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Saving Homeless Children of War, Making Citizens for ‘Peace’: The politics of post-war rehabilitation in US-occupied Japan and beyond
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 13 August 2020
Abstract
This article analyses Bell Hill (Kane no naru oka), the NHK radio drama designed by US-occupation personnel, and the fervent audience response, while treating this redemption story of war-affected homeless children as a trope for Japanese reorientation under American tutelage. Specifically, it examines the two major tenets of the rehabilitative vision delineated in the serial, liberal guidance based on the principles of self-government and sentimental brotherhood. Questioning the underlying assumption of post-war discourses that they were new, humanitarian fundamentals for Japan's democratic transformation, this study considers liberal principles and sentimentalism as technologies of power and the self that affected both drama's characters and receptive audiences to refigure themselves as responsible and empathetic members of the newly imagined national community. Through this approach, the article suggests a way to resist a simplistic account of Japan's post-war reorientation as either unilateral indoctrination or liberation. The historical experience is instead rearticulated as a process of self-rehabilitation within the biopolitical order of American Cold-War governmentality. This rearticulation opens a further possibility to locate the specific rendering of Japan's post-war rehabilitation within a wider trans-war continuum of human reformation projects implemented through similar technologies of power and the self in Japan and beyond.
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- Research Article
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- Copyright © The Author(s), 2020. Published by Cambridge University Press
Footnotes
This article is based on a chapter from my dissertation. I thank Takashi Fujitani, Stefan Tanaka, Lisa Yoneyama, Valerie Hartouni, Frank Biess, Kate McDonald, Todd Henry, Sang-Hyun Kim, Woonkyung Yeo, and Luke Houston for their invaluable comments and suggestions. I owe a special debt to the reviewers and editors of MAS, whose insightful feedback significantly improved the manuscript and provoked me to consider the broader theoretical implications of this study.
References
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2 On the CIE-guided introduction of the copies of American quiz shows to Japanese broadcasting, see Jung, Ji Hee, ‘Playing with new rules: radio quiz shows and the reorientation of the Japanese under the US occupation, 1945–1952’, Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television, vol. 34, no. 4, 2014, pp. 568–585CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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4 CIE's radio division guided NHK in relation to programme production and the broadcasting process. All programmes had to be submitted for pre-production censorship until 1947 and then for post-production censorship thereafter until 1949. Regarding GHQ/SCAP's radio guidance and censorship in general, see Mayo, Marlene, ‘The war of words continues: American radio guidance in occupied Japan’, in The occupation of Japan: arts and culture, (ed.) Burkman, Thomas W. (Norfolk: The General Douglas MacArthur Foundation, 1988)Google Scholar; and Smulyan, Susan, ‘Now it can be told: the influence of the United States occupation on Japanese radio’, in Radio reader: essays in the cultural history of radio, (eds) Hilmes, Michele and Loviglio, Jason (New York: Routledge, 2002)Google Scholar. On the pre-war and wartime state control of Japanese media, including radio broadcasting, and wartime media propaganda, see Kasza, Gregory J., The state and the mass media in Japan, 1918–1945 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Kushner, Burak, The thought war: Japanese imperial propaganda (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2006)Google Scholar. For an informative account of the trans-war continuities in the state censorship, although it focuses on print media, see Abel, Johnathan E., Redacted: the archives of censorship in tranwar Japan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2012)Google Scholar.
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10 Father Flanagan's visit took place from April to June of 1947. The Radio Unit developed the plan for the drama, often called a ‘child-welfare programme’ in the early stages of its production, in April 1947 or earlier. The synopsis for 52 episodes, which in retrospect may be considered the first season of the show, presented the theme of the whole project in the most definitive way and came out around late May 1947. ‘Weekly report of Radio Unit for the week ending 16 April 1947’, ‘Weekly report of Radio Unit for the week ending 23 April 1947’, and ‘Weekly report of Radio Unit for the week ending 21 May 1947’, Folder 5, Box 5318, RG 331.
11 Although I decided not to explore it in this article because of space limitations, Father Flanagan's visit helps locate Bell Hill in the global context of the rising Cold War. At the request of the War Department, Flanagan visited several strategically important areas under US purview including Germany, Japan, Korea, and the Philippines. He organized rehabilitation programmes for war orphans in these areas, while advertising the image of the United States of America as a benevolent and friendly helping hand, until his unexpected death in Germany on 15 May 1948, which cut short what I would call the ‘global Boys Town project’.
12 ‘Weekly report of the Radio Branch for the period of 29 December 1950 to 4 January 1951’, Folder 26, Box 5597, RG 331.
13 To this end, Kikuta's script was subject to the occupation's screening and the Radio Unit held ‘script conferences’ to bring ‘weaknesses or omissions’ to his attention. ‘Weekly report of Radio Unit for the week ending 7 May 1947’, Folder 5, Box 5318, RG 331.
14 ‘Weekly report of Radio Unit for the week ending 16 July 1947’, Folder 5, Box 5318, RG 331.
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17 This is an observation made by Udoyama Manji, NHK producer of Bell Hill. Kokubun Ichitarō et al., ‘Zadankai Kane no naru oka’, Kyōiku, no. 11, 1948, pp. 10–11.
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30 As quoted in Kitagawa, ‘Sengo Nihon no sensō koji to furōji’, pp. 28, 30–31.
31 As quoted in Henmi, ‘Haisen chokugo no Nihon ni okeru furōji-sensō koji no rekishi’, p. 15; and Kitagawa, ‘Sengo Nihon no sensō koji to furōji’, p. 29.
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33 See Kikuta et al., ‘“Kane no naru oka” zadankai’, p. 44.
34 Kikuta et al., ‘Zadankai “Kane no naru oka” no mondai wa nani ka’, p. 20. Tsujimura reasoned that the hyper-visibility of juvenile vagrants considering their actual number was partly attributable to the fact that they were particularly crowded in easily noticeable urban locations such as train stations, amusement quarters, parks, and black markets. See p. 22.
35 ‘Weekly report of Radio Unit for the week ending 24 December 1947’, Folder 5, Box 5318, RG 331.
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43 For the English translation of the original synopsis submitted to the Radio Unit, see ‘Weekly report of Radio Unit for week ending 21 May 1947’. For a synopsis published in Japanese, see Kikuta, Kazuo, ‘“Kane no naru oka” no arasuji’, Kurasu, vol. 3, no. 5, 1948, pp. 8–15Google Scholar. For published scripts, refer to Kikuta, Kazuo, Kane no naru oka dai 1-hen Ryūta no maki (Tokyo: Rajio Shinbunsha Shuppanbu, 1948)Google Scholar; and Kane no naru oka dai 2-hen Shinshū no maki (Tokyo: Rajio Shinbunsha Shuppanbu, 1948).
44 Foucault defines it as ‘a matrix of practical reason’ that permits ‘individuals to effect by their own means, or with help of others, a certain number of operations on their own bodies and souls, thoughts, conduct, and way of being, so as to transform themselves in order to attain a certain state of happiness, purity, wisdom, perfection, or immortality’. Foucault, Michel, ‘Technologies of the self’, in Ethics: subjectivity and truth, (ed.) Rabinow, Paul (New York: The New Press, 1997), p. 225Google Scholar.
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48 Kokubun et al., ‘Zadankai Kane no naru oka’, p. 14.
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52 Foucault, ‘Technologies of the self’, p. 225.
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57 Kikuta, Kane no naru oka dai 1-hen Ryūta no maki, pp. 117–118.
58 Ibid., pp. 40–53. The quotes are from pp. 44–46.
59 Ibid., pp. 58–72, 82–107, 112–113, 123–147. The quote appears on pp. 98–99, 104.
60 Refer to the scene in which Ryūta swears to Shūhei that he will ‘become a good child’, assuring his emotional connection to Shūhei. Kikuta, Kane no naru oka dai 2-hen Shinshū no maki, p. 13.
61 For a useful account of losing sentimental connections as a traumatic experience, see Klein, Cold War Orientalism, p. 14.
62 Kikuta, Kane no naru oka dai 2-hen Shinshū no maki, pp. 40–41.
63 I use the term ‘subjectivity’ in a Foucauldian sense, and it should be distinguished from the liberal notion of ‘shutaisei’ (individual autonomy), which is often translated into English as ‘subjectivity’. On post-war Japanese intellectuals’ debates on shutaisei, see Koschmann, J. Victor, Revolution and subjectivity in postwar Japan (The University of Chicago Press, 1996)Google Scholar.
64 Yoron Chōsa Kenkyūjo, Kodomotachi wa ‘Kane no naru oka’ o dō mite iru ka (Tokyo: Yoron Chōsa Kenkyūjo, 1948). This survey was translated into English and reported to the occupation's radio personnel. A copy of this survey and its English translation are stored in Folder 11, Box 5894, RG 331.
65 Kikuta et al., ‘Hōsō “Kane no naru oka” zadankai arasuji’, Kurasu, vol. 3, no. 5, 1948, p. 14.
66 Ibid., p. 15.
67 Kikuta et al., ‘Kane no naru oka zadankai’, p. 48. Udoyama Manji also happily cited this case when he needed to defend Bell Hill against criticisms that the show was a bad influence on children. ‘Ninki hōsō o tantōsha ni kiku: Kane no naru oka no maki’, Tsūshin bunka shinpō, no. 219, 12 May 1948.
68 Sano, Mitsuo, ‘Kane no naru oka’, Asahi janāru, vol. 15, no. 1, 1973, p. 135Google Scholar.
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70 As quoted in Kitagawa, ‘Sengo Nihon no sensō koji to furōji’, p. 35.
71 Sano, ‘Kane no naru oka’, pp. 135–136.
72 Ibid., p. 137.
73 ‘Shisetsu “Kane no naru oka”: moto kyōshi Yanagino-san no itonami’, Nankai taimuzu, 30 March 1949, p. 2.
74 Contemporary accounts use several different terms for the institution, such as a nursing home for war orphans (sensai koji yōgo shisetsu), a detention centre for juvenile delinquents (furyō shōnen shūyōjo), and a detention centre for orphans and juvenile vagrants (koji furōji shūyōjo), which demonstrates that orphans, juvenile vagrants, and juvenile delinquents were often used interchangeably in the early post-war context.
75 As quoted in Sano, ‘Kane no naru oka’, pp. 136–137. Shinagawa's memoir entitled Hikari no naka o ayumu kora (Tokyo: Kōdansha, 1958) recounts the details of how he and the boys built the community.
76 For the details of how Shinagawa and the boys met, decided to leave the institution and built their new home, refer to Hayafune, Chiyo, ‘“Kane no naru oka” ni tachite: sensai koji no yume o hagukunda “Shōnen no Ie”’, Ushio, no. 64, 1965, pp. 286–298Google Scholar. ‘Our oath’ appears on pp. 289–290.
77 Ibid., pp. 289–290, 298.
78 Ibid., pp. 288, 298.
79 On exhaustion and despair in the wake of war, see Dower, Embracing defeat, pp. 87–120.
80 As quoted in Kaneko, Akira, ‘Seron wa waku Kaneno naru oka: Kikuta Kazuo no hōsōgeki to sono mondai sanpi ryōron da ga genjitsu no shakai wa?’, Satadē nyūsu, vol. 2, no. 29, 1948, p. 16Google Scholar.
81 Hatayama, ‘Kane no naru oka kara sanjūnen’, pp. 155, 157, 160.
82 I confined the scope of this article to Japan and its colonies. For inspiring studies that deal with this issue in the context of trans-war transpacific, see Fujitani, Race for empire; Schueller, Campaigns of knowledge.
83 Tanaka, New times in modern Japan, pp. 179–190. For the quotes, see pp. 180, 182.
84 Ambaras, Bad youth. On the trans-war continuities, see pp. 7, 193–198.
85 Ibid., pp. 95–129. For the quote, see p. 109; Tanaka, New times in modern Japan, pp. 182–190, especially p. 183; Donzelot, Jaques, The policing of families, (trans.) Hurley, Robert (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, Johns Hopkins Paperbacks edition, 1997), pp. 96–168, especially pp. 103, 145Google Scholar. By this term, Donzelot refers to a series of concentric circles around the child such as family, technicians, and social guardians.
86 Ward, Thought crime, pp. 51–56, 180–184. I found the Introduction, Chapters 2, 4, and 5, and the Conclusion especially relevant.
87 I am grateful to one of the anonymous reviewers for encouraging me to consider this point.
88 It may help situate Bell Hill in a longer history of the use of liberal rehabilitative subjects in trans-war transpacific mass culture to analyse it together with the American film Boys Town (Norman Taurog, 1938) and the colonial Korean film Chip ŏmnŭn ch’ŏnsa (Homeless angels, Ie naki tenshi in Japanese, Ch'oe In-gyu, 1941).