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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 13 April 2011
The city Liedertafels of Melbourne in the late colonial era were extraordinarily active, essentially amateur societies, with burgeoning memberships through to the early 1890s and a busy and varied calendar of men-only and mixed concerts and social events. This article examines aspects of the Melbourne (previously Melbourner Deutsche) Liedertafel (est. 1879) and the Metropolitan (later Royal Metropolitan) Liedertafel (est. 1870) as they functioned within late nineteenth-century Melbourne society, particularly the 1880s to Federation (1901). Opening with preliminary discussion of the social class of the participants and the role of women in the societies, it focuses on the balance in these choirs between the amateur and professional and the social and musical. The article begins with a consideration of the participants’ status as amateur or professional. It looks at any tensions between the two and charts the ways in which the balance between amateur and professional elements changed over the period and gives reasons for those changes. A second section outlines some of the varied and often picturesque types of semi-social, social and ceremonial functions in which the societies involved themselves, but places these briefly in the context of their avowed priorities and aims.
1 Letter from John F. Felstead to Charles Dixon (13 Sep. 1892). Original pasted into Metropolitan Liedertafel (hereafter MetL) Minutes 1892–1902; copy held Harold John Felstead Business and Personal Papers, 1866–1939, State Library of Victoria.
2 For discussion of the predominantly German-speaking Melbourner Deutsche Liedertafel, see Kerry Murphy, ‘“Volk von Brüdern”: The German-speaking Liedertafel in Melbourne” (this issue).
3 While the Metropolitan received its royal warrant in 1891, for consistency I shall call it simply the Metropolitan (MetL) throughout.
4 In the decade after gold was discovered, Victoria grew from a colony of 76,000 people to the largest and most prosperous colony with 540,000, or 45 per cent of the Australian population.
5 Larson, Ann, Growing up in Melbourne: Family Life in the Late 19th Century (Canberra, 1994): 23.Google Scholar
6 Mitglieder Liste der Melbourne [sic] Deutschen Liedertafel. Except where stated, all archival material is part of the Liedertafel Collection held by the Grainger Museum, University of Melbourne.
7 Ellis, Katharine, ‘The Structures of Musical Life”, in The Cambridge History of Nineteenth-Century Music, ed. Samson, Jim (Cambridge and New York, 2001): passim, esp. 363.Google Scholar
8 In Melbourne around this time, for instance, 38 per cent of households were ‘white collar’ but another 23 per cent (approximately) were headed by skilled manual workers. Larson, , Growing Up in Melbourne: 22–3Google Scholar.
9 The subscriptions were designed to provide two tickets per mixed concert and one per men-only ‘smoke night’ (discussed below), up to twelve admissions. Female subscribers would be purchasing tickets they could not themselves use, but possibly they were always allowed the arrangement formalized in the MetL Concert Programme, 25 March 1889, itemizing a separate category of subscription for ladies allowing twelve admissions to mixed concerts only.
10 Keiley, Henry, ‘The Tendency of Popular Taste in Music and how to Elevate It’, Victorian Review (1 Mar. 1880): 824.Google Scholar There are frequent allusions in the press to the social status of the audience; for example, ‘F sharp’ writes of the Liedertafels as ‘of course the most fashionable musical societies in Melbourne’, and their Town Hall concerts ‘always attractive functions where the audience affect full evening dress’ (Champion (18 Jul. 1896): 299).
11 Keiley, , ‘Tendency of Popular Taste’: 824–6.Google Scholar Both societies charged 1 guinea per annum in 1880 for a subscription, considerably less than 2s per ticket. There were no door sales to the general public, with extra tickets available for purchase only by members for use by their guests.
12 The MetL increased its subscription for non-performing members to 2 guineas in September 1882 and the Melbourne Liedertafel (hereafter MelbL) to 1.5 guineas in early 1883, and to 2 in early 1890. Both societies, however, reduced subscription costs later in the period under study in response to falling subscriber numbers in the depression years.
13 This, however, was abolished by MelbL during the depression in May 1894 (MelbL Annual Report (hereafter AR), 1894–95 (1880–1904)). The MetL also abolished the fee at around the same time, but the exact date is unclear.
14 Federal Australian (7 Apr. 1881).
15 Ellis, , ‘Structures of Musical Life’: 356,Google Scholar notes that ‘Subscription-only concerts were unquestionably the most elitist, often open only to those who could afford to pay in advance for the entire series’.
16 MelbL AR, 1895–96 (1880–1904).
17 See Molnar, G.P., Ship Letters of Australia 1788–1901 (Sydney, 1990): passim.Google Scholar
18 Royal Melbourne Philharmonic records (Guard Books) show that the Governor’s own social life was sometimes constrained by mail night. I am grateful to Peter Campbell for this information.
19 The engravings are unlikely to depict cigarette smoking as this was very rare until the 1890s. Tyrrell, Ian, Deadly Enemies: Tobacco and its Opponents in Australia (Sydney, 1999): 16Google Scholar.
20 Tyrrell, , Deadly Enemies: 4–18.Google Scholar Tyrrell suggests that Australians showed a preference greater than their British and American counterparts for the pipe, often the clay pipe, though by late century this was joined by the American ‘corncob’, German meerschaum and wooden briar. Cigars were not as prevalent as in Britain, where they were smoked, Tyrrell contends, as a mark of class. He suggests that ‘most Australians reflected their largely plebian, convict origins and egalitarian ambitions by favouring the common clay pipe which, in Britain, has become, in some circles a sign of lower class status’. Smoking was an important part of the Australian preoccupation with leisure, and elaborate rituals preparing ‘plug’ or ‘cake’ tobacco ready to smoke in a pipe connoted masculinity. It is interesting to note, in view of the German origins of the Liedertafel, that it was German immigrants who made Victoria the leading cigar-manufacturing colony in Australia.
21 The Serenade was for the Hon. F.B. Grimwade, MLC. MelbL Minutes (3 Jan. 1895; 7 Feb. 1895). In another incident a member of MelbL (Minutes, 11 Jul. 1889 (1878–95)) was written to by the committee drawing attention to his ‘unseemly conduct’ at the most recent smoke concert.
22 This touring ensemble, consisting of string quartet, clarinet and soprano Cora Miller, visited the colony in 1882. See Nash, William P., Music in the Cabbage Garden (Melbourne, 1988): 126Google Scholar.
23 Boston Transcript (12 May 1882), MetL Scrapbook (1881–83).
24 For example, a Grand Orchestra including members of the Melbourne Amateur Orchestra listed eleven female members grouped together after the men in the first and second violins, and violas, though whether they all occupied the rear desks is unknown. MetL Concert Programme (29 Feb. 1892) (1888–96).
25 For consideration of Liedertafel repertoire performed using women’s chorus see Sue Cole's article, ‘“As Much by Force of Circumstances as by Ambition”: The Programming Practices of the Melbourne Liedertafel Societies, 1880–1905’ (this issue).
26 In Herz's time, however, a move, recorded in the MetL AR, 1886–87 (1874–1903), was made to include women, but this was not acted upon: ‘The President … urged the members to take into consideration the advisability of introducing Ladies’ Voices as an adjunct to the choir, so that the whole range of vocal concerted music might be available for selection in preparing programmes for the Society's Concerts. These views were strongly supported by the Vice-President and the Conductor.’
27 MelbL Minutes (14 Oct. 1879) (1878–95).
28 A resolution to keep a ‘proper roll’ for the ‘lady members of the chorus’ is minuted on 11 Aug. 1885; a bound roll, which survives, was kept from 1890. Auditions were introduced after 14 May 1888 (MelbL Minutes (1878–95)). A volunteer choir of women was also enrolled at no cost (MelbL AR, 1893–94) but was disbanded in 1898 (MelbL Minutes (10 Jun. 1898) (1895–1905)).
29 Lady associates had to pay a half-guinea fee from 1890 (MelbL Minutes (20 Aug. 1890) (1878–95)) and received two tickets for each mixed concert in return.
30 MelbL Minutes (29 Aug. 1889) (1878–95).
31 From MelbL AR, 1892–93 (1880–1904). By this means the total membership showed an increase, rather than the marked decrease that was actually taking place.
32 ‘Are we a Musical People?’, Australasian Critic (1 Oct. 1890): 20.
33 The establishment of Conservatoriums – for example, in Melbourne (1895) and Adelaide (1897) following appointments of Professors of Music there – suggests a movement towards increased professionalism in music in Australia. See Butt, John, ‘Choral Music’, in The Cambridge History of Nineteenth-Century Music, ed. Samson, : 220,Google Scholar where he notes ‘that the conservatoire system ultimately enervated the amateur field’.
34 See Cole, ‘As Much by Force of Circumstances as by Ambition’, where she analyses the Metropolitan Liedertafel's change in artistic direction to repertoire less dependent on orchestral accompaniment and/or professional soloists.
35 MetL had a waiting list as early as the 1875–76 reporting year; MelbL reached its membership limit by 1882–83.
36 According to annual reports, MelbL total membership, for example, peaked at 712 in 1888–89 and declined for the next decade, particularly in the category of nonperforming members.
37 The format of the audition would have varied between societies and over time, but in 1885 the MelbL required that ‘the candidate should prove himself to have a fair knowledge of musical notation by satisfactory answers to questions prepared by the conductor previously to the exam. That the candidate shall have a tuneful voice and be competent to sing scales & to follow the conductor over the keys of the piano without hesitation: Finally that he prove himself competent to sing his part in a quartette to the satisfaction of the committee.’ MelbL Minutes (29 Sep. 1885) (1878–95).
38 The MelbL's appointment of G.W.L. Marshall-Hall is an important exception to this, dealt with below.
39 There is no doubt that the conductor's position was regarded as in every sense a professional one with a salary, not an honorarium. See, for example, items 18 (“A professional Conductor shall be nominated …”) and 19 (“The amount of the Conductor's salary …”) of the Constitution and Rules of the Metropolitan Liedertafel (Revised 17 March 1890). Harold John Felstead Papers, Box 1.
40 For example, ‘The performing members [of the MetL] manage all the business affairs, and are careful to take good men into their council’. Illustrated Australian News for Home Readers (3 Nov. 1875).
41 The Town Hall had moveable seating downstairs, but its capacity would have been at least 2,300.
42 MetL AR, 1879–80; 1883–84 (1874–1903).
43 See, for example, ‘The utmost care and economy have been exercised and no expense has been incurred for clerical assistance’ (MetL AR, 1896–97 (1874–1903)). But as soon as 8 October 1898, it was minuted that the honorary secretary could not continue without paid clerical assistance.
44 For example, in 1888 a motion was put to the committee to recommend consideration of the appointment of a paid assistant secretary, and lost (MelbL Minutes, 19 Mar. 1888 (1878–95)).
45 See, for instance, MelbL AR, 1888–89 (1880–1904), where they argue that 7.5 per cent of income is too expensive for collection of subscriptions; this percentage was effective from May 1882 (see Minutes) up from 5 per cent.
46 See, for example, Gillett, Paula, ‘Ambivalent Friendships: Music-Lovers, Amateurs, and Professional Musicians in the Late Nineteenth Century’, Music and British Culture, 1785–1914: Essays in Honour of Cyril Ehrlich, ed. Bashford, Christina and Langley, Leanne (Oxford, 2000): 321–40Google Scholar.
47 Note that, as Jennifer Royle has observed, the equivalent society in Australia (formed 1889) actually included amateurs. See ‘Musical (Ad)venturers: Colonial Composers and Composition in Melbourne, 1870–1901’ (this issue).
48 Times (9 Jan. 1888): 9.
49 Times (9 Jan. 1888): 9.
50 Champion (17 Aug. 1895): 72. The Champion, a weekly Melbourne paper established in 1895, was politically and socially radical, favouring women's suffrage and workers’ rights (22 Jun. 1895: 4–5).
51 Sydney Mail (9 Dec. 1893). Quoted at greater length in Hill, Jennifer, ‘Crossing a Divide?: Maud Fitz-Stubbs as Amateur then Professional Musician in Late Nineteenth-Century Sydney’, Context 19 (Spring 2000): 39Google Scholar.
52 See, for example, Sydney Mail (28 Feb. 1880).
53 MetL AR, 1879–80 (1874–1903).
54 Bonuses (on top of the salaries noted) include £25 (MetL AR, 1881–82) and 50 guineas (MetL AR, 1883–84 (1874–1903)).
55 MetL AR, 1876 (1874–1903).
56 MetL Minutes (26 Sep. 1892) (1892–1902).
57 No MetL AR has been sighted for 1892–93, but a press account report of the annual general meeting ((Argus, 10 Oct. 1893): 6) notes the year's success ‘notwithstanding all the difficulties resulting from the depressed state of financial affairs in the colony’ but total receipts were too small to have exceeded £750 in subscriber income.
58 See MetL Minutes (12 Dec. 1892; 16 Jan. 1893; 19 Jan. 1893; 23 Jan. 1893) (1892–1902). While the reasons for Herz's departure are not minuted, it could be conjectured that he went to Perth because, with its current gold rush and minerals boom, the city offered opportunities not currently forthcoming in Melbourne. It would be surprising if the reduction in his salary was not also a factor.
59 MetL Minutes (8 Apr. 1893) (1892–1902).
60 MelbL AR, 1879–80 (1880–1904).
61 MelbL AR, 1890–91 (1880–1904).
62 MelbL AR 1891–92 (1880–1904). For information about King see ‘The King Family’, Table Talk (16 Aug. 1889): 5 and [Con Brio], ‘A Successful Conductor’, Table Talk (3 Feb. 1893): 4. In 1893 King was also conductor of the Bendigo Liedertafel and had just taken over the Melbourne Amateur Orchestral Society, succeeding Herz.
63 MelbL Minutes (11 Mar. 1896) (1895–1905).
64 See MelbL AR, 1892–93; 1893–94; 1894–95; 1895–96; 1896–97 (1880–1904). Even though he was not paid his salary fully, King still sometimes made donations and acted as guarantor for the society. On 9 June 1893 (MelbL Minutes) he was thanked for donating a quarter of his salary in order that the society could purchase music.
65 ‘Melbourne Liedertafel: Report of the Council…’ MelbL AR (1880–1904). This document is reproduced in Cole, ‘As Much by Force of Circumstances as by Ambition’, where the author also discusses non-financial aspects to King's dismissal. King's misdemeanours included requiring ten pounds in order to conduct the Queen's Jubilee Concert on 22 June 1897 when payment for extra concerts was unheard of.
66 MelbL Minutes (23 Jul., 30 Jul., 16 Aug., 18 Aug. 1897) (1895–1905); MelbL AR 1897–98 (1880–1904). Debentures had to be issued to raise funds in order to meet the debt to King (MelbL Minutes (25 Aug. 1897) (1895–1905)).
67 Marshall-Hall's original salary was £1,000 per annum for the first of his five years, Australasian Critic (1 Oct. 1890): 1. The initial offer of an honorary appointment was authorized in September 1897 (MelbL Minutes (10 Sep. 1897) (1895–1905)), but owing to illness there were considerable delays in Marshall-Hall assuming his duties.
68 At the very same meeting where advancing funds to pay off King was discussed, new candidates for the conductorship were considered and, in each instance, their need for remuneration and of what order was minuted (MelbL Minutes (18 Aug. 1897) (1895–1905)).
69 In addition his counterpart in the MelbL had to find and engage orchestral musicians; he was given a lump sum for the purpose. This seems not to have been routine practice in the MetL.
70 Figures for 1890, Victorian Year-Book for 1890–91, II (Melbourne, 1892): 166–9Google Scholar.
71 Circular letter from Thos. J Connor, Hon. Sec., MetL (16 Aug. 1882). MetL Scrap Book (Programmes).
72 Some pianists appear to have been advanced students preparing for a professional career. MelbL's pianist W. Hunter, for instance, left to study music in Europe. MelbL AR, 1879–80 (1880–1904).
73 For example, Otto Vogt, who took over from W. Hunter, was ‘a gentleman of well-known musical ability, who holds a high position in the profession’, MelbL AR, 1879–80 (1880–1904). The deputy honorary pianist and honorary pianist when August Siede was acting conductor, A.R. Moulton, left the Melbourne Liedertafel when he was appointed conductor of the Princess Theatre Orchestra (MelbL AR, 1898–99 (1880–1904)).
74 The MetL seems not to have paid its pianists honoraria.
75 Otto Vogt opened the period (1879) for MelbL with £12 per annum, but Alberto Zelman received £25 when he took over five years later (MelbL AR, 1885–86; 1886–87). August Siede, another professional musician, kept the same salary when he took over in 1891 (MelbL AR, 1891–92 (1880–1904)).
76 Siede's payments, like King's, were in arrears in the 1892–93 reporting year (MelbL AR, 1892–93 (1880–1904)).
77 Though concert numbers were reduced, salaries and honoraria fell to a greater extent.
78 MelbL Minutes (11 Mar. 1896) (1895–1905).
79 MelbL AR, 1883–84 (1880–1904).
80 She received £20. MelbL Minutes (5 Mar. 1884) (1878–95).
81 MelbL Minutes (7 Sep. 1885). She asked that a note be placed in the programme to this effect.
82 MelbL Minutes (15 Jun. 1881) (1878–95).
83 MelbL Minutes (19 Jul. 1901) (1895–1905).
84 MelbL Minutes (31 Mar. 1885) (1878–95).
85 MetL Minutes (14 Oct. 1892) (1892–1902).
86 MelbL Minutes (26 Jul. 1888) (1878–95).
87 MelbL AR, 1887–88 (1880–1904). The decision to ‘turn professional’, for someone previously active as an amateur, seems to have been a matter of making the decision public by some means, for example by advertising as a teacher or by press announcement. See Hill, , ‘Crossing a Divide?’: 35–42.Google Scholar Edwards was paid five guineas for singing a solo part in the Crusaders (MelbL Minutes (21 Jun. 1888) (1878–95)). He later went to London, where he gained honours at the Royal Academy (MelbL AR 1890–91 (1880–1904)). However a motion was passed a month after Edwards's performance that ‘in future no fee be claimable by any member of the Society for any solo performance’ (MelbL Minutes (26 Jul. 1888) (1878–95)).
88 However, exceptionally, a successfully auditioned debutante, Miss Nagel, demanded a fee and was given two guineas (MetL Minutes (18 Mar. 1895) (1892–1902)).
89 Zelman's pupil, a baritone, was given an opportuntiy to sing at a smoke night (MelbL Minutes (5 Nov. 1891) (1878–95)). King's pupils given concert opportunties included pianists Dora Stamp and Miss McNeel.
90 See, for example, Argus (9 Jul. 1896). Despite the formal advertising and audition process, piano teacher G.S. de Chanéet accused the MelbL of ‘incompetency or cliqueism’ ruling ‘the selection of musical students to appear at the concerts of the Melbourne Liedertafel’: Age (15 Jul. 1896).
91 Champion (3 Aug. 1895): 54.
92 Review of MetL concert of 5 September 1892, Leader (10 Sep. 1892).
93 MetL AR, 1889–90 (1874–1903). For example in an August 1892 MetL concert three professional musicians only were added to the amateur body.
94 For example in 1889–90 MelbL used the Victorian Orchestra (paid for by the society's patron, the Hon. W.J. Clarke) to perform Tannhäuser.
95 The MelbL used ‘orchestral guarantees’ amounting to over £24 for its performance of Parsifal for its 229th concert (AR, 1894–95).
96 ‘Your society is greatly indebted to those ladies and gentlemen Amateur Members of the Orchestral Class, Conservatorium of Music, Melbourne University, for their voluntary and enthusiastic aid at the 256th & 258th Concerts.’ MelbL AR, 1898–99 (1880–1904).
97 MelbL Minutes (7 Apr. 1902) (1895–1905).
98 For statistical verification of this, based on information held in the Database of Melbourne Concert Life, see Cole, ‘As Much by Force of Circumstances as by Ambition’.
99 Review of MetL concert, 23 April 1894, Leader (28 Apr. 1894).
100 Herald, undated clipping, MelbL Scrapbook (1890–99).
101 Argus (4 Oct. 1895).
102 Argus (4 Oct. 1895).
103 Letters from Buck, Henry and Hasell, Arthur H., Argus (4 Oct. 1895).Google Scholar
104 This did eventuate, and was held on 28 October 1895, with Brassey, the society's new patron, present, and an orchestra of around 35, ‘capable, if not powerful’ (Argus (29 Oct. 1895): 6) and ‘somewhat “off color” in the wood wind department’ (Age (29 Oct. 1895): 5), led by professional George Weston.
105 Argus (3 Oct. 1895).
106 Herald, undated clipping, MelbL Scrapbook (1890–99).
107 Herald, undated clipping, MelbL Scrapbook (1890–99).
108 It is unknown whether the government grant increased, or the size of the orchestra was reduced (Champion (19 Oct. 1895): 142).
109 The Age (26 Oct. 1895: 10) correspondent continued: ‘There were only about five items [actually nine] on the programme, so that the intervals ran to something like half an hour between each, and in order to fill in time the combined military bands, which were wasting their music on the comparatively desert air of the asphalt walk, were ordered inside the building, where they livened up the weary waiters with some sprightly airs.’ See also Argus (25 Oct. 1895): 5. Nash states, in error, that the conflict was resolved with all three societies taking part in this concert (Music in the Cabbage Garden: 294).
110 Argus (26 Oct. 1895): 10.
111 MelbL AR, 1895–96 (1880–1904).
112 Joining fees were identical, but subscription costs were always less for performing than for non-performing members. One performing member of the Metropolitan requested a reduction in subscription after he joined ‘the profession’, but was refused (MetL Minutes (23 Jan. 1893) (1892–1902)). In addition see below for a description of the culture of ‘giving’ affecting choristers and non-performing office bearers.
113 See Harold John Felstead Papers, MS 11138, especially bound book of copies of correspondence of John Francis Felstead. John Felstead's son, Harold, joined as a second bass in 1905.
114 Harold John Felstead Papers, John Francis Felstead bound volume of correspondence.
115 See letter 10 June 1895, applying to the Congregational Church, Brighton for a position. Harold John Felstead Papers, John Francis Felstead bound volume of correspondence.
116 Champion (18 Jul. 1896): 299.
117 John Felstead indicates this in a letter showing a certain good-humoured resistance to being informed of the consequences of his being absent from the platform during a concert: ‘So far, the Liedertafel has been a source of enjoyment to me, – when the Committee or others render it otherwise, my only alternative would be to stay away.’ Letter from John F. Felstead to Charles Dixon (13 Sep. 1892).
118 MelbL's reporting year of highest income/expenditure was £1,195 (1885–86), MetL's was £1,904 (1883–84). In the depression years MelbL dropped to £766 (1892–93) and MetL £809 (1892–93). While the MelbL rallied a little towards the turn of the century, both societies’ activities were greatly contracted through to the end of the period.
119 Keiley, , ‘Tendency of Popular Taste’: 824.Google Scholar
120 Constitution and Rules of the Metropolitan Liedertafel: 2.
121 Ellis citing, McHale, Maria in ‘Structures of Musical Life’: 366–7Google Scholar.
122 For example, the performing members agreed to give a benefit in aid of the widow and family of the late W.B.J. Moroney. MelbL Minutes (20 Jul. 1886).
123 Illustrated Australian News for Home Readers (3 Nov. 1875).
124 For example, in association with performances of Mendelssohn's Antigone, given in aid of the Women's Hospital, the members’ ‘personal expenditure amounted to nearly £100’ (MetL AR, 1885–86 (1874–1903)).
125 See Age (8 Dec. 1888): 11, correspondence between Charlotte Campbell and Connor (MetL honorary secretary): ‘As tobacco plays no unimportant part at four out of the eight concerts given by the Metropolitan Liedertafel every year, it seems in the natural order of things consistent that this society should take charge of the tobacco fund so ably superintended by the late Dr. Campbell, and which will always be associated with his name.’ The Argus (18 Dec. 1888: 6) notes a very generous contribution of cigars from the Compagnia General de Tabaca de Filipinas, through Mr G. Macfarlane, and a sum of 70 pounds collected from bookmakers during the day. See also Age (24 Dec. 1889): 6.
126 MelbL Minutes (27 Jul. 1894) (1878–95).
127 The choirs also sang to mark the deaths of important public figures.
128 MelbL Minutes (21 Oct. 1884) (1878–95).
129 Royle argues that even composition, especially by those connected with the societies, could constitute, in part, a social act, ‘serving to strengthen the amiable nature of the society’. See ‘Musical (Ad)venturers’.
130 ‘Social evening’ is a translation of the German ‘Unterhaltungs-Abend’ used by the Melbourner Deutsche Liedertafel.
131 MetL AR, 1880–81 (1874–1903).
132 Telegraph (23 May 1882). The Argus (23 May 1882) described this as ‘the usual social evening’.
133 See MelbL Minutes (8 Mar. 1886) (1878–95); and Constitution and Rules of the Metropolitan Liedertafel.
134 See, for example, concerts given by the Metropolitan at the MCG in 1880 (Age, 10 Mar. 1880), or the three concerts given there in the 1891–92 reporting year (MetL AR, 1891–92 (1874–1903)).
135 A review of the Savage Club's smoke concert implies that the items were given by the social club's general membership and that recitations were prominent as well as musical items (Champion, 13 Jul. 1895: 26).
136 For engravings of Victorian Artists Club smoke nights, see Illustrated Australian News (15 Oct. 1887) and Australasian Sketcher (17 May 1888).
137 By 1900 the ratio over the entire population was 72:3, Tyrrell, , Deadly Enemies: 113Google Scholar.
138 Cole's Handbook of Etiquette and Home Culture for Ladies and Gentlemen (Melbourne, nd): 297,Google Scholar quoted in Tyrrell, , Deadly Enemies: 117Google Scholar.
139 Ethel Turner, Seven Little Australians quoted in Tyrrell, , Deadly Enemies: 117Google Scholar.
140 Tyrrell, , Deadly Enemies: 116–17.Google Scholar
141 The newly anglicized Melbourne Liedertafel, on moving its concerts to the Athenaeum Theatre, had 50 of its own tables built to its own specifications for these ‘Gentlemen's Concerts’ in 1879. See MelbL Minutes (7 and 12 May 1879 (1878–95)).
142 Federal Australian (7 Apr. 1881).
143 See, for example, MelbL Concert Programme (29 Apr. 1896).
144 Treated in detail in Cole, ‘As Much by Force of Circumstances as by Ambition’.
145 Review of a Melbourne Liedertafel smoke night, conducted by King, Argus (16 Dec. 1892).
146 For an impression of the enjoyment these concerts gave their participants see the review from the Evening Herald (4 Oct. 1881), quoted in Thérèse Radic, ‘Major Choral Organizations in Late Nineteenth-century Melbourne’ (this issue).
147 For further details see Radic, ‘Major Choral Organizations’.
148 The Melbourne Liedertafel ran successful moonlight boat trips on 14 December 1891 and 11 February 1892 (see 1891–92 AR (1880–1904)), and again in the 1892–93 reporting year, including a ‘Grand Concerto al Chiaro di Luna’ on 27 February 1893. There was another on 9 February 1895 and another in the 1895–96 reporting year.
149 One account in the press of the ‘Grand Concerto al Chiaro di Luna’ (held 27 February 1893) is enormously detailed and valuable. MelbL Scrapbook, undated clipping (1890–99), reproduced in part in Nash, Music in the Cabbage Garden: 62–6, and quoted in Radic, ‘Major Choral Organizations’.
150 MelbL Scrapbook, undated clipping (1890–99).
151 See, for example, MelbL AR, 1887–88, reviewing the year's performances: ‘while anxious to give pleasure to the audience, they have steadily kept in view the fact that organisations of this kind should tend as far as possible to have educational influence.’ And in the depression (MelbL AR, 1891–92 (1880–1904)), the society reaffirmed its intention to ‘produce new musical works of the finest merit’ despite the difficulties, as it was ‘better to perform great orchestral works with the means at command than to neglect them altogether’. As early as 1876 the MetL stated that ‘There is good reason to believe that the Society's concerts now exercise a very beneficial effect in this community, and have considerably advanced the cause of high-class music’ (MetL AR, 1876 (1874–1903)).
152 For example the Melbourne Liedertafel assisted at a lecture on music given by Keiley (MelbL AR, 1887–88), and, with Ada Crossley, at a centenary lecture on Mozart given by King (MelbL AR, 1891–92 (1880–1904)).
153 For information on the repertoire performed see Cole, ‘As Much by Force of Circumstances as by Ambition’.
154 For example, the committee members themselves guaranteed a total of £35 should the planned performance of Le Desert exceed the treasurer's funds (MelbL Minutes, 10 Jan. 1884). As an example of an ambitious, expensive performance, Fidelio cost over £151 more than box-office takings, thus drawing very heavily on income from subscriptions (MelbL Minutes, 22 Sep. 1884 (1878–95)). Examples of benevolent members helping with society finances in general or with individual concerts are numerous, especially in the depression years.
155 MelbL AR 1880–81, 1881–82 (1880–1904).
156 A programme/menu of a MelbL Supper (20 May 1889), for instance, shows that there was a musical item after each of the eight toasts of the evening (MelbL Programmes (1879–87)).
157 MelbL Minutes (5 Nov. 1891) (1878–95).
158 Theatre trips were a feature of the MelbL social calendar from 1896 until 1901 when the end-of-year trip was a financial failure, raising only 4s. MelbL Minutes (15 Nov. 1901) (1895–1905).
159 After a description, in the MetL AR, 1888–89 (1874–1903), of three events introduced by ‘The Society entertained on –’, the report says that ‘It is worthy of note that the cost of these entertainments is not taken from the ordinary funds of the Society, but is provided by the members either individually or by means of their club’.
160 Eva Mantzourani (Canterbury Christ Church University College), ‘“The Aroma of the Music and the Fragrance of the Weed”: Music and Smoking in Victorian London’, unpublished paper. I am grateful to Dr Mantzourani for sharing results of her research into smoke nights in Britain with me (communication to the author, 26 Nov. 2003).