The Classical Topography of the Roman Campagna.—III. (The Via Latina)—Section II.

T. Ashby

doi:10.1017/S0068246200005316

The Classical Topography of the Roman Campagna.—III. (The Via Latina)—Section II.

Published online by Cambridge University Press: 09 August 2013

T. Ashby

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T. Ashby: Affiliation:
British School at Rome University of Oxford German Imperial Archaeological Institute

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The work of preparing this, the second portion of the description of the classical topography of the Via Latina, has shown me more clearly than before how impossible it is to hope to attain finality in dealing with the Campagna. The late Henry Stevenson's notes now in the Vatican Library (those which especially concern this district are to be found for the most part in Vat. Lat. 10572) are a perfect mine of information, especially when taken with his own copies of the Staff Map on which the ruins he found are marked (now bound up together as Vat. Lat. 10587 B), and one realizes more than ever the value and extent of the work he might have done had he lived longer. As I have examined them carefully, I have given full details of their contents. The maps for the present volume were unfortunately made before I had time to consult these valuable sources of information. And yet, when I came to go over the ground again, I found that there were many ruins that even he had not noticed, some of them of considerable size and importance.

Type: Research Article
Information: Papers of the British School at Rome , Volume 5 , 1910 , pp. 214 - 425

DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068246200005316 [Opens in a new window]
Copyright: Copyright © British School at Rome 1910

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^{page 216 note 1} The addenda to this and the former parts of the Classical Topography of the Roma Campagna are postponed owing to considerations of space.

^{page 216 note 2} In regard to the bibliography I may notice the following points, (1) The MS. cited as Anonimo, Viaggio Antiquario in alecune città del Lasio. Osservazioni su Tuscolo, and as having been sold in the Vespignani sale as No. 106, is in reality an inaccurate reference to the notes of Nibby (No. 581 in that sale) now in my possession (cited as Schede in the text).

(2) The album Veteris Latii Antiqua Vestigia, Rome, 1751Google Scholar is entered twice—once under Anonimo, once under A1ò Giovannoli. I do not know of there being any ground for the latter attribution. Almost all the plates as a fact are identical with those in Corradini and Volpi's Vetus Latium Profanum (1704–45). The Veteris Latii antiquitatum amplissima collectio, noted under the year 1771 (really 1776), is a second enlarged edition of the same collection.

(3) ‘Domenico (Fra) MS. della Biblioteca del Seminario Vescovile di Frascati.’ This is the same MS. as that quoted by Lanciani in Bull. Com. 1884, 172 sqq. (Cod. tusc. 14, I. 11, Antichità del Tuscolo e descrizzione del Lazio eseguita da P. Domenico Cappuccino da Frascati). My copy of the Bull. Com., which belonged to Stevenson, contains additions made by him to Lanciani's copies, so that I have not thought it necessary to re-examine the MS. myself. It must have been writtentowards the end of the seventeenth or the beginning of the eighteenth century (infra, 243), as the passage as to the Villa at Fontana Piscaro (Lanciani, loc. cit. p. 201) is an exact copy of Kircher, Latium, 73 (published in 1671).

(4) The exact title of the views by Labruzzi which were engraved by Parboni and Poggioli is Vedute ed avanzi dell' antica città di Albalonga ora Albano disegnati dal vero etc., and there are 24 drawings, not 26. None of these views actually relates to Tusculum; and I do not find any entry in the Catalogue of the Stourhead Library (London, 1840) pp. 543Google Scholarsqq. which would justify the supposition that Labruzzi or Sir R. Colt Hoare did any drawings there.

(5) To Piacentini's works we should add Commentarium Graecae Pronuntiationis (Rome, 1751)Google Scholar and De Tusculano Ciceronis nunc Crypta Ferrata (Rome, 1758Google Scholar) cited by Venuti in the preface to, the Monumenta Mattheiana, p. iv, No. 2.

(6) Cozza's work Il Tusculano di M. Tullio Cicerone first appeared in Giornale Arcadico, exc. 97 msqq.

^{page 217 note 1} The second part of Lanciani's article, describing this section of the road, has not yet appeared. The map is reproduced in Wanderings in the Roman Campagna (London, 1909), p. 23Google Scholar.

^{page 217 note 2} The entrance to the catacomb mentioned in Papers, iv. 130 is situated immediately to the S, of the tram line, which indeed cuts through some of its galleries.

It has been re-opened, and will shortly be carefully explored. At the entrance we saw a marble slab with the following inscription:—

(Semproniae Veneriae a(nnos) v(ixit) xiii m(eases) v permissu Semproniae Dignitatis optimae feminae: h(oc) t(umulo) d(olus) m(alus) abesto.)

The slab is broken at the top: it is 0·40 metre wide, and the remaining portion of the tablet on which the inscription is cut is 0·16 metre high. Below it the slab goes on for 0·31 metre: and on each side is a small rectangular part cut out, as if to fix it better in its place. The letters are 0·02 metre high: on the plaster of one of the loculi on the left going down are scratched the letters CVRII. Outside the catacomb (but no doubt brought from it) we saw the following brick-stamps on flange tiles, C.I.L. XV. 223 a (about 140 A.D.), 369 (148 A.D.).

^{page 220 note 1} The fact that it is described as being some 680 metres from Villa Senni shows that Grossi-Gondi (p. 60) is wrong in attributing this description to one of the roads above the Villa Montioni. It is, however, a great pity that any ambiguity should have been possible.

^{page 222 note 1} Holste, Cod. Dresd. F. 193, f. 43. 16 October, 1649. Inspexi fonlem Tepulae, vulgo nunc la pretiosa dieta; est in valle Marciana sub Burgetto castello diruto in via Latina ad XII lapidem; in dicta valle ad Crabram est officina ferraria, ultra earn ad CCC circiter passus scaturit fons aquae copiosissimus, vulgo La Pretiosa dictus, quam Tepulam esse ex Frontino certissimum est, distat enim duobus m. pass, a decimo (vulgo Le Murene) dextrorsum deflectentibus. Sed cum Frontinus neget Tepulam certum habere fontem sed ex venis collectam, existimo venas illas in unam corrivatas, postquam Juliae ductu receptae (43^v) amplius in urbem fluere desierunt, hoc fonte simul prorupisse. Quod etiam idem Frontinus Tepulam agro Lucullano concipi ait, id huic fonti maxime convenit. Nam villae Luculli maxima extant vestigia sub Burgetto ad sinistram viae Latinae, ubi substructions ingentes per vineas aliquot porrectas inspexi (the reference is to the ruins described supra, 218): ab hisce vestigiis villae Lucullanae DCC circiter passibus abest fons ille Fretiosa dictus; puto tamen multo longius se protendisse agrum Lucullanum per subjectam planitiem usq(ue) ad pontem Crabrae sub Decimo ubi immensa illius villae vestigia visuntur quae vulgo il Centrone dicuntur.

^{page 224 note 1} From two documents of 955 and 962 we know that this church was deserted, but that its ruined walls still existed near the Valle Marciana (De Rossi, Bull. Crist., 1870, 106; 1872, 117). In the notitia fundorum of the church of SS. Giovanni and Paolo on the Caelian we find two estates mentioned near the eleventh milestone—Fundus Publica and Fundus Casa Quinti—which we cannot fix more exactly.

^{page 226 note 1} Nibby, (Analisi, iii. 357Google Scholar) notes the existence in the place called Porcacchia between the Torre di Micara and Borghetto of the fine substructions of a villa, with two terraces one above the other, the lower having rectangular niches, the upper alternately rectangular niches and plain walls: the whole was constructed of chips of selce. The reference may, I think, be to this villa.

C.I.L. xiv. 2564 (a marble fragment with the letters.. iolani) was found in the Vigna Rosati in Cardoni's time (1757) not far from Ciampino and about a mile from Grottaferrata. He mentions, there the remains of a large villa, with walls of opus reticulatum and the remains of a road: here he noted the brickstamps C.I.L. xv. 595a, 10 (Hadrian) 2244, 2267 (both first century A.D.).

It is very possible that this is the villa of which we are speaking.

^{page 228 note 1} I noticed some paving stones in the field wall on the N.N.E. side of the modern road diverging just E. of the Casa Santangeli, which may have belonged to it. If so, then Grossi-Gondi marks it a little too far to the W. (Compare also the next footnote.)

^{page 228 note 2} Cozza-Luzi, Il Tuscolano, 95. There are indeed remains of the pavement of an ancient road 2·05 metres wide going in a S.E. direction in the path coming to the Abbey from the Vigna delle Monache, just before reaching the Abbey.

^{page 228 note 3} The inscriptions, copied at Grottaferrata, without note of their provenance are C.I.L. xiv. 2538, 2544, 2545, 2550, 2551, 2554, 2561a, while ibid. 2438 was found vaguely ‘near Grottaferrata,’ and so was 2566 (a Christian inscription).

^{page 228 note 4} Piacentini, Comm. Graecae pronunciationis, 62 (the original authority for the discovery) wrongly describes this as a mark on a lamp—or at least so De Rossi understands him.

^{page 231 note 1} I may here call attention to the votive inscription seen in the sixteenth century in the pavement of the church, which mentions a bishop Fortunatus (of Labici) of the fifth or sixth century. (De Rossi, Bull. Crist. 1872, 112; Duchesne, , Arch. Soc. Rom. Stor. Patr. xv. 1892, 496Google Scholar.) There was no bishop of Tusculum before 1110.

^{page 232 note 1} Others finally, such as Volpi, , Vetus Latium, viii. 87Google Scholar, Zuzzeri, op. cit. 48, and Eschinardi, Esposizione della Carta Cingolana, 374, suppose that Cicero had two villas, and the last named cuts the knot of the controversy by remarking that there were reasons for placing it at Tusculum, and others for placing it at Grottaferrata, that some desired to place it a little way above the Villa Sacchetti (Rufinella), where its ruins might still be seen; and that one might conclude that there were two for different seasons! Venuti, in his revised edition of Eschinardi (p. 274) is among those who place it at the Rufinella.

^{page 232 note 2} Grossi-Gondi (p. 83, n. 2) is wrong in suspecting a misprint in Lanciani's Comentari di Frontino (Mem. Lincei, Ser. III. vol. iv. (1880) p. 321Google Scholar). See infra, 388.

^{page 233 note 1} The fact that the account of Mattei (Tusculo 72) is untrustworthy as regards the inscriptions need not condemn it as a whole, for we have an independent version of the same discovery in a MS. now in the library of the Episcopal seminary at Frascati, (Cod. Tusc. 14, i. 11 f. 188Google Scholar), which is given by Lanciani, Bull. Com. 1884, 190. From this we learn that the site belonged to one Luigi Ceppi, that Cardinal Francesco Barberini had the statue of the woman, the two busts, and a fragmentary group, and that Cardinal Massimi had (Mattei says bought) the male statue, the statuette of a boy and the two bas-reliefs, which measured six palms (1·33 metre) square each: they were placed in his palace in Rome at the Quattro Fontane, and sold on his death (when the palace was also sold) by his brother, and removed to France. The fragmentary group which Cardinal Barberini had is thus described, ‘a very beautiful broken fragment, on which one sees two small feet without legs, and two other feet with the thighs, with a cloak over the thigh of one of the boys (the group cannot represent anything but two boys embracing) and these fragments are now in front of the Palazzo Barberini, where the sculptors are at work and where there is a large quantity of various ancient fragments found partly at Grottaferrata (cf. the inventory published in Documenti Inediti, iv. pp. 56 sqq., Nos. 47, 53, 63) and partly in the plain now called Le Frattocchie’ (infra, 282). The Cardinal Massimi meant is no doubt Cardinal Camillo, whose collection of antiquities in his palace at the Quattro Fontane, is spoken of in the Nota delli Musei (p. 33) placed at the end of the 1664 edition of Lunadoro's Relazione della Corte di Roma: he was made Cardinal in 1670 and died in 1679. Grossi-Gondi is probably right in supposing that the Cod. Tusc. is mistaken, and that the Cardinal Barberini meant is really Cardinal Carlo (infra, 253). None of the antiques can now be traced, though the two busts are mentioned in the inventory above cited, which dates from 1738, in the list of fragmentary statues, etc. (p. 59, No. 87, ‘two square bases like terminal figures without head and arms, one of Marcus Cato and the other of Marcus Tullius Cicero, one palm (0·22 metre) high and wide excavated at Grottaferrata’), while the group of two boys might correspond with several of the fragments described (e.g. p. 70, No. 287). The history of the Barberini collection, like that of all the great Roman collections of sculpture, has yet to be written. I have made an attempt to deal with the collection formed by Cardinal Ippolito d'Este in his villa at Tivoli in Archaeologia lxi. 219 sqq.

^{page 234 note 1} It was dedicated to Giambattista, the son and successor of Camillo Pamfili; and the imprimatur was given by Fr. Hyacinthus Libellus (1660–1668).

^{page 238 note 1} Cf. Asconius, In Milon (p. 50, Orell.)Google ScholarVia Appia est prope urbem monumentum Basili, qui locus latrociniis fuit perinfamis.

^{page 239 note 1} Near the twelfth mile was a church mentioned in the Bull of Sergius I, and the Regestum of Gregory II: basilica S. Petri intra massam Marulis via Latina milliario ab urbe plus minus XII. (Armellini, Chiese di Roma, 890: cf. supra, 224).

^{page 239 note 2} This is also the opinion of Nibby (infra, 240) and Stevenson.

^{page 239 note 3} It is mentioned as existing in this vineyard by Cozza in Giornale Arcadico cxc. 115= Il Tuscolano, 123. Stevenson (Vat. Lat. 10572, 19) notes that he had been informed of the discovery of two marble sarcophagi in this vineyard.

^{page 242 note 1} I omitted to mention the third copy in Papers, iv. 127.

^{page 242 note 2} Here is (or was in the 'eighties) the Vigna Consoli, and here was copied the unimportant sepulchral inscription C.I.L. xiv. 2434. In the Quarto Cipriana another inscription of this nature was found in 1894, and is now preserved at the abbey of Grottaferrata (Not. Scavi, 1894, 313).

^{page 243 note 1} Pl. XXXV. Fig. 1 shows the facing of the platform W. of this reservoir.

^{page 243 note 2} He remarks, too, correctly that this site belonged once to the Rocci, then to the Varesi, and finally, after being bought by Cardinal York for the episcopal seminary, took the name of Vigna del Seminario.

^{page 246 note 1} Lanciani, (Storia degli Scavi, iii. 56Google Scholar) tells us that its construction was attributed to the Strozzi: it then passed to the Dukes of Ceri (Cesi), then by marriage to the Borromeo and successively to the Visconti and Pallavicini families.

^{page 247 note 1} Ten years earlier, in October, 1882, Dressel copied in this villa the brickstamps C.I.L., xv. 388. 5 (Vespasian) 869.3 (end of first or beginning of second century) 2231. a. I (middle of first century); but we know nothing of the circumstances of their discovery.

^{page 248 note 1} Kircher says ‘altera villa fuit eo in loco, ubi modo hortus Ludovisiorum (the later Villa Conti-Torlonia) est, uti ex inscriptionibus quorundum lapidum ibidem inventorum hisce verbis: L. LUCUL. LUC. F.’ but Lanciani, perhaps rightly, supposes the reference to be to a water-pipe. Dessau, on the other hand, treats it as a mere invention, C.I.L. xiv. 209.*

^{page 249 note 1} A slight additional argument is found by Grossi-Gondi in the fact that C.I.L., xiv. 2721/2, (supra, 243) is a dedication by two freedmen of the gens Licinia to their patron, and of course might easily have been found here. I may add that Nibby, like Fabretti, saw the fasces and the axe on the left, and adds the word FECIT at the end of the second line on the right.

^{page 249 note 2} According to documents quoted by Schreiber, Villa Ludovisi, p. 5, he was known as Cardinalis Comensis, though Mas-Latrie makes him a Neapolitan, and from him the villa acquired the name of Villa Comensis.

^{page 249 note 3} With the Villa they acquired fifteen statues and nineteen heads, an inventory of which is preserved, and is given by Schreiber, op. cit. p. 26. As to their provenance we of course know nothing.

^{page 250 note 1} Grossi-Gondi, (Tempio di Castore, 17—cf. infra, 355Google Scholar) publishes a Greek metrical sepulchral inscription preserved there found in the tenuta of Lunghezza or that of de' Sordi, Tor (Papers, i. 146Google Scholar; iii. 116).

^{page 251 note 1} Stevenson (cod. cit. 24, 24^v) refers more than once to the discovery, on the N. side of the road close to Il Fico, of archaic pottery by Pasquale Antini, a native of Frascati (now dead) to whom he owed much information. This was found in a natural (?) cavity in a pozzolana quarry.

^{page 253 note 1} In De Rossi's quotation quodam is a misprint for quondam.

^{page 255 note 1} Cf. Jordan-Hulsen, , Topographie, i. 3. 69, n. 75Google Scholar.

^{page 255 note 2} Cassiano del Pozzo notes in his diary preserved at Naples (Cod. V.E. 10) published by Schreiber, Unedirte Römische Fundberichte (reprinted from Sächsische Berichte, 1885) p. 32, no. 36) as existing at the Palazzo Barberini a Capo le Case statues of Hermaphrodites (cf. the inventory cited p. 56, no. 48) found at Grottaferrata in the Vigna Marusti. Whether this refers to these excavations I do not know.

^{page 256 note 1} De Rossi (Bull. Crist. 1872, 121) derives the name of the Fundus Ponpegi iuxta, tenimentum Cryptae ferrate of the Bull of Honorius III. from the Pompeii Aspri, Tomassetti (Via Latina, 151) from Falco, Pompeius (Papers, iv. 119Google Scholar). Pompey the Great had a villa at Tusculum (Cic., Phil. xi. 5. § 11Google Scholar), but we do not know where.

^{page 257 note 1} He also describes (p. 27) a sarcophagus of white marble of a young girl (whose body was found within it) discovered in the Vigna Campoli, on the S. slope of the hill of Tusculum: this I cannot locate more closely. It cannot, of course, be the same as that mentioned infra, 317.

^{page 258 note 1} Lanciani Bull. Com. 1884, 195, wrongly places the discovery of the inscription of Rubellia Bassa (infra, 333) near the southernmost casino but one of the Villa Aldobrandini, W. of point 550. He notes that near this casino on the N. are the outer walls of a large cistern.

^{page 262 note 1} Sepulchral inscriptions of no importance were copied here by Dessau and by Tomassetti, ‘in the Vigna Ingami’ (C.I.L. xiv. 2478, 2490, 2491, 4228 a)Google Scholar.

^{page 264 note 1} The document of 1605 cited by Grossi-Gondi, p. 198, n. 1, refers to the mediaeval fortifications of Castel de' Paoli, and is no argument for fixing the ancient city here.

^{page 269 note 1} The date of the construction of the villa is, it is true, considerably earlier (the inscription quoted by Tomassetti p. 145, set up by Paolo Gavotti to the memory of his brother belongs to 1569), and Piacentini may be only repeating what he had heard, and not quoting any good authority.

^{page 274 note 1} Fra Giocondo writes ‘in aedibus S. Iohannis et Luciae’: Dessau (C.I.L. in loc.) wishes to correct to ‘aede’: Tomassetti, however (op. cit. 130), distinguishes the two buildings, and describes remains of each. Opposite the former he notes the existence of a small ancient marble head with a Phrygian cap, built into the wall of a house. Stevenson saw (Vat. Lat. 10572, 57^v) at no. 13 of the street parallel to the Corso, a cippus with the bust of the deceased, much weathered. Carlo Pancaldi, in an otherwise worthless letter (Ricerca Archeologica intorno il tempio di Leucotea Laziale. … in Marino, Rome, 1852Google Scholar) in which he attempts from philological arguments to derive Castrimoenium from the same root as mensis, mentions a figured capital in the church of S. Giovanni, with a female winged figure rising out of a mass of acanthus leaves, and a genius on each side of her.

^{page 278 note 1} See Not. Scavi, 1908, 356. Archaic tombs have also been found at S. Rocco, near the cemetery of Marino (Not. Scavi, 1903, 204: cf. Bull. di Paletnologia Italiana, 1907, 225).

^{page 278 note 2} I shall not at present deal with the lake itself, nor with the reins along its shores.

^{page 281 note 1} Nibby, , Schede, i. 58Google Scholar, ‘dal quadrivio della Via Latina fino a Marino la strada traversa è certamente un diverticolo antico, e precisamente quello per cui secondo Frontino si andava alle sorgenti dell'acqua Giulia che furono quelle che si trovano al di sopra del ponte di Squarciarelli, le quali sono di un' acqua Hmpidissima che non perde la sua chiarezza neppure per le pioggie autunnali. La distanza, e l'esistenza delle sorgenti non lasciano luogo a dubbio. Lungo questo diverticolo e precisamente dopo il ponte di Squarciarelli trovansi avanzi dell' antico pavimento, cioè i poligoni di lava basaltina posteriormente impiegati nella strada attuale.’

Nibby, , Schede, ii. 128Google Scholar, notes that the road from Grottaferrata through the valley to Marino is ancient, there being ancient paving stones along it, but I am not clear to which path he refers, except that it apparently passed W. of the Ponte degli Squarciarelli: for he says that at one-third of the distance is the picturesque waterfall of the Mascherone, where the factories are, i.e., probably, the Cartiera (paper-works) at point 287. He may be referring to the traces of pavement mentioned by Rocchi (supra, 253). Stevenson, (Vat. Lat. 10572, 57^vGoogle Scholar) notes the discovery at the Cartiera Magnani of a large human mask, which had recently been sold. I presume he then went on E. of Colle Formagrotta, probably by the path past C. Raparelli (supra, 268).

^{page 284 note 1} C.I.L. xiv. 2420 is given by Amati in two places in his notes as having been found in the ‘tenuta del de Pauolo, vicino a Boville’; but in others he assigns it to Latera near the lake of Bolsena, with another inscription which certainly belongs to that locality; and the latter indication is probably correct: see C.I.L. xi. 2916, 2919: Eph. Epigr. vii. 1256.

^{page 285 note 1} I suspect that the statue of Domitia Longina (?) as Venus (Ny-Carlsberg 541) was found here or hereabouts. According to the Catalogue it was found ‘at the Frattocchie near Albano in the villa of the Flavii’—a somewhat vague description, and, if the reference is to the villa of Domitian (which is at Castel Gandolfo), self-contradictory.

^{page 286 note 1} The modern path is incorrectly marked as going straight, it really corresponds with the ancient line as given in our map. There is on this no pavement in situ, but there are large paving stones in the fieldwalls. It should further be noticed that in the whole course of the succeeding description the Torraccio referred to is the tomb at point 192, not that at point 206 on the Via Appia.

^{page 288 note 1} There is, indeed, over the gate of the oliveyard N.W. of the Casale Liccia the inscription Quintilianus de Valentibus Abbas pro fundi tnerito MDCCX p(osuit).

^{page 289 note 1} I imagine it is to this road that Nibby refers in the following passage in his notes of 1823 (Schede, i. 59) ‘alla sorgente (dell' acqua Ferentina) conduceva la strada o diverticolo scoperto di recente presso Monte Crescenzi ehe diramandosi dall' Appia metteva nella Trionfale salendo per la via odierna (giudicherei piuttosto che sepolcro un' avanzo di conserva quell' opus emplecton che si trova sulla via trionfale a sinistra per chi va da Frascati a Marino fra la chiesa di S. Rocco e la Trinità’). This last church is actually within the village of Marino, and contains a picture representing the Trinity by Guido Reni. In his previous notes of July, 1816 (Schede, v. 3, 4) he had believed the mass of concrete of which he speaks to be a tomb, and spoke of the road as leaving the Via Appia near Bovillae, and passing through Marino and under Rocca di Papa to Palazzuolo; but in the Analisi (i. 62. 114) he follow's Gell's view, and brings the road up by Monte Cucco (infra, 290).

^{page 289 note 2} See Parker, Photos 2356, 2357.

^{page 290 note 1} In the vineyard of Sante Limiti (which is on Monte Crescenzo, cf. Pinza, , Mon. Lincei, xv. 335Google Scholar) in 1877 weie found a number (at least thirty) of late tombs ‘a capanna’: one of the tiles bore the stamp C.I.L. xv. 966 b (first century A.D.). They were aligned with a road, of which the pavement was found, which was believed to be that leading to the ancient Alba Longa. (Not. Scavi, 1877, 208) Stevenson copied the stamps ibid. 548 a. 14 (123 A.D.), 1465 a. 6 (first century A.D.) on the tiles from a late tomb found on Monte Crescenzo, possibly in this very vineyard.

^{page 297 note 1} Stevenson notes (Vat. Lat. 10572, 111^v) the discovery of a brickstamp with hollow letters at 145 metres above sea-level, near the reservoir S. of Casamari, probably from the W. of the path. It seems to be unpublished, and is as follows:

^{page 300 note 1} C.I.L. xiv. 2654 has been copied here, but is said to have been found at Ciampino: so has also ib. vi. 10004, found outside Porta Maggiore in the sixteenth century.

^{page 301 note 1} C.I.L. xiv. 2759 (a sepulchral inscription) was found in 1852 ‘between Ciampino and Frascati.’

^{page 304 note 1} I may add, apropos of his footnote p. 134, n. 7, that I do not see why the dei Sacchetti, Pineto, where C.I.L. xiv. 852Google Scholar was found (it is the sepulchral inscription of a freedman of the gens Cocceia) should not be that line of pines situated on the hill above the now ruined Villa Sacchetti to the W. of Monte Mario. And as to the question of the origin of the name Cocciano (infra, 316) I think he is right in refusing to derive it from Cocceius, the gentile name of Nerva: Tomassetti's conjecture (Via Latina, 194) that it is derived from Chaucianum, i.e. that this is the Villa of Gabinius, who had defeated the Cfoauci, is even less probable.

^{page 305 note 1} For the mediaeval history of Frascati I must refer to Tomassetti, Via Latina, 170 sqq.; Lugari, , L'origine di Frascati, Rome, 1891Google Scholar (also in Diss. Pont. Acc. Arch., Ser. II. vol. vi. (1891)Google Scholar).

^{page 305 note 2} For the discovery of its remains in or about 1732 cf. Volpi, , Vetus Latium, viii. 10Google Scholar and the comments of De Rossi, Bull. Crist. 1872, 159 (French edition).

^{page 307 note 1} Near the garden of the Villetta Pentini was found in 1895 a fragment of an inscription with an elogium of M. Vinicius, consul in 19 B.C. As it is on a small scale—the letters of the first two lines are 0·05 metre high, the rest 0·02 m.—it was probably placed under a medallion or small bust. Its discovery is described in Bull. Com. 1898, 159, Not. Scavi, 1895, 350: and it is published with a full commentary by von Premerstein, A. in Oesterr. Jahreshefte, vii. (1904), 215sqq.Google Scholar

In the Villetta Pentini have been copied the inscriptions C.I.L. xiv. 2582 (a dedication to the Numen deorum) 2681, 2752, 2764 (a sepulchral inscription of no interest).

^{page 312 note 1} Giorgi, saw a copy of the brickstamp C.I.L. xv. 904 (f. 26)Google Scholar (Trajan) in their possession—the provenance is of course uncertain. In the Villa Simonetti close by, Wells saw two busts found in the Orti Sora (p. 80).

^{page 313 note 1} Mattei mentions the existence at the Casale of some well executed bas-reliefs and of C.I.L. xiv. 2765–6 (cf. supra, 309). It seems most likely that the brickstamp C.I.L. xv. 1370. 1 (159–164 A.D.) belongs to these ruins, cf. Wells, p. 88.

^{page 315 note 1} The first portion of the road is shown somewhat differently by Grossi-Gondi.

^{page 316 note 1} That the name Cocciano has any connexion with Cocceius is unlikely (supra, 304 n.).

^{page 317 note 1} In this article Lugari mentions a tradition that a pavement of small pieces of marble had been found, and had passed to the Borghese family.

^{page 322 note 1} He prolongs the so-called Stradone di S. Marco (infra, 325) hypothetically so as to join this eastern branch just N. of the railway near point 178 (cf. p. 156); but there, I think, he is wrong, and his error arises from the fact that he does not recognize as even probably ancient the road from Prata Porci to Osteria del Finocchio.

^{page 330 note 1} For a find of antiquities here in 1850–2 see Seghetti, , Tuscolo e Frascati, 101, n. 1Google Scholar.

^{page 330 note 2} In this chapel was copied the inscription C.I.L. xiv. 2609.

^{page 333 note 1} Cf. Eschinardi, Descrizione di Roma (ed. Venuti, 1750), p. 265.

^{page 333 note 2} Tomassetti cites ib. 2846 as his authority for the statement that with the inscriptions were found five marble heads in 1834, but incorrectly (infra, 344, n. 3).

^{page 335 note 1} On the threshold of the entrance door to the monastery Lanciani copied a fragment of an inscription (C.I.L. xiv. 2764a).

^{page 336 note 1} Winckelmann, in Fea Storia dell' Arte, iii. 83, 211Google Scholar, ( = mem. 10 Fea, Miscellanea, i. p. 203) gives a long description of the hypocausts.

^{page 336 note 2} This is doubtful (cf. supra, 301).

^{page 336 note 3} For this stamp which bears the legend M. Tuli see supra, 234.

^{page 339 note 1} Wells (p. 193) speaks of excavations by Prince Aldobrandini in 1867.

^{page 339 note 2} The external wall is clearly visible on the S.E. showing that it was not built against the hill here, but only on the N.E. and S. W. sides. This is not clear in Canina's plan.

^{page 340 note 1} The bricks are lightish red, rather uneven, and from 17 to 27 cm. long; test measurements gave an average thickness of 0·031 m. on the N.W. and 0·036 on the S.E., the mortar courses in both cases averaging 0·016.

^{page 342 note 1} This is reproduced by Grossi-Gondi, , op. cit. tav. iiGoogle Scholar.

^{page 342 note 2} The facing ‘bricks’ average about 0·18 m. long, and are really cut triangles from larger bricks or tiles: they average 0·036 m. thick, the mortar being 0·019. m. thick.

^{page 343 note 1} There is a horizontal line in the concrete only a little way above the bottom of the core as now visible, which may mark a difference of date, though if we suppose all above this line to be an addition, we shall get a very low podium. The mortar is gray brown in both cases, and lumps of selce are used; but that below the line seems to be finer and darker. The line is actually marked by a thin layer of hard cement 0·005 m. thick.

^{page 343 note 2} The fragment of an inscription on a marble epistyle (ib. 2645) which may still be seen close by (infra, 347) contains too little to be of any use to us.

^{page 344 note 1} Uggeri, p. 39, suggests that, as there were some altars and statues in the Borghese collection said to have come from the Tusculan villa of Cicero, excavations may have been made there in the time of Paul V. Of course not everything from the Villa Borghese was removed to the Louvre.

^{page 344 note 2} The locality of discovery is given by Canina (Tuscolo, 139) from Biondi's notes in the Biblioteca Alessandrina or della Sapienza (the library of the University of Rome) Cod. 106 E, f. 4^v. These notes include the beginning of a systematic description which unluckily never got beyond the first chapter. Canina, however, made free use of them. In his reports to the Camerlengato, (Atti, Tit. iv. fasc. 246Google Scholar) Biondi gives no details as to the exact locality of his discoveries.

^{page 344 note 3} From Atti del Camerlengato, Tit. iv. fasc. 2846, we learn that in 1838 Canina found ‘in the upper part of the Tenuta della Molara, below the city and citadel of Tusculum,’ eight heads, four cippi, a sarcophagus with strigil markings, etc. (supra, 333 n. 2).

^{page 345 note 1} Was it in these excavations that the statues of the four seasons in the Villa Aldobrandini (Wells, 185) were found and the frescoes which were in his collection ?

^{page 346 note 1} Ib. 809, a. 5 is recorded as having been copied by Henzen ‘in the ruins called the Villa of Cicero.’ I am inclined to suspect that the site is the same; and agree with Grossi-Gondi in referring to it also ib. 2226 (1st cent. A.D.).

^{page 346 note 2} One of these is now in the Villa Aldobrandini: it is just possible that ib. 1029, a. 12 (now in the same place) was also found in these excavations.

^{page 346 note 3} The sepulchral inscription found in 1861 in the remains of the great building of which we have spoken (C.I.L. xiv. 2679) must belong to the tombs of this part of the road.

^{page 347 note 1} The exact date was April 25th. (Canina p. 144: on p. 8 he wrongly gives the date as 1830.)

^{page 348 note 1} I may notice in passing that Atti cit. fasc. 1098 deals entirely with the exportation of modern copies in plaster and marble from the Runnella to Palazzo Chablais and thence abroad.

^{page 349 note 1} In this work a restored sectional elevation is given, and a plan, which is not really that of La Torre, but that of the so-called tomb of Lucullus, repeated from the preceding plate.

^{page 349 note 2} xlvii, xlviii are repeated in Edifizi vi, tav. xcix.

^{page 350 note 1} This must be the ‘temple facing S. with fluted columns of Luna marble with Corinthian capitals’ of which Biondi speaks (MS. f. 9).

^{page 352 note 1} He mentions that it had been placed (at the Villa Rufinella) on the base bearing the inscription C.I.L. xiv. 2753, which did not belong to it.

^{page 352 note 2} I suppose this is the fine Apollo in bronze slightly less than natural size mentioned by Nibby, (Analisi, iii. 328Google Scholar) as still in his possession. The 1818 edition of Vasi's guide (Itinerario di Roma, p. 221) enumerates among the objects found at Tusculum and existing in the Palazzo Bonaparte in the Via Condotti a marble vase, the Apollo, four busts (one supposed to represent Germanicus, the other Perseus, which were much praised), and the two Rutiliae. From the construction of the sentence it is not clear whether the statue of Tiberius mentioned just before them should be included, but probably not.

^{page 352 note 3} Above this name we see Iaso (n); but Mommsen is undoubtedly right in supposing that the upper name was cancelled, and that of Telegonus, the founder of Tusculum, substituted; and two statues could not have occupied the same base.

^{page 353 note 1} This lettering belongs to the time of Augustus in Henzen's opinion, and so the inscription cannot be associated with the amphitheatre—nor is it at all likely that it would have been transported thence to this place.

^{page 353 note 2} Nibby speaks of a drain running round under the lowest seat existing (Schede, i. 64), which is not now visible.

^{page 354 note 1} I imagine that this is the house referred to in Bull. Inst. 1829, 213, ‘On the road already excavated, with a gate of the ancient city, the ruins of a private house were found, containing many votive terracottas and a statuette (idolo) of bronze. These ruins were considered to be those of a house, because of the atrium, portico, and impluvium found there, but what is really remarkable in this discovery is, that close to this house another paved road is said to have been found, about 12 palms (2·67 metres) below that already discovered, which is also ancient … we await from Marchese Biondi the important results of his work.’

^{page 354 note 2} The arx is mentioned in the various accounts of the attacks on the town, e.g. when the arx itself was for some time occupied by the Aequi in 459 B.C. (Liv. iii. 23) and when the whole city except the arx was surprised by the Latins in 377 B.C. (ib. vi. 33).

^{page 356 note 1} A passage in Nibby's Schede (i. 103) shows that Biondi's work began as early as 1817: ‘in the excavations made by order of the Court of Turin, to which it belongs, under the direction of Marchese Biondi, there have been so far discovered (September 1st, 1817) another piece of the road which runs along the walls; and after leaving on the right a small hemicycle in reticulatum for the repose of travellers, it divides, and one part runs to the left and joins that which ascends from Camaldoli, the other to the right joins that which comes from the Villa Rufinella: here there seems to have been one of the gates.’

^{page 357 note 1} Two of the slabs near the door have fallen, and the roof has been mended (in modern times ?) with concrete.

^{page 358 note 1} Ibid. 7833 Cabarasiae P. f. Pacatillae, xii was found in the excavations of Lucien Bonaparte.

^{page 358 note 2} It may be well to give here a summary of the documents in Atti del Camerlengato, Tit. iv. fasc. 246. On May 21st, 1825, Luigi Biondi, on behalf of the King of Sardinia, applied for leave to export the objects which might be discovered on his property, as it had been given to other sovereigns. The Cardinal Chamberlain opposed the demand, noting that the other precedents did not hold, as other sovereigns had transported objects from their own palaces, and that the Barberini Faun had only been allowed to go out after two years of discussion by express order of Pius VIII. On the 13th of June the Cardinal Chamberlain wrote to Biondi to come and interview him, and apparently permission was given as a result.

On July 4th Biondi wrote that the King's intention was to excavate in the Villa Rufinella towards Camaldoli. Rossignani, who was sent to examine the site, reported on the 12th that it was just where Lucien Bonaparte had brought to light a portion of the Via Latina, the so-called Arco Acuto (the chamber described above), the aqueduct, and part of the city walls, and permission was granted on the 16th. Work began in August, and on October 24th it was found necessary to remind Biondi that he must periodically send reports of his discoveries. Biondi replied that at first nothing had been found, and that he had believed it his duty to inform the King first. (In his MS. indeed, we have a series of eleven weekly reports from September 11th (?) to November 20th, which were, I presume, those sent to the King; but they do not give any precise local indications.)

There follows, as a result no doubt of the remonstrances made, a sheet, in the hand of Biondi's secretary, with a list of the objects found, without date. A duplicate of it will be found in Biondi's MS. f. 101. It is practically a summary of the monthly reports. The list is as follows:—

A. Outside the excavation (C.I.L. xiv. 2575, 2588, 2636). Fragment of a sepulchral inscription of several freedmen (ib. 2693 ?). Lead pipes with the stamp Reip. Tusculanorum (C.I.L., xv. 7813; Ibid. 7860 and 7876 seem to have been found at the same time).

Fragments of paintings found in the ruins (these are described in the weekly reports and may be recognized on tav. xliii of Canina's Tuscolo—supra, 348).

Fragments of terracottas (also described in detail in the reports).

Three small columns of gray marble, only one entire (described in the weekly reports as of cipollino, 1½ palm (0·33 metre) in diameter and 10½ (2·34 metres) long).

Four weights (circular).

A rabbit in marble of inferior style (eating grapes).

Fragments of a candelabrum.

A small capital of a column.

A tazza of pavonazzetto in several pieces, with almost the half wanting (with a flower in the centre).

Head of Jupiter, and two other weathered heads (including (?) a female bead of natural size mentioned in the report for October 22nd with the Jupiter).

A headless bust.

Small fragments of statues, of which some belong to statues found by the Prince of Canino.

B. In the excavations (quoted in full in the text).

From the weekly reports we may add (besides the objects mentioned by Canina—cf. supra, 351) a cameo from a ring, representing a head of Bacchus crowned with white and black grapes, fragments of stucco, a head of Antoninus Pius and another unknown male head, an ex voto in marble (a disk with on one side a sea-scene with dolphins and on the other two heads) and a small bas relief of Jupiter Ammon. The additional details which I have gathered from the weekly reports about items already in the list have been added in brackets.

On December 12th, 1825, Biondi announced his intention of closing the excavations, at least for the present, because the season was unfavourable, and the results less good than was expected: he said that lately a small sepulchral inscription of a freedman (C.I.L. xiv. 2671—cf. infra, 360n.) had been found, and a fragment of a bas-relief, and also a fragment of a ‘putto.’ The road which had been found, he added, ran past the theatre and the large reservoir towards the citadel. Rossini, op. cit. tav. 70–72, gives an excellent idea of what had been found up to this time, both as to the state of the excavations along this piece of the road and as to the fragments discovered, though he unluckily mixes up what was already at the Villa Rufinella and what had been more recently found.

On March 31st, 1826, Biondi gave notice of the resumption of the excavations; and the Cardinal Chamberlain advised Carlo Fea, as Commissario delle Antichità, and the Governor of Frascati in the usual way. On April 30th, Biondi reported that on the previous Tuesday two torsi of statues belonging to the same group had been found, they were miserably ruined and defective, but of good style: the governor of Frascati wrote on May 3rd, that one seemed to be a Satyr, the other a Bacchus (the Berlin group). On August 21st Biondi reported the discovery of a seated statue larger than life-size, lacking the head, the left arm, the right hand, and one leg (the so-called Tiberius, supra, 344).

After this we have nothing, until Biondi wrote on April 12th, 1828 of his intention to resume work: in reply to which he was requested to send the permit of excavation for extension, as it had expired over a year before; and a note states that on May 9th it was renewed till the end of the year. On July 22nd, 1829 Biondi applied for a further extension, and on September 27th, 1829 we get a report that during the previous week the excavations had been resumed, and the following objects found: two fragments of a marble candelabrum with leaves and fruits; a small statuette in bronze; many votive terracottas, representing heads, arms, legs, feet, small oxen, small pigs, etc. Nothing more was heard of Biondi (who did not personally send this report) and on April 21st, 1830, it was decided to write again, as a note on the back of the document says, but apparently without result. The excavations were not resumed till the autumn of 1839, after his death. The next document belongs to October 21st, 1839 and is a letter from the Governor of Frascati mentioning the discovery of a finely carved torso, believed to be of Greek workmanship. On November 2nd, 1839, came a report by Canina, who was now in charge, on the excavations of the last week in October. A torso of an imperial statue was found, of fine sculpture, but lacking the head, the arms, and one leg (the Tiberius, supra, 354); and the stage of the theatre, with the stairs up from the orchestra, and the slit for the curtain, was uncovered.

On December 1st Canina reported that in the last half of November a white marble vase decorated with hippogriffs and stags (supra, 349) had been found, and that the work in the theatre continued.

In November, 1840, Canina applied on behalf of the Queen fry leave to resume operations at Tusculum and at Isola Farnese, which was granted. Of the results of the work of 1840 and 1841 there are no accounts; and the next paper is Canina's application of August 20th, 1842 for a renewal of permission, which was granted. On November 6th Canina reports that in the remains of an ancient villa various fragments of paintings with ornaments and figures had been found, which belonged to vaulting now entirely ruined, also various fragments of terracotta. A statue of a Bacchic figure was also discovered, in small fragments and incomplete. In the same place two small round vases were found with inscriptions relating to a military tribune of the Gens Furia, whose tomb was not far off (C.I.L. xiv. 2577, 2578—infra, 373).

Lately, too, there had been found a well preserved chimaeia in marble with a good statue, rather larger than life-size, representing Minerva, but wanting the head (which had been in a separate piece) and one arm. The objects found were deposited at the Villa Rufinella.

This is the last document we have on the subject.

^{page 360 note 1} To these tombs one may attribute C.I.L. xiv. 2671, found in 1825 ‘outside the city’ by Biondi.

^{page 361 note 1} Nibby, , Schede, i. 64Google Scholar, saw it along the upper road, i.e. between the amphitheatre and the theatre, on October 13th, 1823 (?), and notes that there are traces of the stone having been cemented over.

^{page 362 note 1} The various lead tesserae relating to the Sodales Tusculani are collected by Rostowzew, Tesseraruni Plumbearum Sylloge, nos. 858 sqq.

^{page 362 note 2} The provenance of ib. 2639, a dedication to a curator (cf. 2629) by permission of the aeditui of Castor and Pollux, is not certain. Nibby gives a copy of it (Schede, i. 117) without indication of locality; but from its subject-matter it may fairly be attributed to Tusculum.

^{page 364 note 1} One version of the text has Cum Metellus Tusculanum peteret, the other Metello proficiscenti in agrum Tusculanum.

^{page 364 note 2} The description of Strabo (v. 3. 12, p. 239) may be noticed as a faithful picture. It is given in Tozer's Selections, p. 158.

^{page 367 note 1} Stevenson, (Vat. Lat. 10572, 11Google Scholar) saw the first of them at the Villa Rufinella in 1874.

^{page 367 note 2} The modern path passes through them, but the ancient road must have kept just below.

^{page 368 note 1} Fonteanive gives the length at 23 metres: I suspect a misprint for 32. Tomassetti and Grossi-Gondi speak of one wall, 11 metres long and 3·85 high, having confused the two walls, apparently.

^{page 370 note 1} Le Ville Tuscolane nell' epoca classica e dopo il Rinascimento. La Villa dei Quintili e la Villa di Mondragone, Rome, 1901Google Scholar. His article in Bull. Com. 1898, 313 sqq. is repeated in this work (pp. 20 sqq. and 285 sqq.).

^{page 370 note 2} There are scanty traces in the path from Camaldoli on the N.E. side of the garden.

^{page 371 note 1} Tomassetti gives (Bull. Com. 1892, 359) a fragment of a Greek inscription, the significance of which is not clear, built into the casino of the Villa Vecchia, on the road from Frascati to Monte Porzio.

^{page 371 note 2} C.I.L. xiv. 2693 (a fragmentary sepulchral inscription found by Biondi in 1830) must belong to this road.

^{page 371 note 3} The tomb 8 is marked too far W. in our plan, but this is due to the fact that there are errors in the plan of Canina from which it is taken, which could not be corrected without a more extended survey than I was able to undertake.

^{page 372 note 1} There he marks the tomb of the Furii just inside the wood of Camaldoli, at its S.E. extremity.

^{page 372 note 2} Stevenson, (Vat. Lat. 10572, 9^vGoogle Scholar) records its discovery in January 1894.

^{page 373 note 1} Cf. also the additional information from his MS. notes published by Fea, , Miscellanea, i. 321Google Scholar.

^{page 373 note 2} 1852, the date given by Canina himself, is the result of a misprint.

^{page 373 note 3} It is not improbable that Holste is referring to this road (Cod. Dresd. F. 193 f. 67 ‘da Grottaferrata andando sotto Frascati verso l'osteria del Finocchio si vedono per tutto strade antiche, prima è la Latina … poi quella del Tuscolo che passa accanto a Frascati poi un' altra che tira super la valle verso Monte Dragoni dove si vedono vestigi immensi di una villa grandissima’ (Le Cappellette).

^{page 375 note 1} Not. Scavi, 1888, 141 speaks only of ‘poligoni di peperino,’ a material never used for pavingtones, but Grossi-Gondi no doubt obtained better information on the spot.

^{page 376 note 1} The Casino del Collegio Clementino which Nibby saw high above him (Viaggio, ii. 58, ought to be, I think, the Casale Campitelli. Chaupy speaks of a Villa Vallemani here or hereabouts (ii. 218).

^{page 377 note 1} This road is marked by Canina, but I know of no further evidence for its actual existence (infra, 405: cf. Tuscolo, p. 68).

^{page 382 note 1} Stevenson, (Vat. Lat. 10572, 164Google Scholar) gives from a copy by Pasquale Antini, the following inscription as found at La Caricara, (Papers i. 262Google Scholar):

DIS M VILESIA

MATERI PIISSIME

FECIT, etc.

^{page 382 note 2} Can this be the road alluded to by Chaupy, (Maison de Campagne d'Horace, ii. 184Google Scholar) as running between Monte Compatri and Rocca Priora (infra, 411 n.)?

^{page 382 note 3} There are two reservoirs, not one only, to the S.S.E. of it, on the way up from the village, and some substructions also.

^{page 383 note 1} The reader need hardly be reminded that the current distinction in English, according to which monastery is used for a community of men, and convent for a community of women (whereas Italian usage is rather in favour of the reverse), has no logical nor historical foundation.

^{page 383 note 2} I do not know the site of the Vigna Bellini (though perhaps it fell within the territory of Frascati) in which in 1879, in making the road from Frascati to Colonna, there were found (and removed to the Museo Kircheriano in Rome) 17 fragments of marble decoration, parts of two statues, a spur, and a lead pipe (Not. Scavi, 1879, 206).

^{page 383 note 3} Tomassetti (p. 260, n. no. 9) tells us that an inscription of one Pomponius had recently been found in this vineyard, but lost again.

^{page 384 note 1} Prehistoric tombs of the iron age have been found in the Vigna Giammaria in the district of Fontana Candida: the vases are preserved in the archaeological museum at Frascati, and are unpublished. (Not. Scavi, 1902, p. 171, and note 3.)

^{page 386 note 1} Frontinus (i. 9) gives the distance from Rome as two miles to the right of the twelfth mile of the Via Latina, which takes us beyond even the Aqua Algidosia. But it is probably not to be taken as an accurate measurement. The cippus no. 302 gives the length of the channel as 14½ miles from the point at which it stood to Rome, while Frontinus gives the total length as 15½ miles.

^{page 387 note 1} It may be well to quote the actual words of Holste in regard to the Aqua Julia (Cod. Dresd. F. 193, f. 41 sqq.): '1649, 14 Septembris fui Cryptae ferratae, unde ab homine locorum optime perito conductus fui, primum recta via ad orientem, qua curribus iter Marinum et Velitras ex Vi Latina ad xii sive ad Cryptam ferratam deflectendo. D. C. circiter passibus progressis ad dictam viam occurrit fons a Card. Alexandra Farnesio Abbate dicti loci extructus, vulgo dicitur, la fontana dei Squarciarelli, et Crabrae ex proximo imminet cum hac inscriptione.

Alexander Farnesius Card, aquam Tepulam ad publicum usum hoc extructo vase collegit M.D. lxvii.

Sed aqua eius fontis nequaquam eo, aut proximo loco scaturit, sed ductu subterraneo enra ad locum ac deinde ad dictum monasterium Cryptae ferratae perducitur. Sed nullum dubium est quin superioribus in locis concipiatur ex aliquo capite Iuliae. E regione huius fontis Farnesiani ad sinistrum latus Crabrae luculentae sunt scaturigines aquae limpidissimae, quas olim Iuliae partem fuisse dubium nullum est, imminet autem hisce scaturiginibus in colle vinea Thomae Vitacci, qui puteum profundum excavans in veterem aquaeductum incidit, per quem etiam nunc aqua cum strepitu labitur.

A fonte Farnesiano paululum adscendentes defleximus tandem ex via ilia curuli, diverticulo sinistrorsum ad passus amplius mille, ubi ad sinistrum latus Crabrae insignis fons ex antro opera humana exciso profluit, slatim Crabrae iungitur. Vulgo la fontana d'Angelosia dicitur. Antrum illud in modum aediculae excisum fornice lateritio antiqui Romani operis clauditur, ostia quoque ipsasive frontispicium antiqui operis lateritii vestigia ostendit. Hunc praecipuum Iuliae fontem caputque fuisse certum est. Paulo supra dictum fontem in planitie palustri concipiuntur aliae aquae scaturigines et in piscinam sive cisternam deducuntur, quae vulgo La Botte dicitur, et proxime subhisce scaturiginibus nascitur Crabra loco valde uliginoso arundinetis consito.

Primae illae scaturigines ex cisterna la Botte rivo subterraneo per cuniculos excisos in villas Tusculanas perducuntur, nee dubito quin hae scaturigines cum proximis illis Crabram olim constituerint. Omnes istae scaturigines oriuntur in territorio Molarae ad ipsum confinium territorii Abbatiae Cryptaeferratae. Crabra autem quae nunc quoque suo rivo Romam perducitur, duobus constat ramis, quorum alterum ex valle Cryptoferratensi defluentem Maranam vocant, et rivum aquae Ferentinae Marino defluentem excipit paulo supra pontem ad decimum. Ultra Marianum nascitur Marinella.'

^{page 388 note 1} In 1901 the following brickstamps (from tombs ‘a capanna’ (?), but no further details were given) were found at the reservoir of the Algidosia, Aqua, C.I.L. xv. 205, 211, 239Google Scholar, and a variety of 596 (Not. Scavi, 1901, 202).

^{page 389 note 1} Casasalaccio on the map is an obvious misprint. The lane between point 395 and the Casalaccio has been diverted in recent years.

^{page 391 note 1} The site of the discoveries described in Not. Scavi, 1878, 260, as having been made in a vineyard belonging to Locatelli, among the ruins of an ancient building, some 3 kilometres from Rocca di Papa, on the left of the high-road, is not exactly clear; but I suspect it may be this villa. The ruins are described as consisting of a long line of subterranean corridors lined with white cement: within them were found some statues, which are there described.

^{page 393 note 1} Cavi or Cave is the correct form of the name—in a document of 1249 we have a mention of the via silicata Montis Cavae (Tomassetti, 280).

^{page 393 note 2} The brickstamp C.I.L. xv. 1068. a. 17 is recorded as found at Rocca di Papa in 1866: cf. 1324. 3 (near Rocca di Papa).

^{page 394 note 1} He gives a description and plan of it pp. 273 sqq.

^{page 394 note 2} That the name had no classical foundation was seen by Fabretti (De Aquis, Rome, 1680, p. 181, §§363 sqq.); and Tomassetti (p. 280) points ovit that it is taken from that of the Annibaldeschi, the mediaeval lords of Rocca di Papa.

^{page 394 note 3} The precise date is given by Fea in his MS. notes in the library of the French School at Rome (I. 12, f. 185^v).

^{page 395 note 1} Under the N. slopes of Monte Cavo, on the S. (or rather W. )edge of the Campo d'Annibale, three small Egyptian statuettes, two of porcelain, one of blue stone, were found in 1885. (Bull Inst. 1885, 182.)

^{page 397 note 1} The traces of this branch are hard to follow, but can be found in the wood as far as the modern road from Ariccia to Rocca di Papa. It is 2·80 metres wide: Stevenson's map first called my attention to it. On its E. side are remains in opus rcticulatum.

^{page 397 note 2} Where it turns N. yet another branch may have joined it; but this must be discussed elsewhere.

^{page 398 note 1} The same applies to Monte Peschio on the rim of the outer crater, which is really 939 metres above sea-level. See Papers, iv. 9, notes 1 and 2.

^{page 400 note 1} 193, 6, 194, 2 (early years of Septimius Severus) 204, 23 (Severus) 226, 12 (M. Aurelius) 276 (115–120 A.D.) 367, 7 (M. Aurelius) 399, 14 (Faustina the younger) 400, 10 (do.) 435, 4 (Severus). 550, a. 15 (about 123 A.D.) 563, i. 37, p. 54, A. 79 (123 A.D. ) 578, b. 10 (Hadrian) 585, b. 28, d. 59 (Hadrian) 596, 24 (Hadrian) 602, 4 (Severus) 737, 4 (161–168 A.D.) 754, a. 30 (Antoninus Pius?) 767, 6 (Severus) 774, 2 (Severus) 883, a. 3 (middle first century A.D.) 904, f. 27 (Trajan) 923, 3 (beginning of second century A.D.) 1012, a. 1 (after 108 A.D.) 1068, a. 18 (145–155 A.D.) 1086, 16 (154 A.D.) 1116, c. 8 (123 A.D.) 1135, 3 (end of second century A.D.) 1210, 15 (127 A.D.) 1609, 10 (after Diocletian) 1838, a. 3, d. 8 (Hadrian) 2249. To these we may add ib. 221, a. 8 (Faustina or Commodus) 400, 9 (Faustina the younger) 1058, 8 (125 A.D.) found in the eighteenth century ‘in the ruins of the temple of Jupiter,’ a statement to which we need not give credence, while 403, 7 (Commodus) was found on the mountain according to Riccy (Alba Longa, 70) and 873, a. I (first century A.D.) and 1146, a. 9 (Antoninus Pius) were found about 1871.

^{page 401 note 1} The blocks are well jointed, and are about 0·40 to 0·60 metre high and 0·85 metre deep, but the faces are rusticated.

^{page 401 note 2} This portion of the ancient road was known to Eschinardi: in Esposizione, cit. 410 (Venuti, 282) he notes the discovery of two large jars, which he believed to be ossuaries, at the side of the road.

^{page 403 note 1} The Castel di Molare is entirely mediaeval (Tomassetti, 282 sqq.—a photograph is given in his Campagna Romana, i. (1910), p. 178, Fig. 70), but there is some ancient debris: a hoard of mediaeval coins was found near it in 1902 (Bull. Com. 1902, 327).

^{page 403 note 2} The road from the Madonna to the Casa is sunk deep, and about five or more metres wide: but the soil is soft, and the pavement now visible is mediaeval. The track S.E. from the Casa to Colle Tondo, which I have marked doubtfully, is also deep sunk, and there are many bits of loose selce.

^{page 403 note 3} Somewhere near this road (between Rocca di Papa and Rocca Priora) was found the brickstamp, C.I.L. xv. 1211. 3 (about 123 A.D.).

^{page 404 note 1} The exact words are ‘Sep(olcro) a capanna con specchio presso Monsignore( ?) trov(ato)nel 1891, e vicino fu l'elmo (?). A Valle di Pratone al Vivaro dove ci è la parola ‘di’ di ‘V. di Vivaro' [the lettering has now been altered slightly] ivi pure altro sep(olcro).’

^{page 405 note 1} The cutting is a fairly deep one, and it is conceivable that in earlier times it was a ditch connected with the defences of Tusculum.

^{page 407 note 1} I do not know which is the statue referred to.

^{page 409 note 1} There was, however, a farm called Trebia on the Via Latina in the Middle Ages (Tomassetti, 316).

^{page 409 note 2} I have suggested altering Lavinium to Lanuvium in Livy ii. 39 (inde L. recepit, a good deal earlier in the campaign: cf. Papers, iv. 4. n.) for topographical reasons; and I think that the testimony of Dionysius and Plutarch is also in my favour: for both tell us that he raised the siege of Lavinium in order to march on Rome.

^{page 409 note 3} Tolerium has been identified with Valmontone by Nibby, (Analisi, iii. 369)Google Scholar: see Papers, i. 273, n. 2. One of his arguments is the similarity of name with the Trerus or Tolerus or Tolenus (Sacco): cf. Bormann, Alllat. Chorogr. 78). In Analisi, iii. 22 he identifies Vitellia with Valmontone by a slip: for elsewhere (i. 466) he puts it at Civitella di Subiaco.

^{page 409 note 4} Of the site of Pedum we have no exact knowledge (Papers, i. 205, iii. 140), though Dessau, (C.I.L. xiv. p. 288, n. 6Google Scholar) is not averse to placing it at Gallicano, as Nibby, does (Analisi, ii. 551Google Scholar). The discovery in Tunisia of an inscription (Bull. Ant. de France, 1905, 177: (Bull. Com. 1905, 363) of a curator Viae Pedanae of equestrian rank does not help us in the matter of topography, for we do not know what this road may be.

^{page 409 note 5} I should think that Bovillae was the best reading here: for it is said to be not more than 100 stadia (12½ miles) from Rome; and this is very much too little, if, with Hülsen (in Pauly-Wissowa, , R.E. iii. 667Google Scholar) we are to place Bola in the upper valley of the Sacco: as he rightly remarks, a more precise identification is impossible. Nibby, (Analisi, i. 291)Google Scholar placed it at Lugnano (now Labico)— see Papers, i. 273, n. 1.

^{page 409 note 6} Simul Aequos triennio ante accepta clades prohibuit Bolanis, suae gentis populo, praesidium ferre. Excursiones inde in confinem agrum Labicanum factae erant novisque colonis belium inlatum.

^{page 409 note 7} Horatius, cum iam Aequi Corbione interfecto praesidio Ortonam etiam cepissent, in Algido pugnat, multos mortalis occidit, fugat hostem non ex Algiao modo sed a Corbione Orlonaque. Corbionem etiam diruit propter proditum praesidium. Cf. id. 27 and Dionys. x. 26. Of Ortona we have no further knowledge, except from Liv. ii. 43, and Dionys. viii. 91, from whom we hear of a previous capture by the Aequi, and are told that it was a Latin city. Bunbury in Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography, s. v. is inclined to accept the suggestion that we are to identify with the people of Ortona the Fortinei (?) of Dionys. v. 61 and the Hortenses of Plin. iii. 69. This may or may not be so.

^{page 411 note 1} It is noted by Chaupy, , Maison de Campagne d'Horace, ii. 164Google Scholar, who states (ib. 184) that it continued between Monte Compatri and Rocca Priora (supra, 382 n. 2), and that he noticed its cuttings and pavingstones.

^{page 414 note 1} Further excavation has laid bare more than he saw: thus, his conjecture as to the position of the gate has been verified, and the way in which it was defended made more clear: on the other hand, I could not find any subterranean chambers in the position which he assigns to them in the plan, but I saw two chambers just to the N. of the entrance running N. and S. There are also some rock cuttings (quarries ?) just to the E. of his ‘roccia tagliata a picco.’

^{page 414 note 2} It may be a kindness to intending visitors to state that the Acqua Donzella has now been entirely appropriated to the supply of some village below the mountain, and that the wayfarer will hope in vain for any water there.

^{page 415 note 1} The Fontanile Moscaccio, some way down the S.S.E. slope of this mountain, is fed by a good spring, brought by a rock-cut channel 0·60 metre wide, possibly of Roman origin.

^{page 415 note 2} Tomassetti knows nothing of the destruction of the castle by Sixtus V., which is mentioned as a tradition by Holste (loc. cit.).

^{page 416 note 1} What he means by referring to a paved road which crosses that which we are following half a mile before the Casale, coming from the Labicana, and going to the Piano di Velletri, I do not understand.

^{page 417 note 1} It is clear from a passage in his Inscriptiones (p. 415) that this is the map originally inserted in his Apohgema Iasilhei in Grunnovium, a rare tract directed against Gronovius which I have never seen.

^{page 418 note 1} Disse un tale mastro Antonio Carlone di Montefortino che ad un certo luogo detto l'Uscione si rincontra un' altra selciata che tira a man dritta verso S. Juliano …. e tengo io per sicuro …. che sia quella medesima che traversando la Latina passa vicino all' hosteria di Mezza Selva e si rincontra con la Labicana a un certo luogo detto La Torre (supra, 418).

^{page 419 note 1} It goes on N. to Labico, though Westphal (p. 76, fin.), whom Kiepert must be following (map to C.I.L. xiv), prolongs it to Valmontone.

^{page 422 note 1} I should add that I have, since I wrote Papers, iv. 8, n. followed the high-road from Teano to Cassino: I could not see any certain traces of antiquity along it, but this does not prove that it is not of ancient origin, and the line seems to me the natural one. I do not feel sure about the object or antiquity of the building I had thought to be a tomb.

^{page 424 note 1} The bridge of the former road over the Sacco (now replaced by a modern iron one) was ancient in Fabretti's day (Inscriptiones, p. 416—cf. Marocco, op. cit. ix. 43Google Scholar) but has no doubt been carried away by the frequent floods to which this river is subject.

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The Classical Topography of the Roman Campagna.—III. (The Via Latina)—Section II.

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