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PAINTINGS FOR DOMINICAN NUNS: A NEW LOOK AT THE IMAGES OF SAINTS, SCENES FROM THE NEW TESTAMENT AND APOCRYPHA, AND EPISODES FROM THE LIFE OF SAINT CATHERINE OF SIENA IN THE MEDIEVAL APSE OF SAN SISTO VECCHIO IN ROME

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 September 2012

Joan Barclay Lloyd
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Abstract

Fragments of frescoes were found in the late nineteenth century on the medieval apse wall, hidden behind the fifteenth-century chancel, of the Dominican nunnery church of San Sisto Vecchio, Rome. They were painted in two phases, one in the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century, the other approximately a century later. When they were restored in 1990–2, two new scenes came to light. This paper reconsiders the murals of both phases, including the images uncovered during the restoration campaigns. Historical evidence shines new light on the medieval patrons of the nunnery, who were relatives of individual nuns, and reveals the social context in which buildings and paintings were provided for the convent. It is argued that the frescoes were designed for the Dominican nuns, whose religious ideals are reflected in their iconography. Up until now studies of these murals have not paid much attention to their socio-historical importance, nor the Dominican significance of the images, even in two scenes from the life of Saint Catherine of Siena. Accordingly, this study contributes to the discussion of the frescoes by placing them in a ‘Dominican’ framework, attempting to show what they may have meant to the medieval nuns in the convent.

Frammenti di affresco furono trovati nel tardo XIX secolo sul muro dell'abside medievale, nascosti dietro il coro del XV secolo, del monastero domenicano di San Sisto Vecchio a Roma. Furono dipinti in due fasi, una nel tardo XIII o inizi del XIV secolo, l'altro approssimativamente un secolo dopo. Quando furono restaurati nel 1990–2, vennero alla luce due nuove scene. Questo articolo riconsidera gli affreschi di entrambe le fasi, incluse le immagini scoperte durante le campagne di restauro. L'evidenza storica getta nuova luce sui patroni medievali del convento, che furono parenti di alcune monache, e rivelano il contesto sociale in cui strutture e dipinti furono realizzati per il convento. Si arguisce che gli affreschi erano destinati alle monache domenicane, i cui ideali religiosi sono riflessi nella loro iconografia. Fino ad ora gli studi di questi affreschi non avevano riscosso molta attenzione né per la loro importanza storico-sociale, né per il significato domenicano delle immagini, anche nelle due scene tratte dalla vita di Santa Caterina da Siena. Di conseguenza questo studio contribuisce alla discussione degli affreschi collocandoli in un contesto domenicano e tentando di mostrare cosa possono aver significato per le monache medievali nel convento.

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Papers of the British School at Rome , Volume 80 , October 2012 , pp. 189 - 232
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Copyright © British School at Rome 2012

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References

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3 According to the Catalogue of Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale di Torino, MS lat. A 381, fols 1–16, there were 70 nuns and sixteen friars resident at San Sisto c. 1320; see Huelsen, C., Le chiese di Roma nel medioevo (Florence, 1927), 37, no. 278Google Scholar. For the history of the convent, Bolton, ‘Daughters of Rome’ (above, n. 1). Saint Dominic himself also established nunneries at Prouille in France and Madrid in Spain. Medieval Dominican nunneries often followed the Constitutions of San Sisto.

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7 For the early Christian church of San Sisto, Geertman, H., ‘Ricerche sopra la prima fase di S. Sisto Vecchio in Roma’, Rendiconti — Atti della Pontificia Accademia Romana di Archeologia 41 (1968/9), 219–28Google Scholar; Krautheimer, R., Corpus Basilicarum Christianarum Romae, 5 vols (Vatican City, 1937–77), IV, 163–77Google Scholar; Geertman, H. and Annis, M.B., ‘San Sisto Vecchio: indagini topografiche e archeologiche’, in Paroli, L. and Vendittelli, L. (eds), Roma dall'antichità al medioevo II: contesti tardoantichi e altomedioevali (Milan, 2004), 517–41Google Scholar; Geertman, H., ‘Titulus Sancti Sixti’, in de Blaauw, S. (ed.), Hic Fecit Basilicam: studi sul Liber Pontificalis e gli edifici ecclesiastici di Roma da Silvestro a Silverio (Leuven, 2004), 127–32Google Scholar; Brandenburg, H., Le prime chiese di Roma IV–VII secolo (Milan, 2004), 152–3Google Scholar.

8 For the reconstruction outlined here, Barclay Lloyd, ‘The architectural planning of … S. Sisto’ (above, n. 1); see also Jäggi, C., Frauenklöster im Spätmittelalter: die Kirchen von der Klarissen und Dominikanerinnen im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert (Petersberg, 2006), 9, 25–6, 212, 264Google Scholar.

9 Krautheimer, Corpus Basilicarum (above, n. 7), IV, 164, 166, identified the fifteenth-century changes and gave a probable date of 1478, based on the inscription on the side door, ‘PETRI TT. S. SIXTI CARD. TIRASONEN. MCCCCLXXVIII’.

10 The murals are mentioned briefly in Crowe, J.A. and Cavalcaselle, G.B., A History of Painting in Italy, 6 vols (London, 1903), II, 157Google Scholar; Tomassetti, G., Campagna romana, 7 vols (Rome, 1910), II, 27Google Scholar; van Marle, R., The Development of the Italian Schools of Painting, 19 vols (The Hague, 1925), V, 362CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Toesca, P., Il trecento (Turin, 1951), 684 and n. 207Google Scholar; Matthiae, G., Pittura romana del medioevo, 2 vols (Rome, 1966), II, 238Google Scholar; Kaftal, G., Iconography of the Saints in Central and South Italian Schools of Painting (Florence, 1965), col. 269Google Scholar; Matthiae, G., Pittura romana del medioevo (con aggiornamento di F. Gandolfo), 2 vols (Rome, 1988), II, 350Google Scholar; Romano, S., Eclissi di Roma. Pittura murale a Roma e nel Lazio da Bonifacio VIII a Martino V (1295–1431) (Rome, 1992), 133–7, 411Google Scholar. Two longer studies specifically about the frescoes at San Sisto are Ronci, G., ‘Antichi affreschi in S. Sisto Vecchio a Roma’, Bollettino d'Arte 36 (1951), 15–26Google Scholar; and Vitali, F., ‘Gli affreschi medioevali di S. Sisto Vecchio in Roma’, in Romanini, A.M. (ed.), Roma anno 1300. (Atti del congresso internazionale di storia dell'arte medievale, Roma 19–24 maggio 1980) (Rome, 1983), 433–41Google Scholar.

11 Following Zucchi, Roma domenicana (above, n. 1), I, 17, the author of San Sisto all'Appia (above, n. 6), 46, 55, suggested that the whole of the medieval church was covered with frescoes. See the same opinion in Romano, Eclissi di Roma (above, n. 10), 136.

12 Anonymous, San Sisto all'Appia (above, n. 6), 61–6.

13 Ronci, ‘Antichi affreschi’ (above, n. 10).

14 Reports and photographs of the restoration campaigns are in the archives of the Soprintendenza Speciale per il Patrimonio Storico, Artistico ed Etnoantropologico e per il Polo Museale della Città di Roma. There are two very brief accounts of the first restoration campaign in Anonymous, San Sisto all'Appia (above, n. 6), 55, and F. Genovesi, ‘Un nuovo capitolo nella storia di San Sisto’, in Spiazzi (ed.), La chiesa e il monastero di San Sisto (above, n. 1), 676–7. Romano, Eclissi di Roma (above, n. 10), 136, mentioned one scene, the Presentation of Christ in the Temple.

15 See above, n. 10 for the literature on the frescoes.

16 For convent art and convent visual culture, see, for example, Wood, J.M., Women, Art and Spirituality: the Poor Clares in Early Modern Italy (Cambridge, 1996)Google Scholar; Hamburger, J.F., Nuns as Artists: the Visual Culture of a Medieval Convent (Berkeley, 1997)Google Scholar; Thomas, A., Art and Piety in the Female Religious Communities of Renaissance Italy: Iconography, Space and the Religious Women's Perspective (Cambridge, 2003)Google Scholar; and Lowe, K.J.P., Nuns' Chronicles and Convent Culture in Renaissance and Counter-Reformation Italy (Cambridge, 2003)Google Scholar.

17 See above, n. 10.

18 Crowe and Cavalcaselle, A History of Painting (above, n. 10), II, 157.

19 Tomassetti, Campagna romana (above, n. 10), II, 27. He mentioned only the paintings on the right of the apse.

20 Van Marle, The Development of the Italian Schools (above, n. 10), V, 362.

21 Toesca, Il trecento (above, n. 10), 684 and n. 207. Toesca also mentioned other fresco cycles he attributed to artists influenced by Cavallini, including those in the church of Santa Maria in Vescovio in the Sabina. For the frescoes in that church, see Matthiae, G., ‘Lavori della Soprintendenza ai Monumenti di Lazio: affreschi in S. Maria in Vescovio’, Bollettino d'Arte 28 (1934), 86–96Google Scholar; A. Tomei, ‘Il ciclo vetero e neo-testamentano di S. Maria in Vecovio’, in Romanini (ed.), Roma anno 1300 (above, n. 10), 355–78; Tomei, A., ‘La chiesa cattedrale della Sabina: Santa Maria in Vescovio’, in Tosti-Croce, M. Righetti (ed.), La Sabina medievale (Milan, 1985), 60–75Google Scholar.

22 Matthiae, Pittura romana (con aggiornamento di F. Gandolfo) (above, n. 10), II, 238.

23 Matthiae, Pittura romana (con aggiornamento di F. Gandolfo) (above, n. 10), II, 350. For the date, see Fleck, C.A., ‘‘Blessed the eyes that see those things you see’: the trecento choir frescoes at Santa Maria Donnaregina in Naples’, Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 67.2 (2004), 201–24, esp. p. 205CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

24 Gardner, J., ‘Pope Nicholas IV and the decoration of Santa Maria Maggiore’, Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 36 (1973), 1–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. p. 28, fig. 26.

25 Gardner, ‘Pope Nicholas IV’ (above, n. 24), 27 and fig. 25.

26 Gardner, ‘Pope Nicholas IV’ (above, n. 24), 27 and fig. 25.

27 Gardner, ‘Pope Nicholas IV’ (above, n. 24), 24–35.

28 Tomei, A., ‘Roma senza papa: artisti, botteghe, committenti tra Napoli, e la Francia’, in Tomei, A. (ed.), Roma, Napoli, Avignone: arte di curia, arte di corte 1300–77 (Turin, 1996), 13–53Google Scholar, esp. p. 30.

29 ‘ … a finire alcune storie che sono nella facciata di Santa Maria Maggiore’, see Milanesi, G. (ed.), Le vite de' più eccellenti pittori, scultori ed architettori scritte da Giorgio Vasari pittore aretino, 9 vols (Florence, 1878–1906), I, 345–52, esp. p. 347Google Scholar.

30 Gardner, ‘Pope Nicholas IV’ (above, n. 24), 27. See the same opinion in Toesca, P., Storia dell'arte italiano: il medioevo (Turin, 1927)Google Scholar, 1,035, n. 40; and M. Boskovits, ‘Proposte (e conferme) per Pietro Cavallini’, in Romanini (ed.), Roma anno 1300 (above, n. 10), 297–315, esp. p. 299, n. 11.

31 Gardner, ‘Pope Nicholas IV’ (above, n. 24), 30–5, figs 31 and 32. The artist at Santa Maria in Vescovio also copied Cavallini's Last Judgment at Santa Cecilia in Rome on the inner façade.

32 Tomei, ‘Il ciclo vetero e neo-testamentano’ (above, n. 21), esp. pp. 359–60; Tomei, ‘La chiesa cattedrale della Sabina’ (above, n. 21).

33 Ronci, ‘Antichi affreschi’ (above, n. 10).

34 Ronci, ‘Antichi affreschi’ (above, n. 10), 17, 19–21, 24. George Kaftal also identified and illustrated the scenes of Catherine of Siena (Fig. 12), see Kaftal, Iconography of the Saints (above, n. 10), col. 269.

35 Ronci, ‘Antichi affreschi’ (above, n. 10), 21–3.

36 Ronci, ‘Antichi affreschi’ (above, n. 10), 16.

37 Vitali, ‘Gli affreschi medioevali’ (above, n. 10).

38 Ronci, ‘Antichi affreschi’ (above, n. 10), 16, 18.

39 Vitali, ‘Gli affreschi medioevali’ (above, n. 10), 437–8.

40 Vitali, ‘Gli affreschi medioevali’ (above, n. 10), 438, and Hueck, I., ‘Der Maler der Apostelszenen im Atrium von alt St. Peter’, Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Instituts in Florenz 40 (1969), 115–40Google Scholar.

41 Vitali, ‘Gli affreschi medioevali’ (above, n. 10), 439–42.

42 See Volbach, F., I dipinti dal X secolo fino a Giotto (Catalogo della Pinacoteca Vaticana I) (Rome, 1979), 33–4Google Scholar.

43 Matthiae, Pittura romana (con aggiornamento di F. Gandolfo) (above, n. 10), II, 350.

44 Eubel, C., Hierarchia catholica medii aevii, 4 vols (Regensburg, 1913), I, 10–11Google Scholar.

45 Vitali, ‘Gli affreschi medioevali’ (above, n. 10), 435–6.

46 Vitali, ‘Gli affreschi medioevali’ (above, n. 10), 439.

47 Berthier, Chroniques (above, n. 1), I, p. xxxi; Koudelka, ‘Le ‘Monasterium Tempuli’ et la fondation dominicaine de San Sisto' (above, n. 1), 40–3, 72.

48 For example in Torrigio, F.M., Historia della veneranda immagine di Maria Vergine posta nella chiesa del monastero delle R. monache di Santi Sisto e Domenico a Roma (Rome, 1641)Google Scholar.

49 Koudelka, ‘Le ‘Monasterium Tempuli’ et la fondation dominicaine de San Sisto' (above, n. 1), 72, no. 14; Cronache e fioretti, in Spiazzi (ed.), Fioretti del monastero (above, n. 1), 115. The values are from Torrigio, Historia (above n. 48), 57. Florins were one of the major types of gold coinage in thirteenth-century Italy, according to Travaini, L., Monete e storia nell'Italia medievale (Rome, 2007), 53–4Google Scholar.

50 Torrigio, Historia (above, n. 48), 54–7, esp. pp. 54–5; see also Koudelka, ‘Le ‘Monasterium Tempuli’ et la fondation dominicaine de San Sisto' (above, n. 1), 72, no. 13. The codicil is not mentioned in the version of Cardinal Boccamazza's will published by Bagliani, A. Paravicini, I testamenti dei cardinali del Duecento (Rome, 1980), 353–82Google Scholar, but see p. 78, n. 1, where the author suggested it existed.

51 Koudelka, ‘Le ‘Monasterium Tempuli’ et la fondation dominicaine de San Sisto' (above, n. 1), 72, no. 13. Berthier, Chroniques (above, n. 1), I, 87, 115, claimed the amount was 120,000 ounces of gold, but Torrigio, Historia (above n. 48), 55, gave 94,000 ounces, plus some small sums paid later. The highest Sicilian currency was in ounces of gold at that time, see Travaini, Monete e storia (above, n. 49), 49.

52 Torrigio, Historia (above n. 48), 56–7. This is clearly the money referred to by Vitali, ‘Gli affreschi medioevali’ (above, n. 10), 435–6.

53 Berthier, Chroniques (above, n. 1), I, 95, where his gifts are listed; Zucchi, Roma domenicana (above, n. 1), I, 273–4 on Giovanni di Polo.

54 Spiazzi (ed.), Cronache e fioretti, in Spiazzi (ed.), Fioretti del monastero (above, n. 1); and Berthier, Chroniques (above, n. 1), I. For how documents of the San Sisto archive have been dispersed, destroyed or lost, see Carbonetti Vendittelli, Le più antiche carte (above, n. 1), xxvii–xxxiv.

55 Spiazzi (ed.), Cronache e fioretti, in Spiazzi (ed.), Fioretti del monastero (above, n. 1), 115; Berthier, Chroniques (above, n. 1), I, 114.

56 Berthier, Chroniques (above, n. 1), I, 97.

57 Berthier, Chroniques (above, n. 1), I, 98.

58 Cronache e fioretti, in Spiazzi (ed.), Fioretti del monastero (above, n. 1), 150–1, 160. Berthier, Chroniques (above, n. 1), I, 167, 191, 179, 184, 175, 199, respectively. Other names of nuns from this family were Rita, Mattea and Marta. Some are mentioned in other sources, see Vendittelli, C. Carbonetti, ‘Il registro di entrate e uscite del convento domenicano di San Sisto degli anni 1369–81’, in Esposito, A. and Palermo, L. (eds), Economia e società a Roma tra medioevo e rinascimento, studi dedicati ad Arnold Esch (Rome, 2005), 83–121Google Scholar, esp. p. 97, referring to Katerina and Rita Boccamazza.

59 Berthier, Chroniques (above, n. 1), I, 95; seven nuns of the Colonna family were found in the records of the convent by Sister Domenica Salomonia, see Berthier, Chroniques (above, n. 1), I, 104. The practice of relatives acting as patrons of convents can be found elsewhere: Jeffrey Hamburger suggested the parents of Friar Heinrich Susa were the patrons of ‘his chapel’ in the Dominican Friars' church at Constance, see Hamburger, J.F., ‘The use of images in the pastoral care of nuns: the case of Heinrich Suso and the Dominicans’, The Art Bulletin 71.1 (1989), 20–46, esp. pp. 39–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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61 Eubel, Hierarchia (above, n. 44), I, 10–11, referred to him as ‘consanguineus’. Gardner said that ‘Alfaranus mentioned that the tomb (of Honorius IV) was erected by the pope's wealthy nephew Cardinal Boccamazza’, Gardner, J., The Tomb and the Tiara: Curial Tomb Sculpture in Rome and Avignon in the Later Middle Ages (Oxford, 1992), 103Google Scholar. (Sister Angelica Boccamazza may have been his sister.)

62 ‘Il cardinale Boccamazzi (sic), spinto dal suo personale affetto per San Sisto e dalle suppliche della Priora Suor Angelica, sua parente, donò al monastero la somma di 2000 scudi …’, Spiazzi (ed.), Cronache e fioretti, in Spiazzi (ed.), Fioretti del monastero (above, n. 1), 115; Berthier, Chroniques (above, n. 1), I, 114–19, esp. pp. 114–15; see also Torrigio, Historia (above, n. 48), 59.

63 Koudelka, ‘Le ‘Monasterium Tempuli’ et la fondation dominicaine de San Sisto' (above, n. 1), 67; Carbonetti Vendittelli, Le più antiche carte (above, n. 1), 252, no. 127.

64 Torrigio, Historia (above, n. 48), 59, referred to fifteen extra nuns; Benedetto of Monefiascone said that Cardinal Boccamazza's donations allowed for sixteen more nuns than usual, see Koudelka, ‘Le ‘Monasterium Tempuli’ et la fondation dominicaine de San Sisto' (above, n. 1), 72, no. 14. The highest number was 80.

65 Koudelka, ‘Le ‘Monasterium Tempuli’ et la fondation dominicaine de San Sisto' (above, n. 1), 72, no. 14: ‘Item donavit idem dominus mille florenos in pecunia, de quarum parte facta fuit additio in dormitorio quod postea fuit combustum’.

66 (Cardinal Boccamazza) ‘Accordò immediatamente un larghissimo aiuto in denaro, poi indusse altri pii benefattori romani ad imitarlo, e così furono messi insieme i mezzi per rifare e ingrandire il dormitorio bruciato …’, Cronache e fioretti, in Spiazzi (ed.), Fioretti del monastero (above, n. 1), 118; Torrigio, Historia (above, n. 48), 62.

67 Cronache e fioretti, in Spiazzi (ed.), Fioretti del monastero (above, n. 1), 118–19.

68 For women as patrons of architecture and art in nunneries, see the works cited above, n. 16, as well as Hamburger, J.F., ‘Art, enclosure and the Cura Monialium: Prologomena in the guise of a postscript’, Gesta 31.2 (1992), 108–34, esp. pp. 114–17CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Wood, J.M., ‘Breaking the silence: the Poor Clares and the visual arts in fifteenth-century Italy’, Renaissance Quarterly 48.2 (1995), 262–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

69 Eubel, Hierarchia (above, n. 44), I, 13; Sibilio, V., Benedetto XI: il papa tra Roma e Avignone (Dissertationes Historicae 30) (Rome, 2004)Google Scholar; Longo, C., ‘Il papa domenicano Benedetto XI (1240–1304)’, in Viganò, A. (ed.), Benedetto XI papa domenicano (1240–1304) (Florence, 2006), 29–96Google Scholar, who has noted (pp. 59–60) that as cardinal he went to stay at the Dominican nunnery at Prouille for a month, just prior to his election as pope, showing that he favoured the nuns of his order.

70 Koudelka, ‘Le ‘Monasterium Tempuli’ et la fondation dominicaine de San Sisto' (above, n. 1), 79, no. 17. Of course, such visitors would have had access only to the public part of the church and not the nuns' choir.

71 Romano, Eclissi di Roma (above, n. 10), 107–9, 133–7, 411.

72 See above, p. 207 and n. 46; and Romano, Eclissi di Roma (above, n. 10), 411.

73 ‘Progetto Restauro affreschi dei sec. XII–XIII [sic] nella chiesa di S. Sisto Vecchio in Roma’, Soprintendenza Speciale per il Patrimonio Storico, Artistico ed Etnoantropologico e per il Polo Museale della Città di Roma, Perizia no. 37–10 August 1990: Silvana Franchini redatto da Dott. Alia Englen.

74 Ronci, ‘Antichi affreschi’ (above, n. 10), 19–24; Kaftal, Iconography of the Saints (above, n. 10), col. 269; and Romano, Eclissi di Roma (above, n. 10), 411.

75 Lloyd, J. Barclay, ‘The Trinity amid the hierarchies of angels: a lost fresco from S. Clemente and an iconographic tradition of the angelic choirs’, Arte Cristiana 73 (1985), 167–80Google Scholar; and Romano, Eclissi di Roma (above, n. 10), 411–18.

76 Dimensions are taken from Vitali, ‘Gli affreschi medioevali’ (above, n. 10).

77 Farmer, D., Oxford Dictionary of Saints (Oxford, 2004), 481–2Google Scholar.

78 More sophisticated versions of this type of altar canopy are to be found in the Roman churches of Santa Maria in Cosmedin, San Paolo fuori le mura (1285) and Santa Cecilia (1293), the latter two by Arnolfio di Cambio; see A.M. Romanini, ‘Arnolfo e gli ‘Arnolfo’ apocrifi', in Romanini (ed.), Roma anno 1300 (above, n. 10), 27–52, esp. pp. 48–52; Pace, V., Arte a Roma nel medioevo: committenza, ideologia e cultura figurativa in monumenti e libri (Naples, 2000), 132, 137–50, 347–97Google Scholar; de Blaauw, S., ‘Arnolfo's high altar ciboria and Roman liturgical traditions’, in Freedman, D., Gardner, J. and Haines, M. (eds), Arnolfo's Moment: Acts of an International Conference (Florence, 2009), 123–41Google Scholar.

79 Vitali, ‘Gli affreschi medioevali’ (above, n. 10), 437.

80 Ronci, ‘Antichi affreschi’ (above, n. 10), 26, said the report was by Sergio Ortolani.

81 Photograph E 10720. This originally was printed the wrong way round, but here and in Ronci, ‘Antichi affreschi’ (above, n. 10), fig. 20, it has been turned to the correct side.

82 ‘The Book of James or the Protoevangelium’, VII, in James, M.R. (trans.), The Apocryphal New Testament (Oxford, 1924), 41–2Google Scholar.

83 For the scene at Daphni, see Diez, E. and Demus, O., Byzantine Mosaics in Greece (Cambridge (MA), 1931), 75Google Scholar. For the scene in the narthex of the Chora in Constantinople, see Underwood, P.A., The Kariye Djami, 4 vols (London, 1966), I, 72–4Google Scholar. He noted that the image is very close to the main entrance into the nave, highlighting its importance.

84 ‘Protoevangelium’, I–IV, Apocryphal New Testament (above, n. 82), 39–40.

85 ‘Protoevangelium’, VII, Apocryphal New Testament (above, n. 82), 41–2: ‘Joachim said: Call for the daughters of the Hebrews that are undefiled, and let them take everyone a lamp, and let them be burning, that the child may turn not backward, and her heart be taken captive away from the temple of the Lord. And they did so until they were gone up into the temple of the Lord. And the priest received her and kissed her and blessed her, and said: The Lord make magnified thy name in all generations: in thee, in the latter days, shall the Lord manifest his redemption unto the children of Israel. And he made her to sit upon the third step of the altar. And the Lord put grace upon her and she danced with her feet and all the house of Israel loved her’.

86 See Shorr, D.C., ‘The iconographic development of the presentation in the temple’, The Art Bulletin 28 (1946), 17–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Maguire, H., ‘The iconography of Symeon with the Christ Child in Byzantine art’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 34/35 (1980/1), 261–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

87 For Cavallini's mosaics in Santa Maria in Trastevere, see Hetherington, P., ‘The mosaics of Pietro Cavallini in Santa Maria in Trastevere’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 33 (1970), 84–106CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hetherington, P., Pietro Cavallini: a Study in the Art of Late Medieval Rome (London, 1979), 13–36Google Scholar; Tiberia, V., I mosaici del XII secolo e di Pietro Cavallini in Santa Maria in Trastevere: restauri e nuove ipotesi (Todi, 1996), 123–76Google Scholar; Tomei, A., Pietro Cavallini (Milan, 2000), 23, 38–44Google Scholar. For Torriti's mosaics in Santa Maria Maggiore, see Gardner, ‘Pope Nicholas IV’ (above, n. 24); Tosti-Croce, M. Righetti, ‘La basilica tra due e trecento’, in Pietrangeli, C. (ed.), Santa Maria Maggiore a Roma (Florence, 1988), 129–69Google Scholar; and Tomei, A., Iacobus Torriti Pictor: una vicenda figurativa del tardo duecento romano (Rome, 1990), 99–125, esp. pp. 114–17Google Scholar. See also Matthiae, G., Mosaici medioevali di Roma, 2 vols (Rome, 1967), I, 355–78Google Scholar; and Oakeshott, W., The Mosaics of Rome (London, 1967), 318–28Google Scholar.

88 Romano, Eclissi di Roma (above, n. 10), 136, suggested that the upper part of the canopy was repainted in the sixteenth or seventeenth century.

89 Simeon holding the Christ Child was common in Byzantine art, as explained by Maguire, ‘The iconography’ (above, n. 86). And see Ragusa, I. and Green, R.B. (trans. and eds), Meditations on the Life of Christ (Princeton, 1961), 58Google Scholar: ‘Then the boy Jesus stretched His arms towards His mother and returned to her …’.

90 When this scene was covered by whitewash, which was later removed, the medieval layer of blue probably came off.

91 See above, p. 212 and n. 73; on a guided visit of the church today this is the usual identification of the scene, and the same interpretation is given in the Touring Club Italiano guidebook, D'Innella, M. (ed.), Roma (Milan, 2004), 521Google Scholar.

92 Vitali, ‘Gli affreschi medioevali’ (above, n. 10), 434.

93 Ronci, ‘Antichi affreschi’ (above, n. 10), 17; Vitali, ‘Gli affreschi medioevali’ (above, n. 10), 434: ‘vi è una specie di pannello (m. 1,35 X 0,80), che appare staccato, riportato su tavola e quindi nuovamente incastrato nel muro … raffigurante una serie di angeli dalle mani protese’. Romano, Eclissi di Roma (above, n. 10), 133–4, said this panel might just be part of the wall, which needed to be attached more securely.

94 Ronci, ‘Antichi affreschi’ (above, n. 10), 17, suggested implausibly that they came from an Assumption of Mary; Vitali, ‘Gli affreschi medioevali’ (above, n. 10), 437, accepted this identification; Romano, Eclissi di Roma (above, n. 10), 133, suggested more convincingly that it was a Dormition of the Virgin.

95 Pointed out convincingly by Vitali, ‘Gli affreschi medioevali’ (above, n. 10), 438.

96 This would have been similar to the infancy of Christ mosaic scenes in Santa Maria in Trastevere and in Santa Maria Maggiore, which included the Annunciation, Nativity, Adoration of the Magi and the Presentation of Christ in the Temple. Both these churches also had a scene of the Dormition of the Virgin, and at Santa Maria in Trastevere there was a scene of the Birth of Mary. (There appears to be no Annunciation among the scenes that survive at San Sisto. Most probably there was originally such a scene, but its location is now unknown.)

97 Vitali, ‘Gli affreschi medioevali’ (above, n. 10), 435.

98 Ronci, ‘Antichi affreschi’ (above, n. 10), 18, pointed out that the heads of the Madonna and of two apostles are missing.

99 For the iconography of Pentecost and this point in particular, Schiller, G., Ikonographie der Christlichen Kunst, 4 vols (Gütersloh, 1976), IV.1, 11–37, esp. p. 11Google Scholar; and von Teuffel, C. Gardner, ‘Ikonographie und Archäologie: da Pfingsttriptychon in der Florentiner Akademie an seinem ursprünglichen Aufstellungsort’, Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 41 (1978), 16–40, esp. p. 20CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

100 For example, see the Presentation of Christ in the Temple, in the eleventh-century Golden Evangelistary of Henry III, Gotha, Landsbibliothek, MS 1, 19, in Shorr, ‘The iconographic development’ (above, n. 86), 22–3, fig. 6, where the temple resembles ‘a … basilica, whose exterior and interior are simultaneously shown, in accordance with a convention of architectural representation’. Also, in the Ordination of St. Stephen in the Chapel of Saint Nicholas in the Vatican Palace, 1447–51, Fra Angelico shows the interior of Saint Peter's in the lower part of the painting, with the exterior of the clerestory above it, see Krautheimer, R., ‘Fra Angelico and — perhaps — Alberti’, in Lavin, I. and Plummer, J. (eds), Studies in Late Medieval and Renaissance Painting in Honor of Millard Meiss (New York, 1977), 290–6, esp. pp. 291 and 293Google Scholar.

101 For Hosios Lukas, Diez and Demus, Byzantine Mosaics (above, n. 83), 44, 72–3; for the Pentecost dome in Marco, San, Demus, O., The Mosaics of San Marco, 4 vols (Chicago, 1984), I, 148–59Google Scholar.

102 For example, in a panel by Giotto and his workshop, now in the National Gallery London, the people stand outside the building, as shown by D. Gordon, ‘A dossal by Giotto and his workshop: some problems of attribution, provenance and patronage’, Burlington Magazine 131, no. 1,037 (August 1989), 524–31, and fig. 13.

103 Ronci, ‘Antichi affreschi’ (above, n. 10), 18.

104 Saint Peter also mentions King David, who may have been in the other roundel.

105 The Letters of Jordan of Saxony are published in Walz, A.op (ed.), Beati Iordani de Saxonia Epistulae (Monumenta Ordinis Fratrum Praedicatorum Historica XXIII) (Rome, 1951)Google Scholar. For English translations of the letters, see Pond, K. (trans.), Love among the Saints (London, 1958)Google Scholar; and Vann, G., To Heaven with Diana (London, 1960)Google Scholar. For the early Dominican nunnery of Sant'Agnese in Bologna, see Grundmann, H., Religious Movements in the Middle Ages (Notre Dame/London, 1995), 94–6Google Scholar; and A. Roncelli, ‘Domenico, Diana, Giordano: la nascita del monastero di Sant'Agnese in Bologna’, in Zarri and Festa (eds), Il velo, la penna e la parola (above, n. 1), 71–91, esp. pp. 83–6, with further bibliography.

106 For the opposition to pastoral responsibility of nuns, see Brett, E.T., ‘Humbert of Romans and the Dominican Second Order’, Memorie Domenicane n.s. 12 (1981), 1–25Google Scholar.

107 Beati Iordani … Epistulae (above, n. 105), 5, 8, 9, 15, 19–20, 23, 25, 31–2, 34, 40, 44–5, 51–2.

108 Beati Iordani … Epistulae (above, n. 105), 12, 23–4.

109 Beati Iordani … Epistulae (above, n. 105), 10, 14, 16–17, 24–5, 30–1, 34–5, 38–9, 45–7, 58.

110 V. Pace, ‘La chiesa abbaziale di Grottaferrata e la sua decorazione nel medioevo’, in Pace, Arte a Roma nel medioevo (above, n. 78), 416–97.

111 In the late thirteenth century, and thus more or less contemporary with the San Sisto murals, a ‘Paternitas’ image of the Trinity, in which the Father is enthroned, with the young Christ on his lap and the dove of the Holy Spirit between them, was painted above the mosaic at Grottaferrata, possibly by Filippo Rusuti — see Pace, ‘La chiesa abbaziale’ (above, n. 110), 478.

112 Schiller, Ikonographie (above, n. 99), IV.1, 11–37, esp. pp. 14–15.

113 For some interesting examples from late medieval Florence, see Gardner von Teuffel, ‘Ikonographie und Archäologie’ (above, n. 99), figs 1, 5, 8, 5, 16–18, with Saint Peter's preaching included in the Orcagna Master, San Pietro Maggiore Polyptychon, Pentecost, London, National Gallery, her fig. 13, and in Andrea da Firenze, Pentecost, Florence, Santa Maria Novella, Chapter House, her fig. 14. For this last see also Gardner, J., ‘Andrea di Bonaiuto and the Chapterhouse frescoes in Santa Maria Novella’, Art History 2.2 (1979), 107–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

114 The reception of the Holy Spirit twice by Mary and the appropriateness of her presence at Pentecost was referred to in a sermon, De Assumptione Dei Genetricis Mariae, published in Migne, J.P. (ed.), Patrologia Cursus Completus … Series Latina, 221 vols (Paris, 1844–1905)Google Scholar, CXLII, 1888, cols 1023–8, esp. col. 1027, by Saint Odilo of Cluny (c. 962–1049), as pointed out by Gardner von Teuffel, ‘Ikonographie und Archäologie’ (above, n. 99), 35, n. 77.

115 Graef, H., Mary: a History of Doctrine and Devotion (Notre Dame, 2009), 66–7Google Scholar, with references to the works of Saint Ambrose.

116 Graef, Mary (above, n. 115), 67–9.

117 Durand, G., Rationale Divinorum Officiorum (Lyon, 1662)Google Scholar, 400r–403r, esp. 401r; cited in Gardner von Teuffel, ‘Ikonographie und Archäologie’ (above, n. 99), 36, n. 82.

118 For the fresco of Pentecost in the vault of the Dominican Chapter House in Santa Maria Novella in Florence, Gardner von Teuffel, ‘Ikonographie und Archäologie’ (above, n. 99), 30–1, fig. 14, and Gardner, ‘Andrea di Bonaiuto’ (above, n. 113).

119 For the importance of study for Dominican friars, Schenkluhn, W., Ordines Studentes. Aspekte zur Kirchenarchitektur der Dominikaner und Franziskaner im 13. Jahrhundert (Berlin, 1985)Google Scholar; and Mulchahey, M.M., ‘First the Bow is Bent in Study’: Dominican Education before 1350 (Toronto, 1998)Google Scholar.

120 Cannon, J., ‘Simone Martini, the Dominicans and the early Sienese polyptych’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 45 (1982), 69–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

121 Ronci, ‘Antichi affreschi’ (above, n. 10), 19–24; Kaftal, Iconography of the Saints (above, n. 10), col. 269; Romano, Eclissi di Roma (above, n. 10), 411.

122 This type of halo is used in images of Blessed Catherine in manuscripts of the first half of the fifteenth century, such as Legenda Maior, MS It. 2178, fol. 25r, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale; Legenda Maior, MS AD.IX.38, fols 52r and 136r, Milan, Biblioteca Braidense; Processus, MS 104, fol. 1r, Mantua, Biblioteca Comunale; Legenda Maior, MS 470, fol. 1r, Vienna, National Library; it also appears in Fra Angelico's S. Caterina da Siena among Dominicans in the Glory of Paradise (now in the National Gallery London) of c. 1424–5; and in his Madonna and Saints (now in Perugia, Galleria Nazionale dell'Umbria) of c. 1437–50; see Bianchi, L. and Giunta, D., Iconografia di S. Caterina da Siena (Rome, 1988), 250, 275–7Google Scholar, and tav. II, fig. 4; tav. IV, figs 1 and 2; tav. V, figs 2 and 3. (Suzanne Noffke kindly provided this reference at the request of Donna Orsuto.) See also the drawings discussed by Moerer, E.A., ‘The visual hagiography of a stigmatic saint: drawings of Catherine of Siena in the Libellus de Supplemento’, Gesta 44.2 (2005), 89–102, esp. p. 98CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

123 Ronci, ‘Antichi affreschi’ (above, n. 10), 20–1.

124 A Latin edition of Raymond of Capua's Legenda Maior, or Biography of Catherine of Siena, edited by Henschenius, G. and Papebrochius, D.sj, is published in Bollandus, I.et al. (eds), Acta Sanctorum [hereafter AASS], 69 vols (Antwerp, 1643–1940), aprilis III (Antwerp, 1675), 851–978Google Scholar; for this scene, see esp. Liber II, 135–8, pp. 887–8. There are also translations of Saint Catherine's life into Italian and English: for example, Tinaglio, G.op (trans.), Beato Raimondo da Capua, Legenda Maior, cioè S. Caterina da Siena (1347–1380) (Siena, 1969), see esp. pp. 153–6Google Scholar; and Drane, A.T., The History of St. Catherine of Siena and her Companions (London, 1880), see esp. pp. 68–71Google Scholar.

125 de Senis, Tommaso, Sanctae Catharinae Senensis Legenda Minor (Fontes Vitae S. Catharinae Senensis Historici 10), ed. Franceschini, E. (Milan, 1942)Google Scholar; this is explained in Drane, The History (above, n. 124), xii–xiii.

126 The identification of the pilgrim with Christ would account for the fragmentary halo containing the arms of a cross in the mural.

127 ‘Tu mihi tunicam hanc heri cum tanta liberalitate dedisti …: et ego nunc tibi vestem, invisibilem quidem hominibus, sed tibi etiam sensibilem, de meo corpore sacra dabo; qua uterque homo tuus ab omni nocivo frigore protegetur, quousque cum gloria et honore coram Sanctis et Angelis suo tempore vestietur.’ AASS, aprilis III (above, n. 124), 887, paragraph 137.

128 AASS, aprilis III (above, n. 124), 887–8, paragraphs 137 and 138: ‘in propriarum vestium dono glorioso assimiliata Martino’.

129 Laurent, M.H. (ed.), Il Processo Castellano (Fontes Vitae S. Catharinae Senensis Historici 9) (Milan, 1942), 66, n. 17Google Scholar.

130 ‘… quandoque tribuet pauperi tunicam suam, postea Salvator ei monstrabat in dorso proprio gemmis ornatum, prout actus iste figuratus est Rome iuxta sepulcrum eius’, from Stefano Maconi's deposition, see Laurent (ed.), Il Processo Castellano (above, n. 129), 270–1. See also Bianchi and Giunta, Iconografia (above, n. 122), 72, n. 18.

131 ‘Iste actus est figuratus Rome iuxta sepulcrum eius’, Tommaso de Senis, Sanctae Catharinae Senensis Legenda Minor (above, n. 125), 49.

132 See Grottanelli, F. (ed.), Leggenda Minore (Bologna, 1868), 50–2, 203, n. 33Google Scholar: ‘In questo punto il Codice ha la sequente postilla marginale: ‘Questo atto è dipénto a Roma assai adornatamente’'; Tommaso de Senis, Sanctae Catharinae Senensis Legenda Minor (above, n. 125), 51, n. 51; and Drane, The History (above, n. 124), 70, n. 1. Father Paul Murray op kindly provided these references.

133 Laurent (ed.), Il Processo Castellano (above, n. 129), vii–ix.

134 See the Introduction to Laurent (ed.), Il Processo Castellano (above, n. 129), vii and 28–30, referring to celebrations in Venice, Siena, Rome, Pisa, Lucca and Chioggia; and also in Nuremberg. Bianchi and Giunta, Iconografia (above, n. 122), 69, also referred to images of Catherine in Poland, Germany, Greece, Dalmatia, Lombardy and the kingdom of Naples.

135 Drane, The History (above, n. 124), xiv. Also Laurent (ed.), Il Processo Castellano (above, n. 129), and Moerer, ‘The visual hagiography’ (above, n. 122), 99, n. 2.

136 For instance, Tommaso de Senis stated, ‘… in tale die nullum divinum officium vel oratio facta est nisi precise de officio dominicale vel alicuius sancti canonizati currentis in tali die’, Laurent (ed.), Il Processo Castellano (above, n. 129), 28.

137 For example, Fra Bartolomeo said that the stories depicted were ‘… sive pertinens ad vitam suam, sive ad miracula eiusdem, totum erat simpliciter et veridice factum, secundum quod in eius legenda (scilicet of Raymond of Capua) continebatur’, Laurent (ed.), Il Processo Castellano (above, n. 129), 9.

138 Fra Giovanni dei Lucca stated, ‘…vidi que innumeram multitudinem ymaginum virginis in diversis locis et materiebus, videlicet in libris, pannis, muris, cera, lignis et in chartis, depictarum … Ac etiam qualiter in die sue commemorationis scola de Misericordia de Venetiis cum magna comitiva ecclesiam superscripti conventus SS. Iohannis et Pauli processionaliter visitat, dum missa cantatur, nec non ibidem quamplures cruces, circulos et manipulos de diversis floribus deferri, et post recreationem sive refectionem corporalem, in qua convenere omnis conditionis ac religionis viri ac etatis, ibidem fieri diversarum laudum decantationes et alia plura in reverentiam virginis dicta et facta …’, Laurent (ed.), Il Processo Castellano (above, n. 129), 365.

139 See, for example, the deposition of Fra Bartolomeo of Ferrara: ‘Item dico quod numquam vidi dictam virginem depictam cum diademate rotundo circa caput, sicut de sanctis canonizatis generaliter et semper fieri consuevit sed semper vidi eandem depictam cum diademate radioso circa caput, prout consuetum est fieri erga tales personas que beate communi nomine appellantur …’, Laurent (ed.), Il Processo Castellano (above, n. 129), 8 and 28.

140 After her canonization, woodcuts and engravings of Saint Catherine were printed in Florence for Dominican nuns, as pointed out by Thomas, A., ‘Images of Saint Catherine: a re-evaluation of Cosimo Rosselli and the influence of his art on the woodcut and metal engraving images of the Dominican Third Order’, in Neher, G. and Shepherd, R. (eds), Revaluing Renaissance Art (Aldershot, 2000), 165–86Google Scholar. Besides, another version of the story of Saint Catherine and the beggar was depicted in a predella by Giovanni di Paolo, in a panel from the Stoclet Collection: it shows Catherine receiving a black cloak from Christ, which she then gives to a beggar who comes to her door; see Pope-Hennessy, J., Giovanni di Paolo, 1403–1483 (London, 1937), 130–3Google Scholar.

141 Ronci, ‘Antichi affreschi’ (above, n. 10), 21–3.

142 Ronci, ‘Antichi affreschi’ (above, n. 10), 21. The children in the device refer to the sons of Saint Eustace.

143 Cronache e fioretti, in Spiazzi (ed.), Fioretti del monastero (above, n. 1), 110, 177. The earlier Sister Andrea di Sant'Eustachio is mentioned as prioress in the early fourteenth century when asking, with the prior of San Sisto, for the sum of 52 florins left to the convent by Cardinal Boccamazza, to be paid by Cardinal Niccolò of Prato; see Paravicini Bagliani, I testamenti dei cardinali (above, n. 50), 78.

144 Carbonetti Vendittelli, Le più antiche carte (above, n. 1), xi, with reference to Pacifici, V. (ed.), L'Archivio tiburtino di S. Giovanni evangelista (Studi e fonti per la storia della regione tiburtina 2) (Tivoli, 1922), 62–5Google Scholar.

145 See above, pp. 208–10.

146 Brentano, R., Rome before Avignon (London, 1991)Google Scholar, 199, and Krautheimer, R., Rome: Profile of a City, 312–1308 (Princeton, 1980)Google Scholar, 252, 309, both refer to this family and their possessions in Rome.

147 Bianchi and Giunta, Iconografia (above, n. 122), 54; also Gatto, L., ‘La Roma di Caterina’, in Bianco, M.G. (ed.), La Roma di Caterina da Siena (Quaderni della Libera Università ‘Maria Assunta’ LUMSA – Roma 18) (Rome, 2001), 13–48, esp. pp. 26, 27, 29, 33Google Scholar.

148 Carbonetti Vendittelli, Le più antiche carte (above, n. 1), 458–65, documents 208, 209 and 210, dated 27 and 28 June 1300.

149 Boyle, The Community (above, n. 1), 247.

150 For example, Wood, Women, Art and Spirituality (above, n. 16); Elliott, J. and Warr, C. (eds), The Church of Santa Maria Donna Regina: Art, Iconography and Patronage in Fourteenth-century Naples (Aldershot, 2004)Google Scholar; Fleck, ‘‘Blessed the eyes that see those things you see’' (above, n. 23); Paone, S., ‘Gli affreschi di Santa Maria Donna Regina Vecchia: percorsi stilistici nella Napoli agioina’, Arte Medievale n.s. 3 (2004), 87–118Google Scholar; Fentress, E., Goodson, C., Laird, M. and Leone, S., Walls and Memory: the Abbey of San Sebastiano at Alatri (Lazio) from Late Roman Monastery to Renaissance Villa and Beyond (Turnhout, 2005)Google Scholar; Rak, M. (ed.), Il Collegio Principe di Piemonte e la chiesa di S. Pietro in vineis in Anagni (Bagni di Tivoli, 1997)Google Scholar.

151 Jäggi, Frauenklöster (above, n. 8), 22–3, has referred to 39 Franciscan Poor Clare, as against nine Dominican, nunneries in thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Italy; she also has noted that in Germany at that time there were more Dominican than Franciscan female communities.

152 For Santa Maria Donna Regina in Naples, Elliott and Warr (eds), The Church of Santa Maria Donna Regina (above, n. 150); Fleck, ‘‘Blessed the eyes that see those things you see’' (above, n. 23); and Paone, ‘Gli affreschi di Santa Maria Donna Regina Vecchia’ (above, n. 150); for San Sebastiano at Alatri, S. Romano, ‘The frescoes of the church and oratory’ and C. Goodman, ‘The devotional paintings’, in Fentress et al., Walls and Memory (above, n. 150), 115–40, 143–52; for the nunnery at Anagni, S. Romano, ‘Gli affreschi di San Pietro in Vineis’, in Rak (ed.), Il Collegio Principe di Piemonte (above, n. 150), 101–16.

153 See Tomei, ‘Roma senza papa’ (above, n. 28).