Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-jkksz Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-27T10:27:28.289Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Nominalism: Negotiating ethnicity and Christian identity in contemporary Yunnan

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  31 May 2019

GIDEON ELAZAR
GIDEON ELAZAR*
Affiliation:
Bar Ilan University Email: Gidon.Elazar@biu.ac.il
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

This article deals with the convergence of ethnicity and faith in the context of Christian Yunnan. Contemporary Evangelical missionaries working in Yunnan encourage the preservation of ethnic markers while attempting to create a form of ‘pristine faith’: a religiosity that severely limits the role of ethnicity in the construction of identity, emphasizing instead individualism and globalism—processes that may be beneficial for the Chinese state. My discussion here revolves around the distinction made by many Evangelical Christians in China between ‘true’ faith, based on an individual experience of salvation and rebirth, and ‘nominal’ faith, a traditional understanding of religion as an identity that is acquired at birth. Thus, minority Christians whose ancestors converted en masse prior to the 1949 revolution and retain a distinctly ethnic form of religiosity are often labelled ‘nominal’ by contemporary missionaries and converts. In contrast, the latter represent a faith that stems from personal experience and belongs to a global and transnational community, transcending the narrow limits of ethnic culture.

Type
Research Article
Information
Modern Asian Studies , Volume 53 , Issue 5 , September 2019 , pp. 1415 - 1449
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2019 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

The information presented in this article is based on 15 months of multi-sited ethnographic fieldwork conducted in southwest China among foreign missionaries and local minority and Han Christians. This work was supported by the I-CORE Program of the Planning and Budgeting Committee and the Israel Science Foundation (grant no. 1754/12).

References

1 Scott, J., The Art of Not being Governed: An Anarchist History of Upland Southeast Asia, Yale University Press, Yale, 2009, p. 286Google ScholarPubMed.

2 Clarke, S., Among the Tribes in South-West China, Caravan, Hong Kong, 2009, p. 57Google Scholar.

3 Harrell, S., ‘Introduction: Civilizing projects and the reaction to them’, in Cultural Encounters on China's Ethnic Frontier, Harrell, S. (ed.), University of Washington Press, Seattle, 1996, p. 6Google Scholar.

4 Tien, J., Peaks of Faith: Protestant Mission in Revolutionary China, E. J. Brill, Leiden, 1993, p. 45CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

5 Elazar, G., ‘Translating culture: Missionaries and linguists in contemporary Yunnan Province’, Asian Ethnicity, vol. 18, no. 3, 2017, pp. 387–405CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 McAlister, E., ‘Globalization and the religious production of space’, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, vol. 44, no. 3, 2005, p. 253CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hiebert, P., ‘Western images of other and otherness’, in This Side of Heaven: Race, Ethnicity and Christian Faith, Priest, R. and Nieves, A. (eds), Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2007, pp. 107–108Google Scholar.

7 Roy, O., Globalized Islam: The Search for a New Ummah, Colombia University Press, New York, 2003, pp. 28–29Google Scholar.

8 Roy, O., Holy Ignorance: When Religion and Culture Part Ways, Hurst and Company, London, 2010, p. 6Google Scholar.

9 Varutti, M., ‘The politics of imagining and forgetting in Chinese ethnic minority museums’, Outlines. Critical Practice Studies, vol. 2, 2010, p. 76Google Scholar.

10 Borchert, T., ‘Of temples and tourists: The effects of the tourist political economy on a minority Buddhist community in southwest China’, in State, Market and Religion in Chinese Societies, Tamney, J. and Yang, F. (eds), Brill, Leiden, 2005, p. 94Google Scholar.

11 Harrell, ‘Introduction: Civilizing projects’, p. 16.

12 Gladney, D., ‘Representing nationality in China: Refiguring majority/minority identities’, The Journal of Asian Studies, vol. 53, no. 1, 1994, p. 95CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Blum, S., Portraits of ‘Primitives’: Ordering Human Kinds in the Chinese Nation, Rowman and Littlefield, Lanham, 2002, p. 83Google Scholar; Davis, S., ‘Dance or else: China's “simplifying project”’, China Rights Forum, vol. 4, 2006, pp. 38–46Google Scholar; Goodman, J., Yunnan: China South of the Clouds (Odyssey Guides), Airphoto International Ltd, Hong Kong, 2009, p. 75Google Scholar.

13 Gladney, ‘Representing nationality’, p. 99; Harrell, ‘Introduction: Civilizing projects’, p. 27; Yang, B., ‘Central state, local government, ethnic groups and the Minzu identification in Yunnan (1950s–1980s)’, Modern Asian Studies, vol. 43, no. 3, 2009, p. 752CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

14 Harrell, ‘Introduction: Civilizing projects’, p. 28.

15 Waters, M., Globalization, Routledge, London and New York, 1995, p. 127Google Scholar.

16 Giddens, A., Runaway World: How Globalization is Reshaping our Lives, Routledge, New York, 1990, p. 65Google Scholar.

17 Jenkins, P., The Next Christendom: The Coming of Global Christianity, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2011, p. 36Google Scholar.

18 McAlister, ‘Globalization’, p. 253. See also Kalir, B., ‘Finding Jesus in the Holy Land and taking him to China: Chinese temporary migrant workers in Israel converting to Evangelical Christianity’, Sociology of Religion, vol. 70, no. 2, 2009, p. 150CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Coleman, S., The Globalization of Charismatic Christianity, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2005, p. 63Google Scholar; Meyer, B., ‘Commodities and the power of prayer: Pentecostalist attitudes towards consumption in contemporary Ghana’, in Globalization and Identity: Dialectics of Flow and Closure, Meyer, B. and Geschiere, P. (eds), Blackwell Publishers, Oxford, 1999, p. 153Google Scholar.

19 Hiebert, ‘Western images’, p. 108.

20 Najarian, N., ‘Religious conversion in nineteenth century China: Face-to-face interaction between Western missionaries and Chinese’, in Social Interaction in Chinese Society, Greenblatt, S. L., Wilson, R. W. and Wilson, A. (eds), Praeger, New York, 1982, p. 94Google Scholar.

21 Yang, Z., ‘Between God and Caesar: The religious, social and political values of Chinese Christians’, Problems of Post Communism, vol. 60, no. 3, 2003, p. 38Google Scholar.

22 Chan, K. K., ‘Accession to the World Trade Organization and state adaptation’, in God and Caesar in China: Policy Implications of Church-State Tensions, Kindopp, J. and Hamrin, C. L. (eds), Brookings Institution Press, Washington DC, 2004, pp. 58–74Google Scholar.

23 Due to the official illegality of missionary work in China, all names in this article are pseudonyms.

24 See http://joshuaproject.net/help/definitions#Evangelical, [accessed 31 January 2019].

25 Jenkins, The Next Christendom, p. 86.

26 Hattaway, Paul, Operation China, William Carey Library Publishing, Littleton, CO, 2000Google Scholar.

27 http://joshuaproject.net/people-profile.php?peo3=13076&rog3=CH, [accessed 31 January 2019].

28 Mark, Debbie, and John, Discussion, Kunming, 15 December 2009.

29 Simon, Interview, Kunming, 25 May 2010; Michael, Interview, Kunming, 1 June 2010. During my fieldwork in Yunnan, a possible exception to the rule stated above was brought to my attention. A non-Christian linguist working among the Dulong of northwest Yunnan told me that they were currently in the process of adopting Christianity. Although he could not provide numbers, he indicated that conversion was taking place on a massive scale. Importantly, the missionary work was being conducted not by foreigners but rather by Lisu missionaries from the Nu River valley (Ros, Interview, Kunming, 24 May 2010). My information on the subject is unfortunately limited to this single report.

30 Tien, Peaks of Faith, p. 10.

31 Zhang, Interview, Huapo, 30 November 2009.

32 Pollard died in 1915. Local church leader, Interview, 1 December 2009.

33 Wang, Interview, Manpo, 1 December 2009.

34 Mosi, Conversation, Kunming, 20 May 2010.

35 Ping, H., ‘Perception of Identity in Modern China’, Social Identities, vol. 1, no. 1, 1995, pp. 127–154Google Scholar; Poa, D. and LaPolla, R. J., ‘Minority languages of China’, in The Vanishing Languages of the Pacific, Miyaoka, O. and Krauss, M. E. (eds), Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2007, p. 341Google Scholar.

36 Clarke, Among the Tribes, p. 24.

37 Shen, H., Shimenkan xiangcun jiaoyu xing shuai: xiandai xing de qianru (Rural Education in Stone Gateway: Modernity Embedded from Grassroots), Wan Juan Publishing Company, Shenyang, 2006Google Scholar.

38 Zhao, W., ‘Qingmo min chu jidujiao chuanjiao shi zai minzu diqu de xuanjiao huodong: yi xun dao gonghui chuanjiao shi bai ge li wen ge'an’ (‘Missionary work of Christian missionaries in ethnic area of Southwest China during late Qing Dynasty and early Republic of China period: A case study of Samuel Pollard’), Xibei Di Er Minzu Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of the Second Northwest University of Nationalities), vol. 1, no. 79, 2008, pp. 96–99Google Scholar; Zhang, S., ‘Guizhou shimenkan miaozu jiaoyi renlei xue tianye kaocha’ (‘An ethnography of the history of education of the Shimenkan Miaos of Guizhou’), Xuejiao Wenhua Luntan (Education and Culture Forum), vol. 3, 2011, pp. 101–108Google Scholar; Li, H., ‘Shimenkan xianxiang yanjiu zongshu’ (‘Research review of Shimenkan phenomena’), Lincang Shilang Gaodeng Zhuanke Xuexiao Xuebao (Journal of Lincang Teachers College), vol. 23, no. 3, 2013, pp. 36–39Google Scholar.

39 Huiyu, L., ‘Zhong hua jidujiao hui zai xinan shaoshu minzu diqu de wenhua chuanbo yanjiu’ (‘Culture propaganda of the Chinese Christian Church in southwestern ethnic areas’), Guizhou Minzu Yanjiu (Guizhou Minority Research), vol. 25, no. 102, 2005, pp. 69–70Google Scholar; Li, ‘Shimenkan xianxiang yanjiu’, p. 37.

40 Shen, T. B. and Shin, W. Y., ‘Yunnan bufen shaoshu minzu jidujiao yinxiang de shehui zuo yong fenxi’ (‘An analysis of the social function of Christian belief of some ethnic groups in Yunnan’), Sixiang Zhanxian: Yunnan Daxue Renwen Shehui Kexue Xuebao (The Ideological Front: Yunnan University Social Sciences Journal), vol. 4, no. 26, 2000, p. 77Google Scholar.

41 Ma, Conversation, Shimenkan, 11 May 2010.

42 Interviews with several participants in a mixed Qing Miao-Han wedding, Anning, 23 December 2009.

43 Sean, Interview, Kunming, 10 October 2012.

44 Mark, Interview, Kunming, 12 December 2009.

45 Madsen, R., ‘Chinese Christianity: Indigenization and conflict’, in Chinese Society: Change, Conflict and Resistance, Perry, E. J. and Selden, M. (eds), Routledge Curzon, London and New York, 2000, p. 276Google Scholar; Lian, X., Redeemed by Fire: The Rise of Popular Christianity in Modern China, Yale University Press, Yale, 2010, p. 49CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

46 Mark, Interview, Kunming, 12 December 2009.

47 Ibid., 23 March 2010.

48 Lambert, T., China's Christian Millions, Monarch Books, Oxford, 1999Google Scholar; Aikman, D., Jesus in Beijing: How Christianity is Transforming China and Changing the Global Balance of Power, Regency Publishing, Washington, DC, 2003Google Scholar.

49 Similar reports of inflated numbers and ‘optimistic self data’ regarding a wave of Evangelism in Latin America are given in Jenkins, The Next Christendom, p. 62.

50 Mark, Interview, Kunming, 23 March 2010.

51 Interestingly, early Chinese criticism of Christian missionaries revolved around a similar argument, claiming that they paid converts or lured them through promises of heaven and the threat of hell. This was viewed as contrary to the true Chinese-Confucian ideal of doing right for its own sake, for no external benefit. See Gernet, J., China and the Christian Impact, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1985, p. 164Google Scholar.

52 Bays, D., A New History of Christianity in China, Wiley-Blackwell, Hoboken, NJ, 2011, p. 194CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the centrality of gifts in Chinese society, see Yang, M., ‘Gift economy and state power in China’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 31, no. 1, 1989, pp. 25–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar. As Jacques Gernet shows, the question of Chinese pragmatism in spiritual matters has troubled missionaries since the time of the Jesuits. The Jesuit Mateo Ricci expressed the problem by saying: ‘In China matters of salvation are of little account’: see Gernet, China and the Christian Impact, p. 72. Ironically, Ricci and other early Jesuits were accused by other Christians of the same things as Mark holds against the ‘cursedly naïve’ missionaries of today—that many of their converts have accepted Christianity externally while internally holding on to religious syncretism and materialism: ibid., p. 31.

53 Chao, J., ‘Traditional Chinese culture and the thirst for Christ’, Missionary Monthly, vol. 25, 2000Google Scholar, http://ism.intervarsity.org/resource/traditional-chinese-culture-and-thirst-christ, [accessed 31 January 2019].

54 For a similar view of the virtues of persecution, see Hattaway, P., Back to Jerusalem, Piquanet, Carlisle, 2003, p. 12Google Scholar.

55 Mark, Interview, Kunming, 23 March 2010.

56 Mark, Interview, Kunming, 15 October 2012.

57 Mark did not elaborate on which Yi subgroup he was referring to. According to Yang, the social structure of the Yi residing in the region surrounding Tanhua Mountain in Dayao County is partially matrilineal: Yang, F. W., ‘Yunnan tan huashan yizu mu quan zhi canyu tantao’ (‘An exploration to remains of matriarchy of Yi people in Tanhua Mount in Yunnan Province’), Bijie Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of Bijie University), vol. 2, 2006Google Scholar. However, I am not sure that this is the group Mark had in mind.

58 Simon, Interview, Kunming, 25 May 2010.

59 Gladney, ‘Representing nationality’, p. 104; Harrell, ‘Introduction: Civilizing projects’, p. 16.

60 Li, H. and Ying, M., ‘Qian xi jidujiao dui yunnan shaoshu minzu shehui jiaoyu de yinxiang’ (‘Briefly on the impact of Christianity in minority education in Yunnan’), Lincang Shilang Gaodeng Zhuanke Xuexiao Xuebao (Journal of Lincang Teachers College), vol. 16, no. 2, 2007, pp. 12–15Google Scholar; Ming, H. and Yue, Z., ‘Jidujiao xinyang xia de shaoshu minzu nongcun hexie shehui jianshe yanjiu’ (‘The construction of a harmonious society in ethnic villages with Christianity: A case study of three Miao ethnic villages of Yunnan’), Xueshu Tansuo (Academic Exploration), vol. 5, 2007, pp. 107–112Google Scholar.

61 See, for example, Tetsunao, Y. and Chan, K. K., Holistic Entrepreneurs in China: A Handbook on the World Trade Organization and New Opportunities for Christians, William Carey International University Press, Pasadena, 2002Google Scholar.

62 Yage, Interview, Shangrila, 11 August 2010; Tom, Interview, Shangrila, 23 August 2010. See also Lambert, T., ‘The Gospel in Tibet's darkness’, China Insight, OMF International, 2011, pp. 1–4Google Scholar.

63 Benjamin presented himself to me using his Western name. Thus, although Benjamin is pseudonym, I decided a non-Chinese name should be used.

64 The Lisu are mostly concentrated in the Nujiang River valley, on both sides of the Yunnan-Myanmar border. Due to the efforts of British missionaries in the colonial era, the majority of the Lisu on both sides on the border have accepted Christianity. The number of Lisu Christians today is estimated at 300,000, approximately half of the Lisu population in China: http://joshuaproject.net/people_groups/13076/CH, [accessed 31 January 2019].

65 Zhan, Interview, Kunming, 5 May 2010.

66 Similar stories appear in missionary literature: see Chan, K. K. and Tetsunao, Y., Witnesses to Power: Stories of God's Quiet Work in a Changing China, Paternoster Press, Waynesboro, 2000, p. 32Google Scholar; Covell, R., ‘Christianity and China's minority nationalities: Faith and unbelief’, in China and Christianity: Burdened Past, Hopeful Future, Uhalley, S. and Wu, X. (eds), Sharpe, M. E., Armonk, NY, 2001, p. 277Google Scholar.

67 Roy, Globalized Islam, p. 29.

68 This seems to be the case with virtually all children of ethnically mixed couples I knew and is not peculiar to Christians. During my research I met couples who were Tibetan-Yi, Tibetan-Naxi, and Lisu-Dai and their children always only spoke Chinese.

69 Recently the site has changed the name of the Tai Mao to Tai Nua or Chinese Shan: see http://joshuaproject.net/people_groups/15193/CH; for the Tai Pong, see http://joshuaproject.net/people_groups/18691/CH, [both accessed 31 January 2019].

70 Mccarthy, S., ‘Gods of wealth, temples of prosperity: Party-state participation in minority cultural revival’, China: An International Journal, vol. 2, no. 1, 2004, p. 33Google Scholar.

71 Boby, Interview, Kunming, 2 February 2010.

72 Oblau, G., ‘Pentecostal by default? Contemporary Christianity in China’, in Asian and Pentecostal: The Charismatic Face of Christianity in Asia, Anderson, A. and Tang, E. (eds), Regnum Books, Costa Mesa, 2005, p. 417Google Scholar.

73 Harrell, ‘Introduction: Civilizing projects’, p. 7.