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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 09 August 2013
The practice of depicting the life of a locally celebrated saint within a typological scheme of decoration is of great antiquity. The old basilicas of S. Peter and S. Paul at Rome and other influential churches like Desiderius' Monte Cassino have been destroyed and their decoration with them, but derivative schemes may still be studied at S. Piero a Grado, at S. Angelo in Formis, or in the frescoes and tapestries of the Sistine Chapel.
A variation of the Petrine-Pauline schemes can be seen at Florence where the patron of the city and of the church is celebrated in the mosaics of the dome of the Baptistery. Here four cycles are arranged in parallel—a Creation series, the story of Joseph, the life of Christ, and the life of the Baptist himself. Similarly the windows and walls of the basilica at Assisi show how the story of S. Francis is related to the familiar scenes from the Old and New Testaments; these Biblical scenes are arranged in the traditional Roman manner. Assisi has problems of its own too complex and controversial to attempt in this article but indications for such a study may be outlined by reference to Anagni. As at the Collegiata at San Gimignano and in so many other examples, typological thought is basic to the interpretation of the scheme as a whole.
page 2 note 1 Acknowledgments.—I am particularly indebted to Professor Wormald; also to Dr. C. R. Dodwell; to the late Fr. Guy Ferrari; to the Librarians of the Warburg Institute, of Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge, and at Amiens. At Anagni Dom Aurelio Prosperi was both tolerant and helpful. G. D. B. Jones took the photographs and Adrian Coiley drew the plan.
page 2 note 2 Toesca, P.: ‘Gli affreschi della Cattedrale di Anagni’, Le Gallerie Nazionale Italiane V (Roma, 1902)Google Scholar. Compare Toesca, P.: Storia dell'Arte Italiana (Turin, 1927), pp. 972 ffGoogle Scholar; Van Marie, R.: La Peinture Romaine au Moyen Age (Strasburg, 1931), pp. 165 ffGoogle Scholar. and 182–3; and Anthony, E. W.: Romanesque Frescoes (Princeton, 1951), pp. 78–80Google Scholar. A full bibliography for Anagni is to be found in Baudrillart, M.: Dictionnaire d'Histoire et de Géographie Ecclesiastique (Paris, 1914), vol. II, cols. 1421–1429Google Scholar.
page 2 note 3 A full study of the Collegiata is being prepared for presentation elsewhere. An important study which includes manuscript relationships is Wettstein, J.: S. Angelo in Formis (Geneva, 1960)Google Scholar. See too B. Smalley: The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages (2nd ed., 1952) for the literary context.
page 2 note 4 At Anagni Alexander III canonised Edward the Confessor, received the submission of Henry II after the death of Becket (who appears in the paintings of the inner crypt—see Appendix 2), and excommunicated Frederick II. For secularised use of typological methods at this period, see G. Kantorowicz: Frederick II (1958), p. 5, 45, 60. The notorious treatment of Boniface VIII at Anagni is commemorated in a ‘typological’ manner by Dante:
Perche men in paia il futuro e il fatto,
veggio in Alagna entrar le fiordaliso,
e nel vicaio suo Cristo esser catto.
Vegglio un'altra volta esser deriso,
veggio, rinnovellar l'aceto e il fele,
e tra vivi ladroni esser anciso.
Purg. xx, 85.
When Boniface was captured he quoted the opening of Job: T. Boase: Boniface VIII (1933), p. 348.
page 3 note 5 Acta Sanctorum, 19 August, tom. II, pp. 701 ff., esp. p. 709; Anon (Marangoni?): Acta Passionis atque Translationum S. Magni … (Jesi, 1743).
Compare S. Baring Gould: Lives of the Saints (1895), August 19.
S. Magnus appears in the mosaics of the Cappella Palatina; see O. Demus: The Mosaics of Norman Sicily (1945), p. 45.
For relics of S. Magnus in Rome, see Armellini, M.: Le Chiese di Roma (Rome, 1912–1920), vol. II, p. 950Google Scholar, under SS. Michele e Magno in Sassia; and Huelsen, P.: Le Chiese di Roma del Media Evo (Florence, 1927), p. 388Google Scholar; and Hare, A. J. C.: Walks in Rome (1893), vol. II, p. 177Google Scholar. On the complexities the legends of S. Magnus and his relics, see van Buitenen, M. P.. De grondslag van de Friese Vrijheid (Assen, 1953)Google Scholar reviewed in Analecta Bolliandiana LXXII (1954), pp. 466–477Google Scholar.
For the Saracens who managed to raid even Rome, see Toynbee and Ward-Perkins: The Shrine of S. Peter (1956), pp. 227–9; SS. Michele e Magno was built to commemorate the victims of this attack. Another removal of relics at the approach of the Saracens was that of the Magdalen from S. Maximin to Vézelay: Acta Sanctorum, July, tom. V, pp. 207–9; this legend was invented in the XI c. See Duchesne, : Annales du Midi VGoogle Scholar, and Fastes episcopaux I, pp. 310 ff, quoted by E. Mâle: La Fin du Paganisme en Gaule (1950), p. 21.
page 3 note 6 Acta Sanctorum August tom. I, pp. 230 ff., esp. p. 237, paragraphs 21 and 22; and Eubel, : Regesta Pontificum Romanum, vol. IIGoogle Scholar: Latium, p. 137.
page 4 note 7 Although Salerno was sacked and destroyed in 1193, the reputation of Salernitan medicine was not eclipsed until long after the completion of the frescoes at Anagni. Of the several Salernitan medical manuscripts, mention may be made of the ‘De quattuor humoribus ex quibus constat humanum corpus’ (ed. Rienzi, S.: Collectio Salernitana, vol. II, 1853Google Scholar) and the immensely popular ‘Regimen sanitas salernitanum,’ a compendium of Salernitan medicine and hygiene in Leonine verse, of which over 250 versions are known, in increasing size from the twelfth to the early seventeenth centuries (see Sarton, G.: Introduction to the History of Science, vol. II, part I (Washington, 1931), p. 424Google Scholar).
page 4 note 8 For plans, measured drawings and photographs, see Architettura VI 5, September 1960, pp. 342 ffGoogle Scholar; and G. Matthiae: ‘Fasi construttive della Cattedrale di Anagni’ (Palladio 1942, pp. 41–48). See also Mortari, L.: Il tesoro della cathedrale di Anagni (Rome, 1963)Google Scholar. The original iconographers could have chosen to illustrate the crossing of the Ark into the Promised Land, for the crypt has twelve stone pillars: ‘And Joshua set up twelve stones in the midst of Jordan, in the place where the feet of the priests which bare the ark of the covenant stood: and they are there till this day’ (Josh. iv. 19). For these stones as relics in churches in the Holy Land and in France, see E. Mâle: La Fin du Paganisme en Gaul (1950), pp. 84 and 204.
page 4 note 9 E. Hutton: The Cosmati (1950), pp. 51–2, and plates. See below, Section IV.
page 6 note 10 Toesca's numbering of the bays has been retained, as this should prevent confusion when reference is made to the paper by Garrison quoted below; it would be better if the middle aisle were numbered like the outer ones, from left to right.
I must acknowledge the constant help of Professor Wormald in suggesting several emendations in the recording of the inscriptions.
page 7 note 11 A useful summary of the early history of the Humours will be found in vol. I of the Loeb edition of Hippocrates, translated by W. H. S. Jones; see the General Introduction, section 8, pp. xlvi–li. The numerical and proportional values of the Four Elements are discussed in the Timaeus (Loeb edition, trans. R. G. Bury, pp. 59–61); it is in the Timaeus that the idea of Macrocosm and Microcosm is propounded (Loeb ed., pp. 51 ff.). For the Empedoclean theory of the relation of hot, cold, moist and dry, and the Platonic musical harmonies of the Four Elements, see E. Wellesz: Byzantine Music and Hymnography (2nd ed., 1961), chap. II. See too R. Klibansky, E. Panofsky and F. Saxl: Saturn and Melancholy (1964), Chap. I.i, and II.ii and iii.
For the intellectual climate, see Haskins, C. H.: Studies in the History of Medieval Science (Harvad, 1924), esp. Chapter VGoogle Scholar.
See also, e.g. Isidore: Etymologiarum, MPL 82, esp. Lib. IV: De medicina, cols. 183 ff.; compare the same author's Quaestiones in vet. test: In Regum Primum, MPL 83, cols. 39–37; and Liber numerorum qui in sanctis scripturis occurunt, MPL 83, cols. 179ff. Soo too Honorius: De Philosophia Mundi, MPL 172, Bk. I, chap, xxi: De Elementis, and Bk. II, chap. xi: De Zodiaco (cols. 48 and 60). Also De Imagine Mundi, Bk. I, chap, iii: De Quattuor Elementis; chap. iv: De Septem Nominibus Terrae; and chap. lxxii: De Homine Microcosmo (Cols. 121 and 140). In Bk. II, chap. lviii of the same work (col. 154) De Elementis: ‘Quattuor quoque elementa qualitatibus quattuor temporum connectuntur. Terra namque sicca et frigida autumno; aqua frigida et humida hiemi; aer humidus et calidus veri; ignis calidus et siccus aestati colligatur’. Chap. lxv: De homino microcosmo: ‘Iisdem qualitatibus est humanum corpus temperatum, unde est microkosmus, id est minos mundus appellatur. Sanguis namque qui vere crescit est humidus et calidus et hic viget in infantibus. Cholera rubea crescens in aestate est calida et sicca et haec abundat in juvenibus. Melancholia a cholera nigra crescens autumno in provectioribus. Phlegmata quae hieme dominantur in senibus’. Similar material appears in the work of Guillemus: De Natura Corporis et Animae, MPL 180, cols. 695 ff.
page 9 note 12 Wormald, F.: ‘More Matthew Paris Drawings’, Walpole Soc. XXXI (1942–1943), p. 110 and pl. XXVIIGoogle Scholar.
page 9 note 13 For a discussion of the treatment of the themes of these opening bays, see Saxl, F.: ‘Macrocosm and Microcosm in Medieval Pictures’; and ‘Illustrated Medieval Encyclopedias’, in Lectures (1957), vol. I, 34–42 and 155–174Google Scholar.
The Pisan frescoes are discussed in Bucci, P.: Campo Santo Monumentale di Pisa (Pisa, 1960)Google Scholar; at the bottom of the fresco are S. Augustine and S. Thomas Aquinas, the divine philosophers.
For the representation of the Four Elements and the Universe in a Cosmatesque pavement, see Royal Commission on Historical Monuments, I: Westminster Abbey (1924), p. 25; and M. F. S. Hervey: Holbein's Ambassadors (1900) p. 228.
page 9 note 14 Grabar and Nordenfalk: Romanesque Painting (1958), p. 42; and Honorius: De Philosophia Mundi (MPL 172, col. 141), cap. lxxxvii: De Firmamento, to cap. cxxxviii: Aqueum coelum; cap. cxxxix: Spirituale coelum.
page 11 note 15 The whole scheme of this vault can be compared with the table set out in J. Seznec: The Survival of the Pagan Gods (1953), p. 47; at Anagani the Four Humours are coloured red, orange, red and dark, instead of red, yellow, black and white, Seznec discusses the Microcosm and Macrocosm on p. 49.
page 12 note 16 Latinus, Plato: Timaeus a Calcidio Translatus Commentarioque Instructus (ed. Waszink, J., Warburg, 1962), pp. 72–73Google Scholar.
page 12 note 17 James, M. R.: Gonville and Caius College, Catalogue of Manuscripts (1908), vol. II, no. 428Google Scholar; and F. Saxl and H. Meier: Catalogue of Astrological and Mythological Manuscripts of the Latin Middle Ages III: Manuscripts in English Libraries (1953), I, p. 422Google Scholar; and II, pl. LXXXVII. The manuscript receives further attention in R. Klibansky, E. Panofsky and F. Saxl: Saturn and Melancholy (1964), p. 292 and pl. 75. Toesca suggested a comparison with Ms. Greco 2460 at the Bibl. Nat., Paris. See note 22 below.
page 13 note 18 Clearly the gold background of a mosaic is not intended to represent the heavens; see for example the starry centre of the Ascension cupola at S. Marco, Venice, and the Joseph domes in the narthex. The reddish half-disc at Anagni may represent the decorative use of a misunderstood feature or may prove to be only the underpainting for a brighter blue. In any case, blue is not used by the Anagni painters to represent the sky, for regularly the green ‘ground’ encircles, surrounds and encloses it. For this reason the Hand of God and the bust of Christ in vault IX are shown encircled by clouds. (Photos of the Venetian mosaics may be found in O. Demus: Byzantine Mosaic Decoration (1947), p. 10a, with other examples of the same practice including some in Norman Sicily. Compare too the starred mandorla around Christ in the Anastasis against a blue background in the parecclesion at Kariye Camii.)
page 13 note 19 Compare, for instance, Piacenza of c. 1125; see Robb, D. M.: ‘Niccolo, a North Italian Sculptor of the XII century’, Art Bulletin II (1930), p. 374 ff.Google Scholar; and D. Grivot and G. Zarnecki: Gislebertus of Autun: the Zodiac and Labours of the Month surround the Apocalypse, and a similar arrangement appears at Vézelay, which is also based on the now destroyed tympanum of Cluny. But compare Grivot and Zarnecki, note 3, p. 149: ‘there is no reason to suppose that Honorius of Autun had ever been to Autun’. For a discussion of the identity of Honorius ‘of Autun’, see R. W. Southern: S. Anselm and his Biographer (1963), pp. 209–17, where it is suggested that Honorius was probably an Irishman.
page 14 note 20 Tetramorphs from Rev. iv, 6–8.
page 15 note 21 MPL 42, cols. 1123–7; on the quotation, see A. Watson: The Early Iconography of the Tree of Jesse (1934), chap. II, esp. pp. 10–11, and Appendix II, and note I, p. 163–4.
For Cremona see G. H. Crichton: Romanesque Sculpture in Italy (1954), pp. 18 and 23; the other prophets at Cremona besides Daniel are Jeremiah, Ezekiel and Isaiah; for Ferrara, see Robb, D. M.: ‘Niccolo…’, Art Bulletin II (1930), p. 394Google Scholar.
page 15 note 22 The Dove on an altar or throne is symbolic of the Holy Ghost in dome mosaics of Pentecost; see Hosios Lukas (Diez, E. and Demus, O.: Byzantine Mosaics in Greece (Harvard, 1931)Google Scholar, pls. V and XVand fig. 7; and for a detail of the Dove, see Procopiou, A.: The Macedonian Question in Byzantine Painting (Athens, 1962), pl. 28Google Scholar. Compare the Pentecost dome of S. Marco, Venice; see O. Demus: Byzantine Mosaic Decoration (1947–8), pl. 8. The iconography of these domes is probably to be traced back to the IX–Xc. Pentecost dome in the south gallery of S. Sophia, Istanbul; see Mango, C.: Materials for the Study of the Mosaics in S. Sophia (Dumbarton Oaks, 1962), p. 35Google Scholar. The Old Testament Ark of the Covenant is a type of the New Testament Throne: both Ark and Throne are the Place of God's presence.
Comparison should also be made with the Dove on the Altar and the Seven Gifts of the Holy Spirit in Amiens: Ms. Escalopier 2, f. 19 bis. (Leroquais, V.: Les Psautiers manuscripts latines (1940–1941), vol. I, pp. 16–19Google Scholar). After the Calendar (which includes S. Magnus) are instructions for the Fixing of Easter and Concerning Embolism; on f. XVIII are two circular diagrams, one relating the Four Winds to the Points of the Compass, and the other relating the Four Elements to their qualities e.g. Terra: sicca frigida, Ignis: calidus siccus. There seems to have been manuscript influence on this part of the Anagni frescoes. For the Master of the Translations as a manuscript artist, see Appendix I, below.
page 18 note 23 The last word might be CEphrastes.
For a recent discussion of the symptoms and causes of the plague, see J. F. D. Shrewsbury: The Plague of the Philistines (1964). Compare the painting in the Louvre of the Plague of Ashdod by Poussin, for which a bibliography can be found in the Catalogue of the Poussin Exhibition (1960), no. 23; and see also Neustatter, O.: ‘Mice in Plague Pictures’, Jnl. of the Walker Art Gallery, IV (1941), p. 105Google Scholar.
page 24 note 24 A detailed discussion of these paintings is to be found in Van de Meer, E.: Maiestas Domini, Studi di Antichita Cristiana (Rome, 1938)Google Scholar. The other important Apocalyptic cycle in the area is at Castel S. Elia, although there are many precedents for parts of the Anagni scheme in the mosaics and paintings of medieval Rome. The fresco of S. John in Oil, perhaps part of this Apocalyptic sequence, is described below.
page 26 note 25 The frescoes in the conch to the right are perhaps part of this sequence; they show S. Michael overcoming Satan (?), and are discussed below.
page 27 note 26 The trumpeting angels at Anagni are not easy to see; the subject of the arch to the right of the altar may include the heavens departing ‘as a scroll when it is rolled together’ (Rev. vi, 12–17). This takes place after the vision of the souls of the martyrs. The subject appears in the frescoes of SS. Quattro Coronati; the whole cycle of scenes may be compared with the frescoes of S. Piero above Civate. Both these churches are discussed below.
page 27 note 27 The narrative sources for the first two scenes are given in various versions in Acta Sanctorum: August 19, torn. III, pp. 706–8; the literary sources for the scenes of the Translation of the Relics are to be found on pp. 708–710, and the whole legend in one of its fuller forms is printed on pp. 713–717.
Comparison should also be made with the anonymous Acta Passionis atque Translationum S. Magni (Jesi, 1743)Google Scholar: this contains texts and sources for the scenes to be described, proper lessons &c. for the feasts of S. Magnus, and seven plates after the frescoes of the apse and of the miracle of Andreas (pp. 27–88). As indicated in note 5, the legends of S. Magnus are extremely complex.
page 29 note 28 For the inclusion of the martyrdom of S. John in illustrated Apocalypse mss of the thirteenth century, see Brieger, P.: Oxford History of English Art, vol. IV (1957), p. 165Google Scholar; Brieger, op. cit., p. 210 suggests that the Anagni cope and chasuble may be contemporary in date with the Anagni frescoes (though this does not necessarily imply that the Opus Anglicanum was in Anagni as early as 1255).
For the story of the torture at the Latin Gate, see Acta Sanctorum May 6.
As indicated in note 19, the Tetramorphs in the vault above are derived from the Apocalyptic narrative.
page 30 note 29 For the legend of S. Secundina, see Acta Sanctorum, under S. Magnus (August, tom. III, p. 701 ff.) where the links with Anagni are discussed; and under her own name, at January, tom. I, pp. 996–7.
page 32 note 30 This image is an early example of the saint naked except for a loin-cloth: compare G. Kaftal: Iconography of the Saints in Tuscan Painting (1952), col. 917, p. 281. Compare too the Martyrdom of S. Sebastian, a fresco of the first quarter of the eleventh century, in the old Lateran Palace chapel, which is reproduced and discussed in Garrison, E. B.: Studies in the History of Medieval Italian Painting, vol. II (1955–1956), p. 185, fig. 200Google Scholar.
page 33 note 31 The anonymous Acta Passionis atque Translationum S. Magni (1743) shows in pl. VII a standing figure of S. Olive, from above her altar in bay XIV; this fresco is recorded as already lost at this date.
page 33 note 32 See Grabar, A.: Martyrium (Paris, 1943–1946Google Scholar). For the altar as arca, see Durandus, : Rationale I, chap. 2, vi–viiGoogle Scholar, in which the claim is advanced that the original Ark of the Covenant, which Titus had brought from Jerusalem, was preserved with the Seven-branched Candlestick in S. John Lateran. See also chap. 7, xxiii ff., ‘The Dedication of the Altar’, for the importance of relics, with reference to the Ark of the Covenant. Durandus died in 1296, and is buried in S. Maria Sopra Minerva in Rome. The use of similar ideas in early liturgical drama in Italy is discussed in Young, K.: The Drama of the Medieval Church (1933), vol. I, pp. 218–220Google Scholar.
Compare also the arca of S. Dominic in Bologna; the cover for the arca containing the body of the saint has a carving of the dead Christ in the tomb —the tomb of the saint and of Christ are united at the arca of the altar where Mass is celebrated. Similarly, compare the relief by Donatello at the tomb-altar-arca of S. Anthony at Padua; S. Anthony was himself known colloquially as ‘L'Arca del Testamento’. A further colloquial use of arca foederis for altar will be found in Skelton's ‘Ware the Hawk’.
Perhaps the most important parallel is to be seen in Suger's window at S. Denis, with the arca of Abinadab including not only Aaron's rod and the tablets of the Law but also a great Cross, with the inscription:
Foederis ex area Christi cruce sistitur ara
Foedere majori vult ibi vita mori
(On the ark of the Covenant is established the altar with the cross of Christ; here life wishes to die under a greater covenant). See E. Mâle: Religious Art of the Thirteenth Century (1913), p. 171; and E. Panofsky: Abbot Suger on … S. Denis and its Treasures (Princeton, 1946), pp. 72–5Google Scholar.
For the arca as a type of the Eucharist, see for example, Rhabanus Maurus: Allegoriae in Sacram Scripturam, MPL 112, col. 864: Arca est Corpus Domini. See also Maurus, Rhabanus: Commentaria in Genesim II, xviGoogle Scholar; MPL 107, col. 540. These ideas are well-known, appearing in the Canon of the Mass.
For the use of the word arca, see Mittellateinisches Wörterbuch (Munich, 1963), cols. 872–873Google Scholar: e.g. 1.4 arca: foederis Dei e.g. ecclesia et Christi arca Dei legitur (Rhabanus Carm. 16.54); Christus qui est arca testamenti (Albert min: apoc 12 p. 256); arca significat eucharistiam (Albert M. sacram. 73 p. 52); I.5:mortuoram, reliquarium i.q sarcophagus e.g. duo presbiteri tollant arcam cum reliquiis (Rituale Flor. p. 36–26), &c.
page 34 note 33 ‘…there was seen in his Temple the Ark of the Covenant, Arca Testamenti …’, Rev. xi, 19. For the arca as a type of the Ascension, see e.g. S. Hilary: Tractatus in CXXXI Psalmum, MPL 9, col. 757. On the importance of this psalm, see below, note 35.
page 36 note 34 See P. Palmer: Mary in the Documents of the Church (1953), pp. 15, 56 ff and 108 ff. S. Ambrose called the Virgin the Lady who enclosed the heir of the Law as the ark enclosed the Law; compare Ambrose, S.: Sermo XLII, MPL 16, col. 712Google Scholar.
E. Mâle: Religious Art of the Thirteenth Century (1913), pp. 147–8, describes and discusses the important Mariological scheme of the left portal at Laon, with its reference to Archa Dei. The anti-type of the Fall of the Idol of Dagon appears on the early mosaics of the triumphal arch of S. Maria Maggiore, and the subject with its types was later popularised in block books. For the representation of the Virgin and the Ark on the left tympanum of Notre Dame, Paris, on the right tympanum at Amiens, and on the outer part of the north porch at Chartres, see A. Katzenellenbogen: The Sculptural Programs of Chartres (1959 and 1964), pp. 61 and 75, and pl. 48.
page 36 note 35 See Porter, J. R.: ‘The interpretation of II Sam. vi and Ps. cxxxii’, in Journal of Theological Studies, N.S., V (1954), pp. 161–173CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a modern introduction to the narrative, see Pfeiffer, R. H.: Introduction to the Old Testament (New York, 1948), II and III esp. pp. 342–3Google Scholar. See also Arnold, W. R.: Ark and Ephod (Harvard Theological Studies 3, 1917Google Scholar).
page 37 note 36 For an important commentary, see S. Gregory the Great: In Libros Regum, MPL 219, cols. 105 ff. A shorter commentary appears in Isidore, S.: Quaestiones in Vetus Testamentum, in Regum I, iiiGoogle Scholar; MPL 83, cols. 305–6; and compare Walafrid Strabo: Glossa Ordinaria, MPL 113, cols. 539 ff. The Ark of the Covenant (Exod. xxv) is discussed as a type by S. Paul (Heb. ix).
For the invocation ‘May it please God and S. Magnus that you should dance for a whole year!’ (i.e. suffer from dancing plague) in a parish of S. Magnus in Saxony in the early XI century, see J. Nohl: The Black Death (1926), p. 253. Réau, L.: Iconographie de l'Art Chrétien, vol. III, ii, p. 861Google Scholar includes a S. Magnus, feast day Oct. 6, among the Fourteen Auxiliary Saints of Italy.
page 38 note 37 For the tomb of a saint as arca, see again Grabar, A.: Martyrium (Paris, 1943–1946Google Scholar).
The frequently repeated suggestion that the iconography of the Anagni frescoes is based on the Rite of Consecration of a Church seems incorrect; the representation of the Translation of relics is not solely occasional, but has wider implications. The most important type mentioned in the Rite is Jacob's stone (Gen. xxxviii) which does not appear in the frescoes; conversely, the loss and recovery of the arca are not mentioned in the service. For the Dedication Rite see J. Andrieu: Le Pontifical romain au XII siècle. Rev. XXI 2–5, the Celestial City, is the subject of the Epistle—and the subject of the fresco at the entry at Civate: see below.
page 39 note 38 Garrison, E. B.: Studies in the History of Medieval Painting III, i (1957), pp. 5Google Scholar and plates. E. Mâle: The Early Churches of Rome (1960), p. 114, retains the date 1030–60 proposed in the original edition of this work in 1942. Grabar and Nordenfalk: Romanesque Painting (1958), plate on p. 31.
page 40 note 39 For suggestions of stylistic links between the Master of the Translations and the work of the second cycle of S. Clemente and the Tivoli triptych, see P. Toesca: ‘Miniature Romane dei Secoli XI e XII: Bibbie Miniate’, in Rivista del R. Istituto d'Archeologia e Storia dell'Arte (1929). It is suggested that there is an evolution towards the style of the typological frescoes of S. Giovanni a Porta Latina, which are variously dated, sometimes to c. 1190. It is of interest to note that the border above the Elders (on the wall by the apse) at S. Giovanni a Porta Latina is not unlike that used beneath the Elders in the conch at Anagni.
page 40 note 40 Munoz, A.: Il Restauro della Chiesa e del Chiostro dei S. Quattro Coronati (Rome, 1914)Google Scholar. Grabar and Nordenfalk: Romanesque Painting (1958) p. 57 and colour plate, suggest the date c. 1246.
page 40 note 41 Bognetti, G. and Marcora, C.: L‘Abazzia Benedittina di Civate (Civate, 1957)Google Scholar; Grabar and Nordenfalk: Romanesque Painting (1958) including plate on p. 48; and many references in Van Der Meer, F.: Maiestas Domini (Roma, 1938)Google Scholar; and Anthony, E. W.: Romanesque Frescoes (Princeton, 1951), p. 101Google Scholar, and figs. 161–166. As at Anagni there are many signs of Byzantine influence.
page 40 note 42 The Four Evangelists as the Four Rivers play an important role on the Pisa cathedral pulpit; authorities for the interpretation are cited in Bacci, P.: La Ricostruzione del Pergamo del Duomo di Pisa (Milan, 1926)Google Scholar. I am indebted to Mr. John Pope-Hennessy for this reference.
page 41 note 43 Ansaldi, G. R.: Gli Affreschi della Basilica di San Vicenzo a Galliano (Milan, 1949)Google Scholar; Salvini, R.: ‘La Pittura dal Secolo XI al XIII’, in Storia di Milano, vol. III (Milan, 1954)Google Scholar; Anthony, E. W.: Romanesque Frescoes (Princeton, 1951), p. 98Google Scholar and pls. 149–154.
page 41 note 44 There remains in the west front of S. Marco at Venice the well-known mosaic of the Translation of the Relics.
For a French example, compare Berzé-la-Ville (Saône-et-Loire) which has hagiographic scenes in the apse below the Majesty in the conch; on the side walls remain fragments only, including one New Testament scene; see Grabar and Nordenfalk: Romanesque Painting (1958), pp. 103–9, with plates, and Anthony, E. W.: Romanesque Frescoes (Princeton, 1951), pp. 135–7, and pls. 271–4Google Scholar.
page 42 note 45 Underwood, P. A.: First-Fourth Preliminary Reports, in Dumbarton Oaks Papers IX–XIII (1955–1960)Google Scholar.
page 42 note 46 Underwood, P. A.: ‘Second Preliminary Report’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers XI (1956), p. 188, figs. 20–26Google Scholar.
page 42 note 47 At Gracanica (erected in 1321) a fresco shows the tabernacle, with an altar covered with a cloth, the two Tables of the Law, the vase of Manna, the candlestick, the roll, the arca of the alliance; behind the altar is a seraphim, and to either side Moses and Aaron. On the vase of Manna and on the Ark is a medallion with a bust of the Virgin (for a photograph, see the Catalogue of copies: Les Fresques Yougoslaves du Moyen Age (Belgrade, 1958), no. 119, pl. 20Google Scholar. The fresco is in the fourth register above ground on the north wall of the bema (Petrovic, V.: Revue des monuments religeux dans l'histoire du peuple serbe (Belgrade, 1950—in Serbian), p. 79Google Scholar).
page 43 note 48 See the discussion by Grabar, A.: ‘La décoration des cupoles a Kariye Camii et les peintures italiennes du Dugento’, in Jahrb. d. Österr. Byzant. Gessellschaft VI (1957), pp. III ffGoogle Scholar.
page 43 note 49 O. Demus: Byzantine Mosaic Decoration (1947–8) pp. 67–73 and p. 80.
page 44 note 1 Garrison, E. B.: ‘Two Illustrations by the Anagni Translations Master’, in Studies in the History of Medieval Italian Painting, II, i (1955)Google Scholar. The script of the main part of the codex, the Sacramentary, is to be dated to about 1225. To the front of the Sacramentary was added later a Calendar. In its original form this included a large number of Benedictine saints, but since none of these is rubricated, the original provenance was probably clerical rather than Benedictine. Also among the original entries are S. Francis, canonised in 1228, S. Anthony of Padua of four years later, and S. Clare who did not die until 1253, but was accepted as a saint immediately. SS. Magnus and Secundina were both included in the original form of the Calendar, and their feasts were rubricated, clear evidence of the original Anagni provenance of theCalendar. Later other saints were added by another hand to the Calendar, including feasts peculiar to the cathedral itself—S. Peter of Anagni, who rebuilt the cathedral, on August 3; his biographer, S. Bruno of Segni, on July 18; and on April 20 is added the feast of the Inventio corporis sancti Magni.
The alterations to the Calendar prove that the codex came to the Cathedral; the Sacramentary with its illustrations had, however, always been intended for use in Anagni, for it includes in its text Masses both for S. Magnus and S. Secundina, feasts celebrated in Anagni but apparently nowhere else at this period.
page 45 note 2 For a full view of the apse, see Anthony, E. W.: Romanesque Frescoes (Princeton, 1951), fig. 68Google Scholar; fig. 69 is of one of the hagiographic cycle; a bibliography is given on p. 71; for a photo of the Virgin enthroned, see Van Marie, R.: Italian Schools, I (1923), fig. 70CrossRefGoogle Scholar; the date suggested is not acceptable. Contemporary frescoes in the crypt of S. Silvestro are unfortunately badly preserved. The cathedral at Anagni has now post-medieval frescoes in the main apse of the (upper) church.