Medinah veha-Shilton ha-Mekomi (Tel Aviv: n.p., August 1948) (a copy can be found in RZA, PA 16, file 95, vol. 2). The chapter dealing with civil rights in this draft was written by Yitzhak Coren, a Romanian lawyer. In his explanatory notes, Coren mentioned the Romanian example but also the Polish 1921 Constitution and the Czech one. Mifleget Po‘aley Eretz Yisrael: Ha-Merkaz, Li-Ve‘ayot, 87, 90–91.

105. Warhaftig, Hukah, 449. For additional references to Polish constitutional texts, see Ibid., 487. On the Polish “small constitution” of 1919, see Laseron, “Two Polish Constitutions,” 33–34; and Brzezinski, The Struggle, 48. Another “small constitution” was created by the Polish Parliament in February 1947 after the first postwar Polish elections. It combined a “Declaration on the Rights and Freedoms of Citizens,” and a “Constitutional Law,” defining the powers of the different branches of government. See Mirkine-Guetzévitch, Boris, Les constitutions européennes, vol. 2 (Paris, Presses universitaires de France, 1951), 606 n. 2Google Scholar.

106. On the relationship between Warhaftig's draft D and the Law and Administration Ordinance, see Radzyner, Amihai, “Yesodotehah ha-Nishkahim shel Pkudat Sidrey Shilton u-Mishpat veha-Ma'avak ha-Samuy ‘al Hesdery Dat u-Medinah,” Katedra 136 (2010): 121–50Google Scholar. On Israel's early constitutional history, see, generally, Likhovski, Eliahu S., Israel's Parliament: The Law of the Knesset (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), 14–15Google Scholar. The term “small constitution” was used not only by Warhaftig, but also by a number of other legal commentators; for example, by Israeli Supreme Court Justice Moshe Landau. See Landau, Moshe, “Dvarim le-Zekher Uri Yadin Z”L,” in Sefer Uri Yadin: Ha-Ish u-Fo‘olo, vol. 1, ed. Barak, Aharon and Shpanitz, Tana (Tel Aviv: Bursi, 1990), 11, 12Google Scholar. One should note that other texts were also sometimes called “the small constitution;” for example, the Israeli Transition Act, 1949, passed on February 16, 1949. See, for example, Menachem Begin, “Gilguley Hukim,” Herut, June 15, 1962, 2. Sometimes the Law and Administration Ordinance together with the Transition Act were called the “small constitution.” See “Hukat ha-Ma‘avar shel ha-Medinah: ‘Ha-Hukah ha-Ktanah’,” Ha-Tsofeh, Feb. 9, 1949, at 4. A synonymous (Aramaic) term—Hukah Zuta—was used to refer to a 1950 Ministry of Justice proposal. See “Ha-Memshalah Mekhinah Hukah Zuta,” Ma'ariv, May 7, 1950, at 3. See also Divrey ha-Knesset, July 30, 1975, at 4002 (Minister of Justice Haim Zadok referring to the Law and Administration Ordinance as a Hukah Zuta).

107. RZA, PA 16, file 292 (vol. 2), Zorach Warhaftig, Tazkir be-‘Inyan Siluk ha-Ofi ha-Zmani shel ha-Memshalah u-Mo‘etset ha-Medinah, July 29, 1948.

108. For a detailed discussion, see Strum, Philippa, “The Road Not Taken: Constitutional Non-Decision Making in 1948–1950 and its Impact on Civil Liberties in the Israeli Political Culture,” in Israel: The First Decade of Independence, ed. Troen, S. Ilan and Lucas, Noah (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995), 83–104Google Scholar; Friedman and Radzyner, Hukah, 12, 52–60; and Rozin, Orit, “Forming a Collective Identity: The Debate over the Proposed Constitution, 1948–1950,” Journal of Israeli History 26 (2007): 251–71Google Scholar.

109. Warhaftig, Hukah, 494. See also Aharonson, Shlomo, “Hukah le-Yisrael: Ha-Degem ha-Briti shel David Ben-Gurion,” Politikah 2 (1998): 9–30Google Scholar (on the British impact on the constitutional thought of David Ben-Gurion).

110. Warhaftig, Zorach, “Hukah le-Yisrael,” Yavneh: Kovets Akadema'i Dati 3 (1949): 17–21Google Scholar.

111. Szerer, Mieczyslaw, “O Powołaniu naszych czasów do stanowienia konstytucji,” Państwo i prawo 11 (1947), 68–83Google Scholar.

112. After the liberation of Poland in 1944, the March 1921 Constitution was restored. Following the first elections in 1947, the new Parliament enacted (on February 19, 1947) a “Constitutional Law,” defining the powers of the different branches of government, and augmented this law (on February 22, 1947) with a declaration on the “Rights and Freedoms of Citizens.” These two laws together were called “the small constitution.” The 1921 Constitution was only replaced by a new, communist, constitution in July 1952. See Mirkine-Guetzévitch, Les constitutions européennes, 606 n. 2; Plachta, Michal, “The Formation of the Polish Legal System during the Changes in the Structure of Government: 1944–1949 (with a Special Emphasis on the Criminal Justice System),” Review of Socialist Law 16 (1990): 57, 64–67Google Scholar.

113. Warhaftig, “Hukah le-Yisrael,” 17–18.

114. For a general discussion of the argument against legislative haste in the period immediately after Israeli independence, see Likhovski, “‘The Time Has Not Yet Come.”

115. Davenport-Hines, Richard, ed. Letters from Oxford: Hugh Trevor-Roper to Bernard Berenson (London: Phoenix, 2007), 144Google Scholar.

116. Another, more difficult to trace, influence may have occurred when Israeli legal drafters in the 1950s adopted a piecemeal legislation method for the replacement of the Ottoman-British legacy that the Israeli legal system had inherited, a method similar to the one used by the Codification Commission of Interwar Poland.

117. Kohn, Yehuda Pinchas [Leo], Hukah le-Yisrael: Hatsa‘ah ve-Divery Hesber (Mo‘etset ha-Medinah: Ha-Kiryah, 1949), 18–19Google Scholar. See also Moyn, “Secret History,” 42–43 (on the interwar period as a period of constitutional innovation).