Article contents
Environmentalism and Estonia's Independence Movement
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 20 November 2018
Extract
The spirit of environmentalism generated some of the most memorable images of the eastern and central European independence movements of the late 1980s and early 1990s. In 1988, protesters formed a human chain around the Ignalina nuclear reactor in Lithuania. That same year, thousands of Hungarians marched through downtown Budapest to rally against their government's prospective participation in the construction of a dam on the Danube River. The environmental movements in the former eastern bloc marked the beginning of the end of Soviet era communism in Europe. However, many commentators have implied that environmental protest was a proxy for other, more politically explosive grievances. Environmentalism was decisive, it is argued, because it provided a release valve for pent-up frustrations and repressed nationalistic ardor. Re-examining the independence movement in Estonia, this article contends that environmentalism was not incidental to citizens’ larger aims. The specific, environmentally destructive activities people condemned embodied many of the features of the Soviet system that people despised generally. Resource-intensive and pollution-prone projects proposed by Moscow provoked a broadly conceived environmental revolt rather than environmental protest “in name only.” The environmentally related constituents of Estonia's independence movement included citizens’ opposition to pollution of the environment and waste of natural resources; perceived “mindlessness” of industrial policy in Estonia; the promise of new Russian-speaking immigrants to work in environmentally unfriendly industries; and economic exploitation of natural resources in Estonia for the benefit of other Soviet republics, especially the Russian RSFSR.
- Type
- Articles
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © 1998 Association for the Study of Nationalities
References
Notes
* Brad Woodworth and Pauls Raudseps provided helpful research inputs to this project.Google Scholar
1. ‘“Environmental Protection’ Rally at Ignalina [sic] AES,” TASS, 17 September 1988, reprinted in Foreign Broadcast Information Services (FBIS-SOV-88–181), 19 September 1988.Google Scholar
2. “Demonstration in Budapest against Gabcikovo-Nagymoros Project,” BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, 14 September 1988.Google Scholar
3. Commentators who argue that popular environmental discontent substituted for citizens’ “unvoicable complaints” (in Soviet era central and eastern Europe) include: Fisher, Duncan, “The Emergence of the Environmental Movement in Eastern Europe and Its Role in the Revolutions of 1989,” in Jancar-Webster, Barbara, ed., Environmental Action in Eastern Europe: Response to Crisis (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1993), p. 99; Feshbach, Murray and Friendly, Alfred Jr, Ecocide in the USSR: Health and Nature under Siege, (New York: Basic Books, 1992), pp. 229–250; Muiznieks, Nils R., “The Daugavpils Hydro Station and ‘Glastnost’ in Latvia,” Journal of Baltic Studies, Vol. 18, No. 1 (Spring, 1987), p. 67; Galambos, Judit, “An International Environmental Conflict on the Danube: the Gabcikovo-Nagymoros Dams,” in Vari, Anna and Tamas, Pal, eds, Environment and Democratic Transition: Policy and Politics in Central and Eastern Europe (Boston: Kluwer, 1993), pp. 203–205; McIntyre, Colin, “Popular Protest over Pollution Growing in East Europe,” Reuters, 24 May 1988; Vera, Rich, “An Ill Wind from Chernobyl; Radioactive Fallout over Europe,” New Scientist, Vol. 30, No. 1765, 1991, p. 26; “East European Pollution: Cleaning up after Communism,” The Economist, Vol. 314, No. 7642, 17 February 1990, pp. 54–56.Google Scholar
4. The most comprehensive geographical treatment of the “green revolutions” in eastern and central Europe and the former Soviet Union is found in Jancar-Webster, Barbara, ed., Environmental Action in Eastern Europe: Response to Crisis (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1993). See also, French, Hilary, “Restoring the East European and Soviet Environments,” in Brown, Lester R., ed., State of the World 1991 (New York: W. W. Norton, 1991), pp. 93–112. See also Eklof, Ben, Soviet Briefing: Gorbachev and the Reform Period (Boulder: Westview, 1989), pp. 133–146. See also Judt, Tony, “The Dilemmas of Dissidence: The Politics of Opposition in East-Central Europe,” in Fehèr, Ferenc and Arato, Andrew, eds, Crisis in Eastern Europe (London: Transaction Publishers, 1991), pp. 269–272. See also Echikson, William, Lighting the Night: Revolution in Eastern Europe (New York: William Morrow, 1990), pp. 227–239.Google Scholar
5. Barbara Jancar-Webster states that the contributing authors to her volume, lean toward the view that an environmental movement committed to environment protection per se may be a misnomer in predemocratic Eastern Europe. The public took up environmental issues because for many years the environment was the only “public talking space” and could be used to pursue other agendas. (Barbara Jancar-Webster, “The East European Environmental Movement and the Transformation of East European Society,” in Jancar-Webster, Barbara, ed., Environmental Action in Eastern Europe: Response to Crisis (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1993), p. 196.)Google Scholar
In the case of the Lithuanian independence movements, Kritkausky speaks of environmental issues providing “safe cover” for other political concerns (Randy Kritkausky, “Lithuania,” in Pryde, Philip R., ed., Environmental Resources and Constraints in the Former Soviet Republics (Boulder: Westview, 1995), pp. 136). Feshbach and Friendly declare that,Google Scholar
In the Baltics and in Armenia, pollution and related health concerns served as both camouflage and catalyst for nationalism and other subversive sentiments that in 1986 and 1987 did not quite dare to speak their name. (Feshbach and Friendly, p. 231)Google Scholar
For comparable attestations, see Mason, David S., Revolution in East-Central Europe: The Rise and Fall of Communism and the Cold War (Boulder: Westview, 1992), p. 61. See also Prins, Gwyn, “Introduction,” in Prins, Gwyn, ed., Spring in Winter: The 1989 Revolutions (New York: Manchester University Press, 1990), p. xxi. See also Peterson, D. J., Troubled Lands: The Legacy of Soviet Environmental Destruction (Boulder: Westivew Press, 1993), p. 216. Lest readers presume that environmental dissent in communist Europe was at all times “safe” or provoked no response from authorities, Singleton's recitation of punishments served out to Czechoslovak activists is an antidote (Fred Singleton, “Czechoslovakia: Greens versus Reds,” in Singleton, Fred, ed., Environmental Problems in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1987), pp. 178–180).Google Scholar
6. Fisher, , op. cit ., p. 99.Google Scholar
7. Eilart, Jaan, Man, Ecosystem and Culture (Tallinn: Perioodika, 1976), pp. 14–15, 21.Google Scholar
8. Aarelaid-Tart, Aili and Tart, Indrek, “Culture and the Development of Civil Society,” Nationalities Paper, Vol. 23, No. 1, 1995, p. 156. The authors argue that the Society of Nature's true aim was “preservation of Estonian land as the national territory of Estonia” rather than preservation of nature per se.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
9. Smurr, Robert, “Resisting the Eschatology of the Impersonal,” unpublished manuscript, Department of History, University of Washington, Seattle, 1996, p. 6.Google Scholar
10. “The Letter of Eighteen Estonian Naturalists to Colleagues in Finland, Sweden, Denmark and the Federal Republic of Germany,” Documents from Estonia on the Violation of Human Rights (Stockholm: Estonian Information Centre, 1977). Excerpts are reprinted in Zarins, Aina, “Scientists Protest the Devastation of Nature in Estonia,” RFE/RL 224/77, 28 September 1977, pp. 1–8. See also Küng, Andres, A Dream of Freedom: Four Decades of National Survival versus Russian Imperialism in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, 1940–1980 (Cardiff: Boreas, 1980), pp. 125–127.Google Scholar
11. Küng, Andres, “Estonia Awakens,” in Klingström, Allan and Wiberg, Gunnel, eds, Focus on Estonia and the Baltic Sea: Research, Economy, and Environment: Proceedings from the International Seminar in Stockholm, Tallinn, and Visby, 27–29 July 1990 (Uppsala: Industrial Liaison Office, Uppsala University, 1990), p. 14.Google Scholar
12. Lippmaa, Endel and Aare, Juhan, “Lippmaa and Aare on Estonian Ecology,” Baltic Forum, Vol. 6, No. 1, Spring 1989, pp. 6–7.Google Scholar
13. lives, Toomas, “Growing Opposition and Unrest over Massive Mining Project,” RFE/Research Report, 15 June 1987, p. 7.Google Scholar
14. “Estonian Government Decides against Developing Phosphorite Deposits,” TASS, 14 December 1987, reprinted in BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, SU/0057/C1/1, 25 January 1988.Google Scholar
15. Liikumine, Eesti Roheline, “Some Facts from the First Year of EGM,” booklet containing resolutions, declarations and other primary papers from the Estonian Green Movement (Tartu: Estonian Green Movement, 1989), p. 7.Google Scholar
16. Ibid., p. 10.Google Scholar
17. Küng, , 1990, op. cit., p. 14. Equally alarming data on morbidity in northeast Estonia are documented in Antti Roose, Estonia Built on Oil Shale (Rakvere, Estonia: Virumaa Foundation, 1991), pp. 65–69.Google Scholar
18. Raudseep, Vladimir, “The Baltic Sea Needs Protection,” Estonian Panorama , No. 1, 1989, p. 30.Google Scholar
19. Pohla, Velio, “Towards a Green, Free State,” Panoscope, Vol. 18, May 1990, p. 16.Google Scholar
20. See, for example, “Mining,” Noorte Haal, 3 September 1985, reprinted in BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, SU/W1368/A/8, 6 December 1985; or see “Doubts over Phosphorite Mining in Estonia,” BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, SU/W1436/1, 10 April 1987.Google Scholar
21. Taagepera, Mare, “The Ecological and Political Problems of Phosphorite Mining in Estonia,” Journal of Baltic Studies, Vol. 20, No. 2, 1989, p. 168.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
22. RFE/Research Report, 15 June 1987, pp. 5–10.Google Scholar
23. Taagepera, , op. cit ., p. 169.Google Scholar
24. Medvedev, Zhores A., Soviet Agriculture (New York: W. W. Norton, 1987), p. 304.Google Scholar
25. For an overview of the life cycle assessment concept, see Curran, Mary-Ann, “Broad-Based Environmental Life Cycle Assessment,” Environmental Science and Technology, Vol. 27, March 1993, pp. 430–436.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
26. Jaan Eilart's letter appeared in Sirp ja Vasar (Hammer and Sickle Weekly (Tallinn)), 10 May 1968, and is excerpted in English in Rein Taagepera's Estonian Events, No. 7, 19 May 1968, p. 1.Google Scholar
27. Environment ‘89 (Tallinn: Estonian Nature Management Scientific Information Centre, 1990), p. 8.Google Scholar
28. Estonian Ministry of Environment, National Report of Estonia to UNCED 1992 (Tallinn: Estonian Ministry of Environment, 1992), p. 29. Smurr writes,Google Scholar
In this relatively flat country where the highest natural feature, Suur Munaoogi Hill, is only 318 meters above sea-level, and where the relative heights of more local landforms rarely exceed twenty meters, the visual and psychological impact of hundreds of cinder hills, some attaining heights of up to 115 meters is staggering. (Smurr, p. 10.)Google Scholar
29. Auer, Matthew R., “Environmental Restoration, Economic Transition and Nationalism in Estonia,” Journal of Baltic Studies, Vol. 23, No. 4, 1992, p. 379. See also Estonian Ministry of Environment, p. 26.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
30. Auer, , op. cit ., pp. 379–380.Google Scholar
31. Helsinki Commission, The Baltic Sea Joint Comprehensive Environmental Action Programme, Conference Document No. 5/3 (Helsinki: Baltic Marine Environment Protection Commission, 1992), appendix, table 3.Google Scholar
32. “Estonian ‘Greens’ Demand Saul's Resignation,” Dagens Nyheter, 26 September 1988, p. 10, reprinted in FBIS (FBIS-SOV-88–90), 30 September 1988, p. 40.Google Scholar
33. Ibid.Google Scholar
34. “Ecological Concerns Halt Phosphorite Excavation,” RFE/Research Report, 8 May 1987, p. 9.Google Scholar
35. FBIS (FBIS-SOV-88–90), p. 40.Google Scholar
36. Marksoo, Peter and Kasepalu, Alfred, “Area and Natural Resources,” in Lugus, Olev and Vartia, Pentti, eds, Estonia and Finland: A Retrospective Socioeconomic Comparison (Helsinki: Elinkeinoeloomoon Tutkimuslaitos, 1993), p. 19.Google Scholar
37. Puura, Ivar and Bauert, Heikki, “Oil Shale Geology and Mining,” in European Workshop on Human Impact on Environment (Tartu: University of Tartu, 1991), p. 43.Google Scholar
38. Aarna, Agu, “What Is Derived from Combustible Stone,” in Estonia ‘79 (Tallinn: Perioodika, 1979), pp. 35–36.Google Scholar
39. “Shale Miners Protect Ministry's Declining Orders,” Pravda, 4 June 1987, p. 1, reprinted in FBIS (FBIS-SOV-87–115), 16 June 1987, p. S1.Google Scholar
40. Ibid.Google Scholar
41. Misiunas, Romuald J. and Taagepera, Rein, The Baltic States: Years of Dependence, 1940–1980 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), pp. 108, 206). Sakkeus has revised upward the oft-quoted 94% estimate for the indigenous Estonian population in 1945. He claims that the ethnic Estonian portion was 97.3%. Estonia's pre-war population was more heterogeneous than at the war's end. The German Baltic minority emigrated in 1939–1940 and most ethnic Swedes left in 1944 (Sakkeus, Luule, “Post-War Migration Trends in the Baltic States,” Estonian Interuniversity Population Research Centre Working Paper Series, RU Series B No 20 (Tallinn: EKDK, 1993), p. 5).Google Scholar
42. Kahk, J. and Siilivask, K., History of the Estonian SSR (Tallinn: Perioodika, 1979), p. 162.Google Scholar
43. Bauert, Puura and, op. cit ., p. 45.Google Scholar
44. Pullat, P., Ejov, B. A., Truuvyali, A. Yu, Siilivask, K., Keerna, A., Kala, K. and Yuursoo, P., Estonia Todzy (Tallinn: Estonia Book, 1985), pp. 49–51.Google Scholar
45. Partel, Askel, “Estonspanech” Vuera i Segodnya [“Estonian Oil Shale” Yesterday and Today] (Tallinn: Estonia Book, 1986), p. 39.Google Scholar
46. Saakeus, , op. cit ., p. 29.Google Scholar
47. Ibid., p. 7.Google Scholar
48. Ibid., p. 10; Taagepera, Rein, “Ethnic Relations in Estonia, 1991,” Journal of Baltic Studies, Vol. 23, No. 2, 1992, p. 123.Google Scholar
49. Eilart, J., Kippar, R., Laul, E., Maaring, E., Mammar, R., Norvik, M. and Pajusalu, E., Kohtla Järve Rajoonis (In the Region Kohtla Järve) (Tallinn: Estonia NSV Teaduste Academia, 1983), p. 152.Google Scholar
50. Siilivask, Kahk and, p. 160; Reinsalu, E., “Economical Development of Estonian Oil Shale Industry,” Oil Shale, Vol. 8, No. 3, 1991, p. 276.Google Scholar
51. Kahk, Juhan, World War II and Soviet Occupation in Estonia: A Damages Report (Tallinn: Perioodika, 1991), p. 53.Google Scholar
52. Taagepera, Misiunas and, op. cit ., p. 228.Google Scholar
53. Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, The Soviet Agro-Food System and Agricultural Trade: Prospects for Reform (Paris: OECD, 1991), p. 84.Google Scholar
54. Narodnoye khozyaystvo SSSR v 1984 godu [Public Property of the USSR in 1984] (Moscow: Statistika, 1985), p. 267.Google Scholar
55. Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, op. cit ., pp. 82–85.Google Scholar
56. “Work on Estonian Phosphorite Deposit,” Mining Journal, Vol. 297, 16 April 1982, p. 291.Google Scholar
57. “Mining,” Noorte Haal , 3 September 1985, reprinted in BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, SU/W1368/A/8, 6 December 1985.Google Scholar
58. Foreign Broadcast Information Services (FBIS-SOV-88–181), 19 September 1988.Google Scholar
59. BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, 14 September 1988.Google Scholar
60. Dreifelds, Juris, “Two Latvian Dams: Two Confrontations,” Baltic Forum, Vol. 6, No. 1, 1989, pp. 16–17.Google Scholar
61. Muiznieks, , op. cit ., p. 64.Google Scholar
62. Environmental contamination played virtually no role in public resistance to the Daugavpils dam, but was integral to Latvians’ opposition to the continued operation of the Sloka pulp and paper mill near Jurmala in 1989–1990 (see, e.g. “Speech by A.V. Gorbunov, Chairman of the Presidium of the Latvian Republic Supreme Soviet,” Izvestia, 1 December 1989, pp. 2–3, reprinted in Current Digest of the Soviet Press, Vol. 41, No. 49, 1989, p. 22). Production at the Sloka mill was halted temporarily in 1990.Google Scholar
63. Muiznieks, , op. cit ., p. 64.Google Scholar
64. Ursov, Yu, “Pulp-Mill Closing Brings Paper Famine,” Pravda, 24 January 1990, p. 8, reprinted in Current Digest of the Soviet Press, Vol. 42, No. 4, 1990, pp. 10–12.Google Scholar
65. Official correspondence concerning the Rakvere phosphate project is reprinted in Taagepera, M., op. cit ., pp. 172–174. See also, Aare, Lippmaa and, op. cit., pp. 6–7.Google Scholar
66. Dreifelds, , op. cit ., pp. 22–23.Google Scholar
67. Zalygin, Sergei, “Lessons from a Discussion,” Novy Mir, No. 1, January 1987, pp. 3–18, reprinted in Current Digest of the Soviet Press, Vol. 39, No. 16, 20 May 1987, p. 4.Google Scholar
68. Ibid., p. 11. A poem (by an unknown Latvian author, circa 1925), drawing, and photograph of Staburags are found in Villerusa, V., ed., Daugavas Raksti: No Aizkraukles Lidz Rigai (The Writings of the Daugava: from Aizkraukle to Riga) (Riga: Zinatne, 1991), pp. 109, 129.Google Scholar
69. Dreifelds, , op. cit ., p. 14.Google Scholar
70. Ibid., p. 15.Google Scholar
71. Zalygin, , op. cit ., p. 4.Google Scholar
72. Liikumine, Eesti Roheline, op. cit., pp. 7–8. Ethnic Estonian concerns about a new influx of Russian workers to Estonia are also discussed in Uku Kuusk, “Ecological Concern in Estonia,” RFE/RL Baltic Area Research Report, 29 August 1986, pp. 9–12. On the matter of ethnic tension in the Estonian phosphate and oil shale cases, see also Auer, Matthew R., “The Historical Roots of Environmental Conflict in Estonia,” East European Quarterly, Vol. 30, No. 3, 1996, pp. 353–380. See also Auer, 1992, pp. 380–381. See also lives, op. cit., p. 5.Google Scholar
73. Dreifelds, , op. cit ., pp. 22–23; Zalygin, , op. cit., p. 4. At least one source hints at ethnic discord in the Latvian Sloka pulp and paper mill case. Feshbach and Friendly (op. cit., p. 127) write that the temporary closure (by republic-level officials) of Sloka was “made politically easier by the fact that most of the Sloka mill workers were Russians rather than Latvians.” If the overwhelming presence of Russian-speaking workers made it “politically easier” to shut down the Sloka mill, this experience contrasts sharply with Tallinn officials’ efforts to impose rules on Russaphone-dominated uranium processing and defense-related industries in Sillamäe. In the early 1990s, Russian-speaking workers in this town vociferously opposed ministerial plans to shut down pollution-prone factories near the Baltic coast. Tallinn eventually abandoned its efforts to close the plants (interview, Tonis Kaasik, former Estonian Minister of Environment, Tallinn, 22 February 1994).Google Scholar
74. Dreifelds, , op. cit ., pp. 22–23.Google Scholar
75. Quinn-Judge, Paul, “Ferment Brews in Soviet Baltics,” Christian Science Monitor , 21 September 1988, p. 1.Google Scholar
76. Dreifelds, , op. cit ., p. 17; Muiznieks, , op. cit., p. 67.Google Scholar
77. Aare, Lippmaa and, p. 7.Google Scholar
78. See, for example, Dreifelds, Juris, “Latvia,” in Pryde, Philip R., ed., Environmental Resources and Constraints in the Former Soviet Republics (Boulder: Westview, 1995), p. 121. See also Kritkausky, , op. cit., pp. 136–137. See also Bernd Baumgartl, “Environmental Protest as a Vehicle for Transition: The Case of Ekoglasnost in Bulgaria,” in Vari, Anna and Tamas, Pal, eds, Environment and Democratic Transition: Policy and Politics in Central and Eastern Europe (Boston: Kluwer, 1993), p. 167.Google Scholar
79. Eesti Roheline Liikumine (untitled, undated document in newsletter of the Estonian Green Movement) (Tartu: Estonian Green Movement), p. 1.Google Scholar
- 15
- Cited by