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Reform, “Rebirth” and Regret: The Rise and Decline of the Ethnic-German Nationalist Wiedergeburt Movement in the USSR and CIS, 1987–1993

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 November 2018

Eric J. Schmaltz*
Affiliation:
University of Nebraska, USA

Extract

In early 1989, the Soviet Germans established the Wiedergeburt (“Rebirth”) All-Union Society. An umbrella-organization originally designed to protect and advance ethnic-German interests in the USSR, the “Rebirth” Society adopted the most effective legal means by which it could confront the regime—namely, political dissent based on Lenin's notion of national self-determination. The “Rebirth” movement evolved in this context and represented the fifteenth-largest Soviet nationality numbering more than two million in the 1989 Soviet census. By 1993, official membership in the “Rebirth” Society included nearly 200,000 men and women. Ironically, at the very moment the Soviet Germans became more politically conscious, the Soviet Union and the ethnic-German community were disintegrating.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © 1998 Association for the Study of Nationalities 

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References

Notes

1. List of abbreviations used in this article's notes: AHSGR (American Historical Society of Germans from Russia, Lincoln, Nebraska); CDSP (The Current Digest of the Soviet Press); CDPSP (The Current Digest of the Post-Soviet Press); FAZ (Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Germany); NL (Neues Leben, Moscow); SPZ (St. Petersburgische Zeitung, Russia); and VadW (Volk auf dem Weg, Stuttgart). Many of these sources are available at the Germans from Russia Heritage Collection at the North Dakota Institute for Regional Studies, North Dakota State University Libraries, Fargo, and the American Historical Society of Germans from Russia, Lincoln, Nebraska.Google Scholar

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4. Groth, Heinrich, “Zur Pressekonferenz von Dr. Heinrich Groth ansäßlich der Niederlegung seiner Vollmachten,” SPZ, Vol. 37, No. 1, February 1994, pp. 13; Kulturrat der Deutschen aus Rußland und Landsmannschaft der Deutschen aus Rußland, eds, Volk auf dem Weg: Deutsche in Rußland und in der GUS, 1763–1993 (Stuttgart: Landsmannschaft der Deutschen aus Rußland, 1993), p. 27. By 1993, estimates on “Rebirth” membership varied between 170,000 (according to Volk auf dem Weg) and 250,000 (according to Groth). Groth's estimate is probably exaggerated.Google Scholar

5. In many respects, the Soviet regime succeeded better at assimilation than its tsarist predecessors. The general trend appeared to favor the steady linguistic integration of ethnic Germans, as three Soviet censuses between 1959 and 1979 indicated. With about 95% of 1.24 million Soviet Germans in 1926 declaring that their mother tongue was German, subsequent records demonstrated a marked decline in proficiency. For instance, in 1959 about 75% of more than 1.6 million Soviet Germans reported that German was their first language. By 1970, only about 67% of almost 1.85 million Soviet Germans responded similarly. In 1979, the German population was figured at more than 1.9 million, of which about 58% replied that German was the mother tongue. According to German government studies conducted in 1989, less than 50% of Soviet Germans answered that German was the first language (and by no means an indication of fluency). Similar to other Soviet nationalities, the second language of most Soviet Germans was Russian. To illustrate this point, only slightly over 1% of Germans in 1970 who spoke another language did not speak Russian. In a survey conducted with hundreds of German emigres in West Germany around 1990, 96.6% of respondents said that Russian was their second language—that is, only a slight increase in non-Russian proficiency. In other words, Russian was the dominant form of communication in the USSR. See Dietz, Barbara and Hilkes, Peter, Rußlanddeutsche: Unbekannte im Osten: Geschichte, Situation, Zukunftsperspektiven (Munich: Olzog Verlag, 1992), p. 52; Eisfeld, Alfred, Die Rußlanddeutschen, pp. 148, 152; Heitman, Sidney, “The Soviet Germans and the 1979 USSR Census,” AHSGR Journal, Vol. 4, No. 3, Winter 1981, pp. 15–16; Heitman, , The Soviet Germans in the USSR Today (Cologne: Bundesinstitut für ostwissenschaftliche und internationale Studien, 1980), p. 43; Kaiser, Robert J., The Geography of Nationalism in Russia and the USSR (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994), p. 265; Pinkus, Benjamin, “The Germans in the Soviet Union Since 1945,” in Frankel, Edith Rogovin, ed., The Soviet Germans: Past and Present (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1986), pp. 136–143; Rosenberg, Peter, “New Research on the Status of the German Language in the Soviet Union,” Clayton, Trans. Christine, AHSGR Journal, Vol. 18, No. 1, Spring 1995, pp. 15, 21–22.Google Scholar

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8. See the fine introduction in Kloberdanz, Timothy J., “Volksdeutsche: The Eastern European Germans: Hungry for Land, Hungry for a Home: North Dakota's ‘Other Germans,'” in Sherman, William C. and Thorson, Playford V., eds, Plains Folk: North Dakota's Ethnic History, revised 2nd edn (Fargo, ND: North Dakota Institute for Regional Studies, North Dakota State University, 1988), pp. 119181; Long, James W., From Privileged to Dispossessed: The Volga Germans, 1860–1917 (Lincoln, NB: University of Nebraska Press, 1988), pp. xi–xv, 55–57.Google Scholar

9. The 1989 Soviet census reported the official German population figures as follows: Kazakh SSR (957,518); Russian SFSR (842,033); and Kirghiz SSR (101,309). Other substantial German minorities lived in the Uzbek SSR (39,809), Ukraine SSR (37,849), and Tadjik SSR (32,671). Population centers with large German minorities included Orenburg, Novosibirsk and Omsk (in Russia), as well as Karaganda, Alma-Ata, and Tselinograd (in Kazakhstan). Since the early 1990s, several German government studies have suggested that almost one-half of the ethnic Germans in the Central Asian republics have temporarily relocated to West Siberia or have emigrated to Germany. See Eisfeld.Google Scholar

10. Schism and “stratification” also permeated other segments of Russian German society, where the traditional world confronted the modern. By the late 1980s and early 1990s, however, a few members among the ethnic German clergy in conservative Protestant denominations actually began reacting against the Wiedergeburt, which they cautiously regarded as a “secular-humanist” organization. In this case, their distrust of Soviet officials could also pertain to fellow German activists. For instance, grass-roots resistance grew out of a number of Lutheran congregations in Central Asia by 1989. At this time, some German Catholic congregations in Central Asia also expressed their ambivalence with “Rebirth” activists. See Stricker, Gerd, “Die Rolle der Kirchen beim Entstehen eines nationales Bewußsteins unter den Rußlanddeutschen,” pp. 3972; and Wilhelm Schätzler, “Bericht über eine Reise zu den katholischen Gemeinden in Kasachstan (Karaganda) und Sibirien (Nowosibirsk, Altai-Gebiet),” pp. 102–119, both in Landsmannschaft der Rußland, Deutchen aus, ed., Referate der Kulturtagung der Deutschen aus Rußland/UdSSR vom 26. bis 28. Oktober 1990 in Stuttgart: “Kirche, Staat, Gesellschaft. Die Rußlanddeutschen am Scheideweg” (Stuttgart: Landsmannschaft der Deutchen aus Rußland, 1990), pp. 39–72.Google Scholar

11. Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung, ed., Informationen zur politischen Bildung: Aussiedler: Nr. 222 (Bonn, 1991), pp. 2022; Schippan, Michael and Striegnitz, Sonja, Wolgadeutsche: Geschichte und Gegenwart (Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1992), pp. 186–189.Google Scholar

12. Bosch, Anton et al., “Sowjetische ‘Wiedergeburt’ ringt um das Überleben in der UdSSR: Heinrich Groth, der Verfechter einer klaren und sofortigen Entscheidung, setzt sich durch,” VadW, No. 10, October 1990, p. 12; Groth, , “Zur Pressekonferenz,” pp. 13; Groth et al., “‘Die Wiedergeburt': Die ‘Wiedergeburt’ schrieb an den UN-Generalsekretär Perez de Cuellar,” letter to U.N. General Secretary Perez de Cuellar, 17 January 1990, VadW, No. 3, March 1990, p. 5. Numerous other articles and proclamations are cited in issues of Neues Leben since 1988.Google Scholar

13. Bosch, , “Das Karussell um Ausreise und Autonomie dreht sich weiter,” VadW, No. 3, March 1990, p. 5; Haar, Yuri, “From Knowledgeable Sources: Congress of Soviet Germans Is Postponed After All,” interview by V. Ardayev, in Leo Gruliow et al., eds, Trans. Elizabeth Squires, CDSP, Vol. 43, No. 10, 10 April 1991, pp. 2122; Schmaltz, Eric J., “Ethnic and German Nationalism in the Former Soviet Union Since 1989,” AHSGR Journal, Vol. 18, No. 2, Summer 1995, pp. 8–14.Google Scholar

14. Informationen zur politischen Bildung, pp. 2022; Kampen, Johann, “Hugo Wormsbecher ruft zum Verbleib in Rußland auf,” VadW, No. 10, October 1994, p. 14; Wormsbecher, Hugo, “Emigration or Revival,” editorial, in Gruliow, Leo et al., eds, Trans. Elizabeth Squires and Richard Thomas, CDSP, Vol. 42, No. 41, 14 November 1990, p. 27; Wormsbecher, , “Die Sowjetdeutschen: Probleme und Hoffnungen,” NL, No. 37, 7 September 1988, pp. 8–9.Google Scholar

15. Appell an das sowjetdeutsche Volk und die sowjetische öffentlichkeit,” NL, No. 37, 11 September 1991, p. 2; Informationen zur politischen Bildung, pp. 2022; Kampen, , “Hugo Wormsbecher ruft zum Verbleib in Rußland auf,” p. 14; Reinhard Olt, “An der Wolga Siedlungsgebiete für Deutsche ausgewiesen: Anfang in zwei nationalen Kreisen/Jelzin und Krawtschuk/Kongreß in Moskau,” FAZ, 20 March 1992; “Die ordentliche Durchführung des Kongresses der ‘Wiedergeburt’ in Moskau wurde verteilt: Die erste symbolische deutsche Republik der Welt,” VadW, No. 4, April 1991, pp. 2–3.Google Scholar

16. Groth, , “Zur Pressekonferenz,” pp. 13; “Heinrich Groth gibt auf,” VadW, No. 2, February 1994, p. 5; Reinhard Olt, “Kampf um die Eigenstaatlichkeit aufgegeben: Rücktritt des Hauptaktivisten der Rußlanddeutschen/Kritik an Moskau und Bonn,” FAZ, 22 December 1993, p. 5; “Resolution des II. Kongresses des Internationalen Verbandes der Rußlanddeutschen (27–28 Oktober 1995, Moskau),” NL, No. 43, 17 November 1995, p. 6.Google Scholar

17. Neues Leben was based in Moscow (1926–1941, 1957–); Zeitung für Dich in Slavgorod, Russia (1991–), although its predecessor Rote Fahne (Red Flag) first appeared between 1919 and 1922 and then from 1957 to 1991; Zeitung der Wolgadeutschen in Saratov, Russia (1990–); Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung in Alma-Ata, Kazakhstan (1965–); Deutscher Kanal in Kiev, Ukraine (1992–); and Nachrichten in Ulyanovsk, Russia (1990–). Historically, German-language newspaper circulation was limited, partly due to the Germans’ fear of future reprisals. See also Pinkus, “The Germans in the Soviet Union Since 1945,” pp. 56, 132.Google Scholar

18. Eisfeld, , Die Rußlanddeutschen, pp. 152159; Informationen zur politischen Bildung, pp. 20–22; Rippley, LaVern J., “Aussiedler, Spätaussiedler, Übersiedler, Einsiedler,” Heritage Review, Vol. 21, No. 4, December 1991, pp. 16–17.Google Scholar

19. Eisfeld, , Die Rußlanddeutschen, pp. 152159.Google Scholar

20. Hosking, Geoffrey, The Awakening of the Soviet Union, enlarged edn (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1991), pp. 161162.Google Scholar

21. Domnin, Nikolai, “Volle Rehabilitierung erforderlich,” editorial, NL, No. 44, 25 October 1989, p. 14; Dulson, Maria, “Erinnerungen: An der Wolga geboren,” NL, No. 21, 17 May 1989, p. 5; Ebel, Viktor, “Nicht ‘Neu-Gründung,’ sondern Wiederherstellung,” editorial, NL, No. 48, 22 November 1989, p. 14; Eisbein, M., “Laßt unsere Kultur und Sprache wiedererstehen!” editorial, NL, No. 18, 26 April 1989, p. 14; Falk, Peter, “Delegierter fordert im Kreml Gerechtigkeit: Stiefkinder wollen Autonomie,” interview by Dmitri Ostalski, NL, No. 28, 5 July 1989, p. 3; Frank, Johann, “Auf dem Wege zur Wiedergeburt,” editorial, NL, No. 47, 15 November 1989, p. 14; Frank, Maria, “Wir verlieren die Hoffnung nicht,” editorial, NL, No. 44, 25 October 1989, p. 14; Günter, Silvia, “Die Gerechtigkeit muß siegen,” editorial, NL, No. 43, 18 October 1989, p. 1; Groo, A. et al., “Sie sind unsere Hoffnung,” editorial, NL, No. 51, 13 December 1989, p. 14; Heidt, Viktor, “‘Grünes Licht’ für die Wahrheit,” editorial, NL, No. 46, 6 November 1989, p. 14; Jefimenko, Antonia, “Gleiche unter Gleiche sein,” editorial, NL, No. 29, 12 July 1989, p. 14; Netschajewa, Natalia, “Die Republik muß wiederhergestellt werden,” editorial, NL, No. 51, 13 December 1989, p. 14; Schreiner, Alexander, “Wo bleibt die Gerechtigkeit?” editorial, NL, No. 21, 17 May 1989, p. 5; Sendker, Jan-Philip, “Sehnsucht nach der alten Heimat,” NL, No. 17, 19 April 1989, p. 3; Weber, Robert, “Schriftsteller haben das Wort: Unsere Sorgen, unsere Hoffnungen,” NL, No. 28, 6 July 1988, pp. 89; Wormsbecher, Hugo, “Die Sowjetdeutschen: Probleme und Hoffnungen,” NL, No. 37, 7 September 1988, pp. 8–9. Please note that not all Soviet Germans desired a new republic, partly out of concern for future recrimination and out of a sense of political cynicism and political realism. For example, consult Friedrich Emig, “Was brachte die Autonomie allen Sowjetdeutschen?” editorial, NL, No. 21, 17 May 1989, p. 7; Geier, Peter, “Brauchen wir eine Autonomie?” editorial, NL, No. 37, 6 September 1989, p. 14; and Miller, Paul, “Nicht dafür [Wolgarepublik],” editorial, NL, No. 45, 1 November 1989, p. 14. For public statements sent to the central government, the CC of the CPSU, Gorbachev, and the non-German peoples and for the full program, demands, statutes, and by-laws of the “Rebirth,” please also see Osteuropa, Vol. 1, January 1990, A1–A24.Google Scholar

22. Eisfeld, , Die Rußlanddeutschen, pp. 155156.Google Scholar

23. Wormsbecher, , “Die Sowjetdeutschen: Probleme und Hoffnungen,” pp. 89. See also similar themes expressed in Wormsbecher's 8 October 1989 speech to the congress of the VDA (Verein für das Deutschtum in Ausland) in Bonn, “Haben die Sowjetdeutschen eine Zukunft?” Osteuropa, Vol. 1, January 1990, pp. 3–10.Google Scholar

24. Wormsbecher, , “Die Sowjetdeutschen: Probleme und Hoffnungen,” pp. 89.Google Scholar

25. Wormsbecher, , “Die Sowjetdeutschen: Probleme und Hoffnungen,” p. 9.Google Scholar

26. Wormsbecher, , “Haben die Sowjetdeutschen eine Zukunft?” p. 10; Wormsbecher, “Die Sowjetdeutschen: Probleme und Hoffnungen,” pp. 89.Google Scholar

27. Hilkes, Dietz and, Unbekannte im Osten, pp. 100102; “Die ordentliche Durchführung des Kongresses der ‘Wiedergeburt’ in Moskau wurde verteilt: Die erste symbolische deutsche Republik der Welt,” pp. 2–3; Informationen zur politischen Bildung, pp. 20–22; Juri Marker, “Plenum des Koordinierungszentrums der Uniongesellschaft der Sowjetdeutschen ‘Wiedergeburt,'” NL, No. 18, 25 April 1990, p. 2; Wormsbecher, “Die Sowjetdeutschen: Probleme und und Hoffnungen,” pp. 8–9.Google Scholar

28. Eisfeld, , Die Rußlanddeutschen, pp. 156161, 216.Google Scholar

29. Bosch, Anton et al., “Sowjetische ‘Wiedergeburt’ ringt um das Überleben in der UdSSR: Heinrich Groth, der Verfechter einer klaren und sofortigen Entscheidung, setzt sich durch,” VadW, No. 10, October 1990, p. 12; Hilkes, Dietz and, Unbekannte im Osten, pp. 7785; Eisfeld, Die Rußlanddeutschen, pp. 159–160; “Die ordentliche Durchführung des Kongresses der ‘Wiedergeburt’ in Moskau wurde verteilt: Die erste symbolische deutsche Republik der Welt,” VadW, No. 4, April 1991, pp. 2–3; Groth, Heinrich, “Zur Pressekonferenz von Dr. Heinrich Groth anläßlich der Niederlegung seinerVollmachten,” SPZ, Vol. 37, No. 1, February 1994, pp. 1–3; Hilkes, , “Re: Eine Frage aus Eric Schmaltz,” e-mail to Schmaltz, Eric J., 27 April 1995; Hilkes, , “Re: Frage aus Eric Schmaltz,” e-mail to Eric J. Schmaltz, 20 February 1996; Informationen zur politischen Bildung, pp. 20–22; Kampen, Johann, “Hugo Wormsbecher ruft zum Verbleib in Rußland auf,” VadW, No. 10, October 1994, p. 14; “A Pictorial Report from the USSR,” AHSGR Work Paper No. 22, Winter 1976, pp. ii–1; Wormsbecher, , “Die Sowjetdeutschen: Probleme und Hoffnungen,” pp. 8–9.Google Scholar

30. American Miller, Michael M., who has conducted countless interviews with ethnic Germans in Germany and the former Soviet Union, recently made this interesting comment about political activists among the ethnic Germans: “My only observations from interviewing and speaking with Aussiedler who have returned to Germany from the former Soviet Union, that the Germans who got involved with politics and the Communist Party in Russia were more of Volga German ancestry. Some of these people [Miller has briefly met with some of the “Rebirth” leadership] who have stayed have gotten involved with the German Rebirth Society or with newspapers, etc. I emphasize this is not always the case but from my observations with visits in Germany as well as correspondence. … The ethnic Germans of the Black Sea Region near Odessa were never known to get involved with serious politics. This was also true in North Dakota [with a high concentration of this ethnic group]. It is only in recent generations that we see more active participation.” Michael M. Miller, “Re: Germans from Russia,” e-mail forwarded to Eric J. Schmaltz, 22 April 1997. Concerning some of the background of Volga German socialist, populist, and peasant political traditions prior to 1917, please consult Long, From Privileged to Dispossessed, pp. 192245.Google Scholar

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37. Hilkes, Dietz and, Unbekannte im Osten, pp. 7785.Google Scholar

38. Hilkes, Dietz and, Unbekannte im Osten, pp. 8185, 97–99.Google Scholar

39. Beissinger, , pp. 141169.Google Scholar

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46. Appell an das sowjetische Volk und die sowjetische öffentlichkeit,” NL, No. 37, 11 September 1991, p. 2; Bosch, et al., “Sowjetische ‘Wiedergeburt’ ringt um das Überleben in der UdSSR,” p. 12; Eisfeld, Die Rußlanddeutschen, pp. 159160; Dietz and Hilkes, Unbekannte im Osten, pp. 75–85, 100–102; Friesen, Johann, “H. Groth soll aufhören, um die Macht zukämpfen!” editorial, NL, No. 23, 3 June 1992, p. 14; Fuchs, A., “Bin ich mit H. Wormsbecher einverstanden,” editorial, NL, No. 23, 3 June 1992, p. 14; Groth, , “Zur Pressekonferenz,” pp. 1–3; Informationen zur politischen Bildung, pp. 20–22; Kampen, “Hugo Wormsbecher ruft zum Verbleib in Rußland auf,” p. 14; “Die ordentliche Durchführung des Kongresses der ‘Wiedergeburt’ in Moskau wurde verteilt: Die erste symbolische deutsche Republik der Welt,” pp. 2–3; Wormsbecher, “Die Sowjetdeutschen: Probleme und Hoffnungen,” pp. 8–9.Google Scholar

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50. Among the various nationalities and interests groups, constant political coalition-building occurred in this period. For instance, “Rebirth” chairman Heinrich Groth was named a deputy to the presidium of the newly created Confederation of Repressed Peoples of the Russian Republic (RSFSR) in November 1990, an organization in which he participated until his resignation from all offices in December 1993. Convening in Moscow, this congress included German, Korean, Greek, Balkar, Ingushi, Meskhetian, Cheken, and Islamic Party representatives who called on the authorities to solve the question of human rights for “repressed” and “non-rehabilitated” peoples. See Groth, , “Zur Pressekonferenz,” p. 1; “Konföderation repressierter Völker der RSFSR gegründet,” VadW, No. 2, February 1991, p. 6. See also Chernobrov, V., “Plans of the Centrist Bloc,” in Leo Gruliow et al., eds, Trans. Elizabeth Squires and Richard Thomas, CDSP, Vol. 42, No. 38, 24 October 1990, pp. 20–21; Levicheva, Valentina, “Unofficial Parties, Fronts, Clubs Burgeon: Nedelya Offers Up-to-Date Catalogue of Regional Popular Fronts, Local Associations, Political Discussion Clubs, Incipient Parties, Myriad Religious, Cultural and Environmental Groups: On the Official Wave,” in Gruliow, Leo et al., eds, Trans. Squires, Elizabeth and Thomas, Richard, CDSP, Vol. 42, No. 8, 28 March 1990, pp. 5–8, 28.Google Scholar

51. Kampen, , “Der Oberste Sowjet der UdSSR empfiehlt Autonomie für die Wolgadeutschen,” VadW, No. 11, November 1989, p. 3.Google Scholar

52. “Deklaration des Obersten Sowjets der Union der Sozialistischen Sowjetrepublik: Über die Qualifizierung der Repressalien gegenüber den gewaltsam ausgesiedelten Völkern als gesetzwirdig und verbrecherisch sowie über die Gewährleistung ihere Rechte [Moscow 14 November 1989],” NL, No. 49, 29 November 1989, p. 2.Google Scholar

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