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“Outside the Institute there is a Desert”: The Tenuous Trajectories of Medical Research in Interwar Australia

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 May 2012

Peter Graeme Hobbins
Peter Graeme Hobbins
Affiliation:
Peter Graeme Hobbins, M Medical Hum, Medical Humanities Unit, University of Sydney, Sydney; and Australian Venom Research Unit, Department of Pharmacology, University of Melbourne, Melbourne, Australia; peter_hobbins@bigpond.com
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Medical History , Volume 54 , Issue 1 , January 2010 , pp. 1 - 28
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Copyright © The Author(s) 2010. Published by Cambridge University Press

References

1 For instance, Paul Weindling, ‘Scientific elites and laboratory organisation in fin de siècle Paris and Berlin: the Pasteur Institute and Robert Koch’s Institute for Infectious Diseases compared’, in Andrew Cunningham and Perry Williams (eds), The laboratory revolution in medicine, Cambridge University Press, 1992, pp. 170–88; Joan Austoker, A history of the Imperial Cancer Research Fund, 1902–1986, Oxford University Press, 1988, pp. 28–30; Harry M Marks, The progress of experiment: science and therapeutic reform in the United States, 1900–1990, Cambridge University Press, 2000, pp. 48–50; Annick Guénel, ‘The creation of the first overseas Pasteur Institute, or the beginning of Albert Calmette’s Pastorian career’, Med. Hist., 1999, 43: 1–25; David Arnold, ‘Colonial medicine in transition: medical research in India, 1910–47’, S. Asia Res., 1994, 14: 10–35, pp. 13–16; J Norman Parmer, ‘Health and health services in British Malaya in the 1920s’, Mod. Asian Stud., 1989, 23: 49–71, p. 56.

2 Daniel J Kevles and Gerald L Geison, ‘The experimental life sciences in the twentieth century’, Osiris, 1995, 10: 97–121, p. 104. See also Steve Sturdy, ‘Knowing cases: biomedicine in Edinburgh, 1887–1920’, Soc. Stud. Sci., 2007, 37: 659–89, pp. 660–1; Andrew J Hull, ‘Teamwork, clinical research, and the development of scientific medicines in interwar Britain: the “Glasgow school” revisited’, Bull. Hist. Med., 2007, 81: 569–93, pp. 570–2.

3 Steve Sturdy and Roger Cooter, ‘Science, scientific management, and the transformation of medicine in Britain c.1870–1950’, Hist. Sci., 1998, 36: 421–66, p. 449.

4 John C Burnham, ‘Biomedical communication and the reaction to the Queensland childhood lead poisoning cases elsewhere in the world’, Med. Hist., 1999, 32: 155–72, pp. 156–60; K S Inglis, Hospital and community: a history of the Royal Melbourne Hospital, Melbourne University Press, 1958, pp. 124–5.

5 Margaret Spencer, John Howard Lidgett Cumpston, C.M.G., M.D., D.P.H., Tenterfield, NSW, Margaret Spencer, 1987, p. 99; P H Curson, Times of crisis: epidemics in Sydney 1788–1900, Sydney University Press, 1985, pp. 138–58.

6 Ann Mozley Moyal, ‘Medical research in Australia: a historical perspective’, Search, 1981, 12: 302–9, p. 302; K F Russell, The Melbourne Medical School 1862–1962, Melbourne University Press, 1977, pp. 123–6.

7 Harriette Chick, ‘Charles James Martin. 1866–1955’, Biog. Mem. Fellows R. Soc., 1956, 2: 172–208, pp. 175–7; Barbara J Hawgood, ‘Sir Charles James Martin MB FRS: Australian serpents and Indian plague, one-hundred years ago’, Toxicon, 1997, 35: 999–1010, pp. 1001–7; Patricia Morison, J T Wilson and the Fraternity of Duckmaloi, Amsterdam, Rodopi, 1997, pp. 98–100.

8 John Pearn and Kenneth D Winkel, ‘Toxinology in Australia’s colonial era: a chronology and perspective of human envenomation in nineteenth century Australia’, Toxicon, 2006, 48: 726–37, pp. 732–4; R Doherty, ‘Australia’s contribution to tropical health: past and present’, Med. J. Aust., 1993, 158: 552–7, pp. 552–3.

9 Morison, op. cit., note 7 above, pp. 88–116.

10 Stephen Dando-Collins, Pasteur’s gambit: Louis Pasteur, the Australasian rabbit plague and a ten million dollar prize, North Sydney, Vintage Books, 2008; Jan Todd, ‘The Pasteur Institute of Australia—success and failure’, in Jean Chaussivert and Maurice Blackman (eds), Louis Pasteur and the Pasteur Institute in Australia, Kensington, NSW, University of New South Wales, 1988, pp. 25–37; Peter J Tyler, ‘“A pathologist of distinction”: Frank Tidswell, 1867–1941’, Individuals & institutions in the history of medicine: proceedings of the 6th biennial conference of The Australian Society of the History of Medicine, Sydney, The Organising Committee of the 6th Biennial Conference of the Australian Society of the History of Medicine, 1999, pp. 1–4.

11 This venture was mooted by Melbourne University’s professor of medicine, Harry Brookes Allen. See Vivianne de Vahl Davis, ‘Sir Harry Allen and the foundation of the Walter and Eliza Hall Institute of Medical Research’, Hist. Rec. Aust. Sci., 1980, 5: 31–8, p. 32; Inglis, op. cit., note 4 above, pp. 125–6.

12 The amount was £200 per annum from 1905 to 1910. See Lorraine Harloe, ‘Anton Breinl and the Australian Institute of Tropical Medicine’, in Roy MacLeod and Donald Denoon (eds), Health and healing in tropical Australia and Papua New Guinea, Townsville, James Cook University, 1991, pp. 35–46, on p. 39.

13 J H L Cumpston, The health of the people: a study in federalism, Canberra, Roebuck, 1978, p. 30.

14 A H Brogan, Committed to saving lives: a history of the Commonwealth Serum Laboratories, South Yarra, Hyland House, 1990, pp. 1–11; Claire Hooker and Alison Bashford, ‘Diphtheria and Australian public health: bacteriology and its complex applications, c.1890–1930’, Med. Hist., 2002, 46: 41–64, pp. 55–7.

15 Roy MacLeod, ‘From imperial to national science’, in Roy MacLeod (ed.), The commonwealth of science: ANZAAS and the scientific enterprise in Australasia, 1888–1988, Melbourne and Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1988, pp. 40–72, on p. 60; Earle Page, Truant surgeon: the inside story of forty years of Australian political life, Sydney, Angus & Robertson, 1963, pp. 42–4.

16 Grant Rodwell, ‘Lessons from the First World War: Drs Harvey Sutton and J S Purdy: Sydney’s Health Week: 1921–1950’, Individuals & institutions in the history of medicine, op. cit., note 10 above, pp. 1–4, on p. 2; Cumpston, op. cit., note 13 above, p. 16.

17 T S Pensabene, The rise of the medical practitioner in Victoria, Canberra, Australian National University, 1980, pp. 159, 177; James Gillespie, ‘Medical markets and Australian medical politics, 1920–45’, Labour Hist., 1988, 54: 30–46.

18 MacLeod, op. cit., note 15 above, pp. 59–60, 64–5.

19 For instance, Kate Murphy, ‘The “most dependable element of any country’s manhood”: masculinity and rurality in the Great War and its aftermath’, Hist. Aust., 2009, 5: 72.1–20, pp. 72.9–10; C B Schevdin, Shaping science and industry: a history of Australia’s Council for Scientific and Industrial Research, 1926–49, Sydney, Allen & Unwin, 1987, p. 38.

20 Roy MacLeod, ‘Science, progressivism, and “practical idealism”: reflections on efficient imperialism and federal science in Australia, 1895–1915’, in Roy MacLeod and Richard Jarrell (eds), Dominions apart: reflections on the culture of science and technology in Canada and Australia 1850–1945, Ontario, Canadian Science and Technology Historical Association, 1994, pp. 7–25, on p. 24.

21 F C Courtice, ‘Research in the medical sciences: the road to national independence’, in R W Home (ed.), Australian science in the making, Cambridge University Press, 1988, pp. 277–307, on pp. 285–7.

22 R W Home, ‘A world-wide scientific network and patronage system: Australian and other “colonial” fellows of the Royal Society of London’, in R W Home and Sally Gregory Kohstedt (eds), International science and national scientific identity: Australia between Britain and America, Dordrecht, Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1991, pp. 151–80, on p. 151.

23 Hugh Hamersley, ‘Cancer, physics and society: interactions between the wars’, in Home (ed.), op. cit., note 21 above, pp. 197–219, on pp. 198–200.

24 For example, E M Tansey, ‘The Wellcome Physiological Research Laboratories 1894–1904: the Home Office, pharmaceutical firms, and animal experiments’, Med. Hist., 1989, 33: 1–41, pp. 35–41; Nicolas Rasmussen, ‘The moral economy of the drug company—medical scientist collaboration in interwar America’, Soc. Stud. Sci., 2004, 34: 161–85, pp. 163–8; Alison Li, J.B. Collip and the development of medical research in Canada: extracts and enterprise, Montreal, McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2003, pp. 41–2, 57–8.

25 See, for instance, R Grenville Smith and Alexander Barrie, Aspro—how a family business grew up, Melbourne, Nicholas International, 1976; John F T Grimwade, A short history of Drug Houses of Australia Ltd to 1968, Richmond, John F T Grimwade, 1974.

26 MacLeod, op. cit., note 15 above, pp. 64–5; Schevdin, op. cit., note 19 above, pp. 36–8, 49.

27 Dando-Collins, op. cit., note 10 above, pp. 304–5; Claire Hooker, Irresistible forces: Australian women in science, Carlton, Melbourne University Press, 2004, pp. 127–8.

28 Russell, op. cit., note 6 above, pp. 98–117; Morison, op. cit., note 7 above, pp. 126–9; Peter McPhee, ‘Pansy’: a life of Roy Douglas Wright, Carlton, Melbourne University Press, 1999, pp. 21–3.

29 George A Syme, Royal Commission on Health. Minutes of evidence, Melbourne, Commonwealth of Australia, 1925, p. 227; McPhee, op. cit., note 28 above, pp. 38–9.

30 Syme, op. cit., note 29 above, p. 233. A comfortable professional existence in mid-1920s Australia might entail a salary of £500 per annum; university lecturers earned £600 and professors £900 (Robert Murray, The confident years: Australia in the twenties, London, Allen Lane, 1978, pp. 142, 172).

31 See, for example, Steve Sturdy, ‘From the trenches to the hospitals at home: physiologists, clinicians and oxygen therapy, 1914–30’, in John V Pickstone (ed.), Medical innovations in historical perspective, Basingstoke, Macmillan, 1992, pp. 104–23; Steve Sturdy, ‘War as experiment: physiology, innovation and administration in Britain, 1914–1918: the case of chemical warfare’, in Roger Cooter, Mark Harrison and Steve Sturdy (eds), War, medicine and modernity, Thrupp, Stroud, Sutton Publishing, 1998, pp. 65–84; David Cantor, ‘The MRC’s support for experimental radiology during the inter-war years’, in Joan Austoker and Linda Bryder (eds), Historical perspectives on the role of the MRC: essays in the history of the Medical Research Council of the United Kingdom and its predecessor, the Medical Research Committee, 1913–1953, Oxford University Press, 1989, pp. 181–204, on pp. 200–3.

32 Although naturally, individual exceptions existed; see Hamersley, op. cit., note 23 above, p. 200; James Guest, John Hunter’s disciple—Frederic Wood Jones, Vicary Lecture, 1989, London, Royal College of Surgeons of England, 1989, pp. 4–7.

33 University of Melbourne Archives (hereafter UMA), Melbourne, ASAP 3/3/85, Folder 8/7, ‘Memorandum on University Medical School development and the market site’, 9 Apr. 1936, p. 4.

34 For instance, de Vahl Davis, op. cit., note 11 above; Moyal, op. cit., note 6 above, p. 302.

35 Australian National University, ‘Medical Research in Australia: report of proceedings of the conference convened by the Interim Council at the request of Sir Howard Florey, F.R.S.’, Canberra, 3–4 April 1948, p. 9.

36 Hamersley, op. cit., note 23 above.

37 The AITM is by far the most studied—and theorized—of the early Australian research institutes; see, for instance, J H L Cumpston, ‘The Australian Institute of Tropical Medicine’, Med. J. Aust., 1923, 1: 398–400; R A Douglas, ‘Dr Anton Breinl and the Australian Institute of Tropical Medicine, part 1’, Med. J. Aust., 1977, 1: 713–16; ibid., part 2, Med. J. Aust., 1977, 1: 748–51; ibid., part 3, Med. J. Aust., 1977, 1: 784–90; Harloe, op. cit., note 12 above.

38 M Roe, ‘The establishment of the Australian Department of Health: its background and significance’, in Cumpston, op. cit., note 13 above, pp. v–xxiii, on p. xxii; Moyal, op. cit., note 6 above, pp. 302–3.

39 Arnold, op. cit., note 1 above, pp. 13–16; Parmer, op. cit., note 1 above, p. 56.

40 Warwick Anderson, ‘Geography, race and nation: remapping “tropical” Australia, 1890–1930’, Hist. Rec. Aust. Sci., 1997, 11: 457–68, p. 463.

41 Andrew Parker, ‘A “complete protective machinery”—classification and intervention through the Australian Institute of Tropical Medicine, 1911–1928’, Health Hist., 1999, 1: 181–200, pp. 189–94; F G Morgan, ‘The Commonwealth Serum Laboratories and their work’, Coll. Proc. Soc. Chem. Ind. Victoria, 1935, 35: 1015–31, pp. 1019–20; Malcolm Whyte, A global scientist: Douglas H. K. Lee, Gundaroo, Brolga Press, 1995, pp. 27–31.

42 Fedora Gould Fisher, Raphael Cilento: a biography, St Lucia, University of Queensland Press, 1994, pp. 40, 46–8; Warwick Anderson, The cultivation of whiteness: science, health and racial destiny in Australia (2nd ed.), Carlton, Melbourne University Press, 2005, pp. 162–4; Alexander Cameron-Smith, ‘Australian imperialism and International Health in the Pacific Islands’, Aust. Hist. Stud., 2010, 41 (in press).

43 Brogan, op. cit., note 14 above, p. 1; W J Penfold, ‘The Commonwealth Serum Laboratories’, Med. J. Aust., 1923, 1: 396–400.

44 Morgan, op. cit., note 41 above, pp. 1016, 1020–3.

45 Hamersley, op. cit., note 23 above, pp. 206–11, 214–15.

46 Robin A Cooke, ‘Q fever. Was Edward Derrick’s contribution undervalued?’, Med. J. Aust., 2008, 189: 660–2; Macfarlane Burnet, Changing patterns: an atypical autobiography, Melbourne, William Heinemann, 1968, pp. 100–4.

47 E Weston Hurst, ‘The Institute of Medical and Veterinary Science’, Aust. J. Sci., 1941, 4: 10–11; E H Derrick, ‘The birth of the Queensland Institute of Medical Research’, Med. J. Aust., 1972, 2: 952–9.

48 A J Proust, ‘Sir Colin MacKenzie and the Institute of Anatomy’, Med. J. Aust., 1994, 161: 60–2; Stuart Braga, ANZAC doctor: the life of Sir Neville Howse, Australia’s first V.C., Sydney, Hale & Iremonger, 2000, pp. 310–11.

49 Anon., ‘Anatomy. Institute at Canberra. Centre of research in Australia’, The Sydney Morning Herald (Sydney), 27 Aug.1930: 17; Guy Hansen, Collecting for a nation, National Museum of Australia, 2005 at http://www.nma.gov.au/exhibitions/past_exhibitions/captivating_and_ curious/collecting_for_a_nation/ (accessed 25 Aug. 2009).

50 Macfarlane Burnet, Walter and Eliza Hall Institute 1915–1965, Melbourne, Melbourne University Press, 1971; Vivianne de Vahl Davis, ‘A history of the Walter and Eliza Hall Institute of Medical Research, 1915–1978: an examination of the personalities, politics, finances, social relations and scientific organization of the Hall Institute’, PhD thesis, University of New South Wales, 1979; de Vahl Davis, op. cit., note 11 above; Thomas E Lowe, The Thomas Baker, Alice Baker and Eleanor Shaw Medical Research Institute, Melbourne, The Trustees of the Baker Medical Research Institute, 1977.

51 David S Nelson, ‘The Kolling Institute of Medical Research’, Med. J. Aust., 1985, 143: 97–101; F C Courtice, ‘The Kanematsu Memorial Institute of Pathology: the Inglis era, 1933–60’, Hist. Rec. Aust. Sci., 1985, 6: 115–36; Paul C Vincent and Belinda L Vincent, ‘The Kanematsu Institute 1933–1982’, in Harold Attwood, Richard Gillespie and Milton James Lewis (eds), New perspectives on the history of medicine: first national conference of the Australian Society of the History of Medicine, Melbourne, University of Melbourne and the Australian Society of the History of Medicine, 1990, pp. 261–70.

52 Hooker and Bashford, op. cit., note 14 above, p. 51.

53 For instance, see Syme, op. cit., note 29 above, pp. 226–7, 230–1.

54 See Anon., ‘Post-graduate work in London’, The Speculum, June 1925: 22–5; Ian J Wood, Discovery and healing in peace and war: an autobiography, Toorak, Ian J Wood, 1984, pp. 20–7; Burnet, op. cit., note 46 above, pp. 37–41.

55 Two biographies of Martin are currently in preparation; for his influence on Australia, see Morison, op. cit., note 7 above, pp. 406–10; Richard Stawell, ‘Professor Sir Charles J Martin, F.R.S. An appreciation’, The Speculum, July 1931: 5–6; Hawgood, op. cit., note 7 above.

56 UMA, ASAP 3/3/85, Folder 2/10, Macfarlane Burnet to Linda Druce, 1 Sept. 1927, p.1.

57 Douglas, op. cit., note 37 above (part 1), p. 749; Harloe, op. cit., note 12 above, p. 42.

58 Brogan, op. cit., note 14 above, p. 5.

59 For example, Whyte, op. cit., note 41 above, pp. 37–8; Desmond Zwar, The Dame: the life and times of Dame Jean Macnamara, medical pioneer, Melbourne, Macmillan, 1984, pp. 21–31. For the Canadian equivalent, see especially Alison I-Syin Li, ‘J. B. Collip and the making of medical research in Canada’, PhD thesis, University of Toronto, 1992, p. 286.

60 R D Wright, ‘What Australian physiology owes to Adolph Hitler’, Proc. Aust. Physiol. Pharmacol. Soc., 1983, 14: 22–7; see also Paul Weindling, ‘An overloaded ark? The Rockefeller Foundation and refugee medical scientists, 1933–45’, Stud. Hist. Phil. Biol. Biomed. Sci., 2000, 31: 477–89; Walter and Eliza Hall Institute of Medical Research archives (hereafter WEHA), Melbourne, WEHA00043, ‘Correspondence—Feldberg 1934–1939’.

61 Royal Society Library and Archives (hereafter RSL), London, HD/24/1/75/74, Wilhelm Feldberg to Henry Dale, 15 Nov. 1937, p. 8.

62 Hamersley, op. cit., note 23 above, pp. 200, 211.

63 Louella McCarthy, ‘Idealists or pragmatists? Progressives and separatists among Australian medical women, 1900–1940’, Soc. Hist. Med., 2003, 16: 263–82, pp. 267–8, 272–5.

64 There is currently no full biography of Kellaway. The only autobiographical account of any length is RSL, ‘Charles H. Kellaway personal information file’, c.1944; for detailed obituaries, see H H Dale, ‘Charles Halliley Kellaway, 1889–1952’, Obit. Not. Fellows R. Soc., 1953, 8: 502–21; F M Burnet, ‘Obituary: Charles Halliley Kellaway’, Med. J. Aust., 1953, 1: 203–7.

65 Russell, op. cit., note 6 above, pp. 98–103, 109–10; Anon., ‘Dr. C. H. Kellaway’, The Age (Melbourne), 14 Dec. 1952.

66 A J Proust, A companion of the history of medicine in Australia 1788–1939, Forrest, A J Proust, 2003, p. 237; National Archives of Australia (hereafter NAA), Canberra, Series B2455, ‘Charles Halliley Kellaway, personal service record 1915–20’; Frank Kellaway to Peter Hobbins (in possession of the author), Feb. 2007, p. 1.

67 Basser Library, Australian Academy of Science, Canberra, File 11/1/1, Charles Martin to Harriette Chick, 5 May (addendum to letter originally dated 26 April) 1916.

68 C J Martin, C H Kellaway and F E Williams, ‘Epitome of the results of the examination of the stools of 422 cases admitted to No. 3 Australian General Hospital, Cairo, for dysentery and diarrhoea; March to August 1916’, J. R. Army Med. Corps, 1918, 30: 101–2.

69 Dale, op. cit., note 64 above, pp. 505–6; C H Kellaway, Reports of the Air Medical Investigation Committee. 8. The effects of diminished tension of oxygen, with especial reference to the activity of the renal glands, Special report series (Great Britain. Medical Research Committee) 37, London, His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1919.

70 See National Health Insurance, Fifth annual report of the Medical Research Committee 1918–1919, London, His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1919, pp. 22–3; T Michael Gibson and Michael H Harrison, ‘Aviation medicine in the United Kingdom: early years, 1911–1918’, Aviat. Space Environ. Med., 2005, 76: 599–600.

71 Sturdy, ‘From the trenches to the hospitals at home’ and ‘War as experiment’ (both op. cit., note 31 above).

72 Anderson, op. cit., note 42 above, pp. 166–8; Fisher, op. cit., note 42 above, pp. 29–32.

73 Burnet, op. cit., note 50 above, p. 22.

74 Both Martin and Dale were members of the Foulerton Research Fund Managing Committee; see RSL, CMB/64/4, ‘Minutes, meeting of the Foulerton Research Fund Managing Committee’, 22 Nov. 1922; Dale, op. cit., note 64 above, pp. 506–9.

75 E M Tansey, ‘Working with C. S. Sherrington’, Notes Rec. R. Soc., 2008, 62: 123–30.

76 See, for instance, Christopher Lawrence, ‘A tale of two sciences: bedside and bench in twentieth-century Britain’, Med. Hist., 1999, 43: 421–49; Christopher Lawrence, ‘Still incommunicable: clinical holists and medical knowledge in interwar Britain’, in Christopher Lawrence and George Weisz (eds), Greater than the parts: holism in biomedicine, 1920–1950, New York and Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1998; Sturdy and Cooter, op. cit., note 3 above, pp. 436–46.

77 Robert E Kohler, ‘Walter Fletcher, F. G. Hopkins, and the Dunn Institute of Biochemistry: a case study in the patronage of science’, Isis, 1978, 69: 331–55, pp. 336–40.

78 Elliot S Valenstein, The war of the soups and the sparks: the discovery of neurotransmitters and the dispute over how nerves communicate, New York, Columbia University Press, 2005, p. 50; E M Tansey, ‘An F4-vescent episode: Sir Henry Dale’s laboratory 1919–1942’, Br. J. Pharmacol., 1995, 115: 1339–45.

79 Joan Austoker, ‘Walter Morley Fletcher and the origins of a basic biomedical research policy’, in Austoker and Bryder (eds), op. cit., note 31 above, 1989, pp. 23–34, on pp. 26–30; Cantor, op. cit., note 31 above, pp. 200–3. This rendering of Fletcher’s position is disputed by David Smith in ‘The use of “team work” in the practical management of research in the inter-war period: John Boyd Orr at the Rowett Research Institute’, Minerva, 1999, 37: 259–80, pp. 277–8.

80 Syme, op. cit., note 29 above, p. 231.

81 Smith, op. cit., note 79 above, p. 278; Li, op. cit., note 59 above, pp. 44–54.

82 Tansey, op. cit., note 78 above, p. 1341; Harriette Chick, Margaret Hume and Marjorie Macfarlane, War on disease: a history of the Lister Institute, London, Andre Deutsch, 1971, p. 70; Wood, op. cit., note 54 above, pp. 14–16.

83 The term is Andrew Hull’s (op. cit., note 2 above, pp. 579–80); see also Li, op. cit., note 24 above, pp. 91–4; Smith, op. cit., note 79 above, pp. 266–75.

84 C H Kellaway, The sixth annual report of the Walter and Eliza Hall Institute of Research in Pathology and Medicine, Melbourne, The Walter and Eliza Hall Institute, 1926, pp. 8–9.

85 See Marks, op. cit., note 1 above, p. 46; Martin Edwards, Control and the therapeutic trial: rhetoric and experimentation in Britain, 1918–48, Amsterdam, Rodopi, 2007, pp. 16–17.

86 Donald Fisher, ‘The Rockefeller Foundation and the development of scientific medicine in Great Britain’, Minerva, 1978, 16: 20–41, pp. 28–30.

87 Desirée Cox-Maksimov, ‘The making of the clinical trial in Britain, 1910–1945: expertise, the state and the public’, PhD thesis, University of Cambridge, 1997, pp. 175–7.

88 University of Adelaide Library, Adelaide, MSS 0020, ‘Series 2—letters received 1911–54’, Charles H Kellaway to T G B Osborn, 11 May 1921, pp. 3–4.

89 See S W Patterson, The Walter and Eliza Hall Institute of Research in Pathology and Medicine, Melbourne Hospital. Director’s report, 1920, Melbourne, The Walter and Eliza Hall Institute, 1921, p. 3.

90 De Vahl Davis, op. cit., note 50 above, pp. 42–3.

91 See Smith, op. cit., note 79 above, pp. 263–6; Kohler, op. cit., note 77 above, pp. 332, 351.

92 Anderson, op. cit., note 42 above, pp. 109–12; Lowe, op. cit., note 50 above, p. 18; Courtice, op. cit., note 21 above, pp. 297–8; E V Keogh, ‘Fifty years of medical research in Australia’, Med. J. Aust., 1951, 1: 24–8, p. 26; Nelson, op. cit., note 51 above, p. 97.

93 Hamersley, op. cit., note 23 above, p. 215.

94 Anderson, op. cit., note 42 above, pp. 145, 162–4.

95 C H Kellaway, ‘The Sir Richard Stawell oration’, Med. J. Aust., 1938, 1: 365–74, p. 370.

96 J H L Cumpston, ‘Appendix I. Inaugural address’, Sixty years of the National Health and Medical Research Council 1936–1996, Canberra, Australian Government Printing Service, 1996 (facsimile of 1937 document), pp. 83–98, on p. 88.

97 Derrick, op. cit., note 47 above, pp. 953–5; Lowe, op. cit., note 50 above, p. 17.

98 Courtice, op. cit., note 51 above, pp. 119–21.

99 S W Patterson, ‘Post-graduate research work’, The Speculum, Nov. 1922: 199–201, p. 200.

100 C H Kellaway, ‘The Walter and Eliza Hall Research Institute’, The Speculum, Nov. 1924: 101–3, p. 102.

101 C H Kellaway, The Walter and Eliza Hall Institute of Research in Pathology and Medicine. Eleventh annual report 1929–30, Melbourne, The Walter and Eliza Hall Institute, 1930, p. 38.

102 Syme, op. cit., note 29 above, p. 229.

103 Hull, op. cit., note 2 above, pp. 571–7; Sturdy, op. cit., note 2 above.

104 C H Kellaway, Papers of Michael Kellaway (hereafter PMK), London, ‘Address to Royal Melbourne Hospital’, 1940, p. 4.

105 See, for example, Charles H Kellaway, PMK, ‘Our debt to medical science’, 24 Oct. 1943.

106 Lucy M Bryce, An abiding gladness: the background of contemporary blood transfusion and its story during the years 1929–1959 in the Victorian Division of the Australian Red Cross Society, Melbourne, Georgian House, 1965, p. 90; F M Burnet, Mavis Freeman, A V Jackson and Dora Lush, The production of antibodies: a review and a theoretical discussion, Monographs from the Walter and Eliza Hall Institute of Research in Pathology and Medicine—Melbourne, Number One, Melbourne, Macmillan, 1941.

107 Courtice, op. cit., note 21 above, p. 298; Wright, op. cit., note 60 above, pp. 25–6.

108 Courtice, op. cit., note 51 above, pp. 122–3; Vincent and Vincent, op. cit., note 51 above, pp. 63–4.

109 Braga, op. cit., note 48 above, p. 312.

110 Moyal, op. cit., note 6 above, p. 303.

111 Austoker, op. cit., note 79 above, p. 30; George Weisz, Divide and conquer: a comparative history of medical specialization, Oxford University Press, 2006, pp. 227–8.

112 Gillespie, op. cit., note 17 above, pp. 37–8; Ann Daniel, Medicine and the state, Sydney, Allen & Unwin Australia, 1990, p. 86.

113 For example, Frank Kellaway op. cit., note 66 above, pp. 3, 7; Anon., ‘The Melbourne Permanent Committee for Post-Graduate Work’, Med. J. Aust., 1931, 1: 181; The Melbourne Permanent Committee for Post-Graduate Work, The kidney in health and disease, Sydney, Australasian Medical Publishing, 1924, pp. 5–65.

114 Anon., ‘Australia [from our correspondent in Sydney]’, Br. Med. J., 1931, i: 1086; S W Williams, ‘Kellaway, Charles Halliley’, in G L McDonald (ed.), Roll of the Royal Australasian College of Physicians, Sydney, Royal Australasian College of Physicians, 1988, pp. 156–7, on p. 157.

115 Pensabene, op. cit., note 17 above, p. 163; Gillespie op. cit., note 17 above, p. 32.

116 For instance, Anon., ‘Snake venoms’, Med. J. Aust., 1929, 2: 536–7; Anon., ‘Mussel poison’, Med. J. Aust., 1935, 1: 261.

117 For example, Wood, op. cit., note 54 above, pp. 14, 27–9; G R Cameron, ‘Charles Halliley Kellaway’, J. Pathol. Bacteriol., 1953, 66: ix; Clyde Scaife, ‘Charles Kellaway (CHK), director of Walter & Eliza Hall Institute of Research in Pathology & Medicine (WEHI): his impact on the life of Clyde Scaife (CAS) in the years 1940 to 1943’ (in possession of the author), 4 Apr. 2007, p. 2.

118 Christopher Sexton, Burnet: a life, 2nd ed., Melbourne and Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1999, pp. 50–61, 71–8; Neeraja Sankaran, ‘Frank Macfarlane Burnet and the nature of the bacteriophage, 1924–1937’, PhD thesis, Yale University, 2006, pp. 224–39.

119 A Rupert Hall and B A Bembridge, Physic and philanthropy: a history of the Wellcome Trust, 1936–1986, Cambridge University Press, 1986, pp. 64–5.

120 As recognized by the award of the 1936 Nobel Prize to Henry Dale and Otto Loewi for their research on chemical neurotransmission. See also Kevles and Geison, op. cit., note 2 above, pp. 104–5; Valenstein, op. cit., note 78 above, pp. 71–86; Sturdy, ‘From the trenches to the hospitals at home’, op. cit., note 31 above, pp. 117–23.

121 For a detailed review of Kellaway’s scientific work, see Peter Hobbins, ‘Serpentine science: Charles Kellaway and the fluctuating fortunes of venom research in interwar Australia’, Hist. Rec. Aust. Sci., 2010, 21 (in press).

122 C H Kellaway and F G Morgan, ‘The treatment of snake bite in Australia’, Med. J. Aust., 1931, 2: 482–5.

123 This was a critical consideration for Foundation funding through the era; see Edgar Jones and Shahina Rahman, ‘The Maudsley Hospital and the Rockefeller Foundation: the impact of philanthropy on research and training’, J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 2009, 64: 273–99, pp. 286–92.

124 Interview with James Guest (in possession of the author), 26 Feb. 2007.

125 Courtice, op. cit., note 51 above, pp. 119–21.

126 Courtice, op. cit., note 21 above, pp. 297–8.

127 See Anderson, op. cit., note 42 above, pp. 112–16, 210–14; Whyte, op. cit., note 41 above, pp. 67–87; Allan S Walker, Clinical problems of war, 4 vols, vol. 1, Australia in the war of 1939–1945, series five: medical, Canberra, Australian War Memorial, 1952, pp. 367–80.

128 Whyte, op. cit., note 41 above, pp. 20–2.

129 UMA, ASAP 3/3/85, Folder 8/5, ‘Report of the organisers to the Committee of Management of the Royal Melbourne Hospital’, 2 Apr. 1936, p. 28.

130 UMA, op. cit., note 33 above, p. 3.

131 Tansey, op. cit., note 78 above, p. 1342; UMA, ASAP 3/3/85, Folder 8/2, ‘Extract from minutes of meeting of committee of management’, 4 Feb. 36, p. 1.

132 In fact, Australia’s first professor of experimental medicine was appointed in 1938 at the University of Adelaide, namely Edward Hurst, director of the IMVS from 1936–43.

133 For example, Moyal, op. cit., note 6 above, pp. 305–7; Roe, op. cit., note 38 above, pp. 76–7.

134 For the British funding environment prior to 1913, see E M Tansey, ‘The funding of medical research before the Medical Research Council.’, J. R. Soc. Med., 1994, 87: 546–8; thereafter, see Austoker, op. cit., note 79 above; Kohler, op. cit., note 77 above. For India, see Arnold, op. cit., note 1 above.

135 Li, op. cit., note 59 above, p. 192; Victoria A Harden, Inventing the NIH: federal biomedical research policy, 1897–1937, Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986, pp. 161–5; Daniel J Kevles, ‘Foundations, universities, and trends in support for the physical and biological sciences, 1900–1992’, Daedalus, 1992, 121: 195–235, pp. 197–208.

136 This process was, of course, also observed in Britain: see Jones and Rahman, op. cit., note 123 above.

137 De Vahl Davis, op. cit., note 11 above, p. 32; Lowe, op. cit., note 50 above, p. 36; Anon., ‘Medical research. The Kolling Institute. Ceremony performed by Governor’, The Sydney Morning Herald (Sydney), 28 July 1930: 8; Courtice, op. cit., note 51 above, pp. 118–19. During this period, the Australian pound was valued at between 75 per cent and 93 per cent of pounds sterling.

138 See especially Alison Li, ‘J. B. Collip, A. M. Hanson and the isolation of the parathyroid hormone, or endocrines and enterprise’, J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 1992, 47: 405–38; Rasmussen, op. cit., note 24 above.

139 Anderson, op. cit., note 42 above, p. 145.

140 UMA, ASAP 3/3/85, Frank Macfarlane Burnet to Linda Druce, 18 Mar. 1927, p. 1.

141 De Vahl Davis, op. cit., note 50 above, pp. 37–9.

142 Burnet, op. cit., note 64 above, p. 204; Michael Kellaway to Peter Hobbins (in possession of the author), 1 Mar. 2007, p. 1.

143 Burnet, op. cit., note 64 above, p. 204.

144 Scaife, op. cit., note 117 above, p. 4.

145 Chick, Hume and Macfarlane, op. cit., note 82 above, pp. 123–4.

146 Ronald Hare, ‘The scientific activities of Alexander Fleming, other than the discovery of penicillin’, Med. Hist., 1983, 27: 347–72, p. 356.

147 Austoker, op. cit., note 1 above, pp. 76–7, 88.

148 Willard H Wright, 40 years of tropical medicine research: a history of the Gorgas Memorial Institute of Tropical and Preventive Medicine, Inc. and the Gorgas Memorial Library, Washington, Reeves Press, 1970, pp. 4–11.

149 Harden, op. cit., note 135 above, pp. 161–5.

150 J H Macfarland and J Monash, Information regarding the Walter and Eliza Hall Institute of Research in Pathology and Medicine, Melbourne, University of Melbourne, 1924; Kellaway, op. cit., note 84 above, pp. 3, 12.

151 Hamersley, op. cit., note 23 above, pp. 201–2.

152 John V Pickstone, Ways of knowing: a new history of science, technology and medicine, University of Chicago Press, 2001, p. 182.

153 Spencer, op. cit., note 5 above, pp. 188–9; James A Gillespie, The price of health: Australian governments and medical politics 1910–1960, Cambridge University Press, 1991, p. 52.

154 See, for example, Austoker, op. cit., note 79 above, p. 26; Cantor, op. cit., note 31 above, p. 202.

155 Lowe, op. cit., note 50 above, p. 19; Gillespie, op. cit., note 153 above, p. 51.

156 Spencer, op. cit., note 5 above, p. 256.

157 See also J H L Cumpston, National Library of Australia, Canberra, MS 613, ‘A philosophy of research: presidential address to the Royal Society of Australia’, 18 Mar. 1936, p. 29.

158 NAA, Series A1928/1, Control 690/2/8/1, J H L Cumpston to C H Kellaway, 7 July 1943.

159 Douglas, op. cit., note 37 above (part 1), p. 714.

160 Anderson, op. cit., note 42 above, p. 101.

161 Syme, op. cit., note 29 above, pp. 226–7, 230.

162 Anon., Report of the Federal Health Council of Australia. First session held at Melbourne, 25–28th January, 1927, Melbourne, H J Green, 1927, p. 8.

163 Kohler, op. cit., note 77 above, pp. 333–4, 343–9.

164 NAA, Series A1928/1, Control 690/20 Section 1, Charles H Kellaway to the Minister of Health, 21 Nov. 1927 and J H Cumpston to the Minister, 22 Nov. 1927 (including annotations).

165 Brogan, op. cit., note 14 above, p. 23; Douglas, op. cit., note 37 above (part 2), pp. 786–8.

166 Lowe, op. cit., note 50 above, p. 19.

167 J F MacKeddie, ‘The Baker Research Institute’, The Argus (Melbourne), 7 July 1932: 6.

168 See C H Kellaway, P MacCallum and A H Tebbutt, Report of the Royal Commission of Inquiry into fatalities at Bundaberg, Canberra, H J Green, 1928; Harry F Akers and Suzette A T Porter, ‘Bundaberg’s Gethsemane: the tragedy of the inoculated children’, R. Hist. Soc. Queensland J., 2008, 20: 261–78.

169 Hooker and Bashford, op. cit., note 14 above, p. 64; Claire Hooker, ‘Diphtheria, immunisation and the Bundaberg tragedy: a study of public health in Australia’, Health Hist., 2000, 2: 52–78, p. 67.

170 See Peter Hobbins, ‘“Immunisation is as popular as a death adder”: the Bundaberg tragedy and the political deployment of medical science in interwar Australia’, Soc. Hist. Med. (in press).

171 De Vahl Davis, op. cit., note 50 above, pp. 46–8.

172 Sexton, op. cit., note 118 above, p. 77.

173 See especially Edgar Jones, ‘Aubrey Lewis, Edward Mapother and the Maudsley’, in Katherine Angel, Edgar Jones and Michael Neve (eds), European psychiatry on the eve of war: Aubrey Lewis, the Maudsley Hospital, and the Rockefeller Foundation in the 1930s, London, The Wellcome Trust Centre for the History of Medicine at UCL, 2003, pp. 3–38, on pp. 17–18; Katherine Angel, ‘Defining psychiatry: Aubrey Lewis’s 1938 report and the Rockefeller Foundation’, in ibid., pp. 39–56, on pp. 39–40; Li, op. cit., note 59 above, pp. 200–20.

174 James Gillespie, ‘The Rockefeller Foundation, the hookworm campaign and a national health policy in Australia, 1911–1930’, in MacLeod and Denoon (eds), op. cit., note 12 above, pp. 64–87, on p. 72.

175 See, for instance, NAA, Series A1928/1, Control 90/28/3, WA Sawyer to J H L Cumpston, 24 Aug. 1928; WEHA, WEHA00047, Alan Gregg to Charles Kellaway, 15 Nov. 1933.

176 Lowe, op. cit., note 50 above, p. 37.

177 NAA, Series A1928/1, Control 690/20 Section 1, J H L Cumpston to the Minister, 29 Mar. 1934.

178 MacLeod, op. cit., note 15 above, p. 64; Rasmussen, op. cit., note 24 above, pp. 178–80.

179 Brogan, op. cit., note 14 above, p. 22.

180 Pickstone, op. cit., note 152 above, p. 181.

181 C H Kellaway, The Walter and Eliza Hall Institute of Research in Pathology and Medicine. Summary of the director’s nineteenth annual report 1937–38, Melbourne, The Walter and Eliza Hall Institute, 1938, p. 9.

182 Roe, op. cit., note 38 above, p. 76.

183 Keogh, op. cit., note 92 above, p. 26.

184 See, for instance, Harold R Dew, Hydatid disease: its pathology, diagnosis and treatment, Sydney, Australasian Medical Publishing, 1928, p. 5.

185 De Vahl Davis, op. cit., note 50 above, p. 59; Kellaway, op. cit., note 95 above, p. 374; Keogh, op. cit., note 92 above, p. 26.

186 NAA, Series A461/8, Control F347/1/2 part 1, ‘Notes of a deputation representative of the National Health and Medical Research Council, which waited upon the Acting Prime Minister’, 3 June 1937, pp. 1–4; Kellaway, op. cit., note 105 above, p. 7.

187 Whyte, op. cit., note 41 above, p. 31.

188 Lowe, op. cit., note 50 above, pp. 37–8; Anon., ‘Baker Institute. Severe retrenchment’, The Sydney Morning Herald (Sydney), 14 Feb. 1933: 6.

189 Hamersley, op. cit., note 23 above, p. 206.

190 Ibid., pp. 212, 215.

191 De Vahl Davis, op. cit., note 50 above, pp. 46–8; F M Burnet, UMA, ASAP 3/3/85, Folder 6/21, ‘Charles Halliley Kellaway MD MS FRS (hand-written draft for Med. J. Aust.)’, 1953, p. 3.

192 Kellaway, op. cit., note 105 above, p. 7.

193 Gillespie, op. cit., note 174 above.

194 For instance, see Courtice, op. cit., note 51 above, pp. 119–21; Frank Fenner and David Curtis, The John Curtin School of Medical Research: the first fifty years, 1948–1998, Gundaroo, Brolga Press, 2001, pp. 1–11.

195 Although the effect of the Second World War on Australian medical research is beyond the scope of this article, see especially Allan Walker’s four-volume official medical history of the war, op. cit., note 127 above; R W Home, ‘Science on service, 1939–1945’, in Home (ed.), op. cit., note 21 above, pp. 220–51; Michelle Freeman, ‘Australian universities at war: the mobilisation of universities in the battle for the Pacific’, in Roy MacLeod (ed.), Science and the Pacific war: science and survival in the Pacific, 1939–1945, Dordrecht, Kluwer Academic, 2000, pp. 119–38; Mark W Cortiula, ‘Serum and the Soluvac: the Australian approach to whole blood substitutes and blood transfusion during the Second World War’, J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 1999, 54: 413–38; Tom Sweeney, Malaria frontline: Australian Army research during World War II, Carlton, Melbourne University Press, 2003; Bridget Goodwin, Keen as mustard: Britain’s horrific chemical warfare experiments in Australia, St Lucia, University of Queensland Press, 1998.

196 Whyte, op. cit., note 41 above, pp. 42–58; McPhee, op. cit., note 28 above, pp. 47–52.

197 Milton Lewis, ‘The idea of a national university: the origins and establishment of the Australian National University’, ANZHES J., 1979, 8: 40–55.

198 Douglas R Wright, ‘Why we lose our best scientists’, (unknown newspaper) (Melbourne) c.1946.

199 Australian National University, op. cit., note 35 above, p. 10.

200 Virgilio G Foglia, ‘The history of Bernardo A Houssay’s research laboratory, Instituto de Biología y Medicina Experimental: the first twenty years, 1944–1963’, J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 1980, 35: 380–96; Li, op. cit., note 59 above, pp. 245–8.