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Pirro Ligorio and two columna caelata drawings at Windsor Castle*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  15 June 2011

Ian Campbell  and
Robert W. Gaston
Ian Campbell
Affiliation:
Edinburgh College of Art, Lauriston Place, Edinburgh, EH3 9DF, Great Britain.i.campbell@eca.ac.uk
Robert W. Gaston
Affiliation:
Art History Program, School of Culture and Communication, University of Melbourne, Victoria 3010,Australia. rgaston@unimelb.edu.au
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L'articolo mette insieme le evidenze grafiche e testuali di Pirro Ligorio e altri su un esempio straordinario di una columna caelata romana. Esso stabilisce senza ombra di dubbio che la colonna esisteva e che fu scavata dal fondo marino vicino a Misenum da Ludovico Montalto intorno al 1520. La colonna fu portata a Napoli ma langui sulla riva o sulla banchina al Castello dell'Ovo probabilmente fino alia metà del XVI secolo, da quando fu pesantemente esposta alle intemperie, dopo di che nulla si è più saputo di essa. Gli autori discutono le possibilità che la colonna possa essere stata parte di un arco di trionfo o di una colonna, o votiva o onorifica, non incassata, del tipo visto sul famoso paesaggio portuale di Stabiae, che verosimilmente rappresenta Misenum.

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Papers of the British School at Rome , Volume 78 , November 2010 , pp. 265 - 287
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Copyright © British School at Rome 2010

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References

1 Campbell, I., Ancient Roman Topography and Architecture (The Paper Museum of Cassiano dal Pozzo: Series A — Antiquities and Architecture, Part 9), 3 vols (London, 2004), I, 230–1Google Scholar; III, 850.

2 Campbell, Ancient Roman Topography (above, n. 1), I, nos. 70-1.

3 Campbell, Ancient Roman Topography (above, n. 1), I, 177.

4 On the silhouetting of Paper Museum drawings, see Campbell, , Ancient Roman Topography (above, n. 1), II, 480Google Scholar.

5 Campbell, , Ancient Roman Topography (above, n. 1), I, 43Google Scholar.

6 Campbell, Ancient Roman Topography (above, n. 1), III, no. 333.

7 Campbell, , Ancient Roman Topography (above, n. 1), I, 45–6Google Scholar.

8 Campbell, , Ancient Roman Topography (above, n. 1), I, 230Google Scholar, Comp. fig. 70. On the Anonymous Mantuan ‘A’, see Nesselrath, A., Das Fossombroner Skizzenbuch (London, 1993), 46Google Scholar, and the Census of Antique Works of Art and Architecture Known to the Renaissance (www.census.de (last consulted 23.08.2010)), census ID 40033.

9 Olivato, L., ‘Due codici 'veneti’ cinquecenteschi d'architettura’, Arte Veneta 32 (1978), 153–60Google Scholar.

10 Another example can be seen in Padua, Biblioteca Universitaria, MS 764, fol. 16 (Campbell, , Ancient Roman Topography (above, n. 1), I, 332Google Scholar, Comp. fig. 108i), where three of the four drawings on the page parallel those on Saint Petersburg, Hermitage, Destailleur-Polofzoff Album ‘B’, fol. 8v (Campbell, , Ancient Roman Topography (above, n. 1), II, 612Google Scholar, Comp. fig. 220).

11 The final ‘S’ of ‘AUGUSTUS’ and most of the last ‘X’ were cut off when the drawing was silhouetted. There are also some corrections in dark ink over paler ink: ‘LAT’ originally read ‘LI MP ‘EXSC’ was expanded to ‘exscriptum’ in the 2004 publication in the belief that Ligorio's text seemed to be both a record of an inscription to Augustus and a description of its find-spot, run together, but that interpretation now seems less plausible than the one presented here. We are indebted to Maria Letizia Caldelli, Silvia Orlandi and Will Stenhouse for their assistance.

12 The second part of the inscription may be based on CIL XIV 3664, which is an inscription from Tivoli that Ligorio would have known, and which has the words ‘PORTICVS P CCLX … ET PRONAON / ET PORTICVM … LONG P CXL’. We are grateful to Eugenio Polito for bringing this to our attention.

13 Some of the books are contained within other Ligorian manuscripts in Oxford, Paris and Turin: Vagenheim, G., ‘Les inscriptions ligoriennes: notes sur la tradition manuscrite’, Italia Medioevale e Umanistica 30 (1987), 199-309, at pp. 266–70Google Scholar.

14 Coffin, D.R., Pirro Ligorio: the Renaissance Artist, Architect and Antiquarian, with a Checklist of Drawings (University Park, 2004), 12Google Scholar.

15 Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale, MS XIII.B.9, fol. 61v; on the dating, see Gaston, R.W., ‘Ligorio on rivers and fountains: prolegomena to a study of Naples XIII. B. 9’, in Gaston, R.W. (ed.), Pirro Ligorio Artist and Antiquarian (Villa i Tatti. The Harvard University Center for Italian Renaissance Studies 10) (Cinsello Balsamo, 1988), 159-208, at pp. 187–8Google Scholar; Schreurs, A., Antikenbild und Kunstanschauungen des Pirro Ligorio (1513-1583) (Cologne, 2000), 332Google Scholar, suggesting 1550-9. The flooding of Florence on 14 September 1557, described at fol. 47r-v, is one of the most secure termini post quern.

16 Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale, MS XIII. B.9, fol. 61v: ‘Presso di questo lago nel monte Miseno fece il medesimo imperatore il che fu chiamato Iulio, sopra del quale edifieò un portico bellissimo che avanzava ogni bellissima et degnissima opera di marmo pario, tutto con colonne intagliate a figure et a trophei di cose maritime. Per ciò che con quest'opera si dimostrasse la vittoria acquistata contra Sesto Pompeio, et contra a varie nationi superate in mare nella guerra civile del rriumvirato, nella qual guerra fu fatta tutta quest'opera de porti per havere ricetti sicuri de navi in le coste maritime, ove loco l'armata chiamata Misenatium, per esser quell'albergo nel Miseno porto Iulio. … per lo che finalmente acquistatone la vittoria, ne fece memoria nel sudetto portico, del quale le colonne sue ch'erano remaste intere sono state ai nostri giorni annegate in mare. Per che Lodovico de' Montalti, volendole condurre a Napoli fu tanto male a sortito che mori mentre l'haveno inbarcate, et solo una ne fu condotta salva insino al lito del mare incontro dell'insula Megaris, che si chiama hora Castel dell'Uovo. Ove dall'impiti del mare sbattuta grandamente dall'arene et da le malignità dell'acque spiantagli dal vento adosso iace molto consumata. Havea in la parte più alto vicino al sommo scapo sculpite imagini di vittorie con le ali et con le palme in mano che reggevano la tabella dell'intitulatione che annuntiava esser fatte dal conquista della guerra delle cose del mare. Et più sotto nel mezzo sono alcuni dii marini come tritoni, che vocitano il gran nome di Augusto, che sono mezzi huomini et mezzi pesci. Sotto di essi più verso l'imo scapo sono trophei, con prigioni ligati sotto l'armature appese nelli tronchi dell'arbori. Li cui capitelli erano anche lavorati come le basi d'ordine dorico con alcuni segni di cose di mare et d'armi. Le basi, in verò cio è stilobati, che sosteneano le spire de le colonne anche erano de simili ornamenti lavorati, dove erano queste vi si vedeano alcuni altri ornamenti dell'ordine Corinthio, che erano d'altra parte d'altro edificio'.

17 Coffin, Pino Ligorio (above, n. 14), 107.

18 Turin, Archivio di Stato, Cod. A.II.1.J.14, fol. 74v. s.v. Porto Iulio Misenio: ‘PORTO IVLIO MISENIO era nel monte Miseno congiunto nelli Opici Campani popoli situato incontro del Porto di Poteoli o vogliamo dire Puzzuoli. II quale Porto Iulio edificò il grande Augusto messendo il mare dentro al'lago Averno, fece chel lago non più nuocese et chel porto diventarse più commodo per l'etruata [?] e classe cognominata Misenatio. Come scrive Dione, nella Vittoria che Augusto hebbe nel Triomvirato contra Sesto Pompeio. Et questo tale Porto ornò di colonne di marmo historiate di cose dela Navale Vittoria’ (‘The PORTUS IVLIUS MISENIUS was [excavated] in Mount Misenum adjoining [the territory of] the Opici people of Campania, situated opposite the port of Puteoli, or, as we say, Pozzuoli. The great Augustus built the Portus Iulius, allowing the sea into lake Avernus, [which] made it that the lake was no longer noxious, and that the port became more suitable for the entry of the fleet designated Misenatiun. As Dio writes, in the victory that Augustus had in the triumvirate against Sextus Pompeius. And this [Augustus] decorated the port with marble columns carved with reliefs of things pertaining to the Naval Victory.’). ‘Storie’ is commonly used to refer to relief sculpture during the Renaissance: see Grafton, A., ‘‘Historia’ and ‘Istoria’: Alberti's terminology in context’, I Tatti Studies. Essays in the Renaissance 8 (1999), 37–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. pp. 60-2.

19 The distance is only about 3 km directly across the gulf of Pozzuoli, but about 8km around the shoreline.

20 Cicero, Academica 2.25.80; Sgobbo, I., ‘I templi di Baia’, in I Campi Flegrei nell'archeologia e nella storia (Atti dei convegni hincei 33) (Rome, 1977), 283-328, esp. p. 286Google Scholar. On the Harbour Landscape, see Whitehouse, H., Ancient Mosaics and Wallpaintings (The Paper Museum of Cassiano dal Pozzo: Series A – Antiquities and Architecture, Part 1) (London, 2001), 266, 276Google Scholar.

21 Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale, MSXIII.B.9,fol. 61 v; Turin, Archiviodi Stato, Cod. A.II. 1.J. 14, fol. 74v.

22 The exact date of the foundation of the naval base is unclear. Beloch, J., Campanien (Breslau, 1890), 198Google Scholar, gave the foundation date of the Augustan colonia at Misenum as 31 BC, but Borriello, M. and d'Ambrosio, A., Baiae-Misenum (Forma Italiae Reg. I 14) (Florence, 1979), 24Google Scholar, were reluctant to hazard a date before 19 BC, while Vittucci, G., ‘Classis Misenatium: qualche problema storico-antiquario’, in I Campi Flegrei (above, n. 20), 181–9Google Scholar, believed the only secure terminus ante quern was Agrippa's death in 12 BC. On Portus Julius, see Jacono, L., ‘Il Porto Giulio’, Rendiconti dei Lincei: Scienze Morali 19 (1941), 650–76Google Scholar; Castagnoli, F., ‘Topografia dei Campi Flegrei’, in I Campi Flegrei (above, n. 20), 41-80, esp. pp. 65–7, fig. 20Google Scholar; Caro, S. de and Greco, A., Campania (Bari, 1993), 75–6Google Scholar.

23 Castagnoli, ‘Topografia’ (above, n. 22), 65. See also A. Scherillo, ‘Vulcanismo e bradisismo nei Campi Flegrei’, in I Campi Flegrei (above, n. 20), 81-116, esp. p. 100.

24 There is some doubt whether the waters of the two basins were already intercommunicating before Agrippa or whether he made the link. The Mare Morto seems to have gained its name after the link was blocked in the thirteenth century and its waters became stagnant. See Borriello and d'Ambrosio, BaiaeMisenum (above, n. 22), 131-3, no. 130; De Caro and Greco, Campania (above, n. 22), 65-7.

25 Almagia, R., ‘Studi storici di cartografia napoletana. Cap. III. La carta del Napoletano di Pirro Ligorio’, Archivio Storico per le Provincie Napoletane 38 (1913), 3–17Google Scholar, dating at p. 5.

26 Biondo, F., Italia illustrata (trans. Fauno, L.) (Venice, 1558), fols 230v–231rGoogle Scholar.

27 Alberti, L., Descrittione di tutta Italia di F. Leandro Alberti Bolognese. Aggiuntavi la descrittione di tutte I'isole (facsimile of 1568 edition, Bergamo, 2003)Google Scholar. The Portus Julius and Lucrine Lake are discussed on fol. 167 and Misenum on fols 171 and 171v. On the 1526 visit see fol. 173v. As was first pointed out by Almagia (‘Studi storici’ (above, n. 25), 10), the names of mountains and rivers on Ligorio's map of the Kingdom of Naples are almost identical to those in Alberti.

28 di Falco, B., Antichita di Napoli, e del suo amenissimo distretto (Naples, 1679Google Scholar) (available online at http://www.fedoa.unina.it/959/ (last consulted 23.08.2010)). Misenum is discussed on p. 45 and the Lucrine Lake on p. 46. The Portus Julius is not mentioned specifically.

29 Mazzella, S., Sito et antichità della città di Pozzuolo (Naples, 1595), 223–4Google Scholar: ‘A lato del promontorio Miseno si vede il magnifico, e nobil porto Giulio, che è assai ben grande, & oportuno, e tutto nel monte intagliato: Et avanti della bocca di esso vi sono superbe braccia di fabriche, che riparono le fortune del mare, le quali furono fatte da Giulio Cesare’ (‘Next to the Misenum promontory one sees the magnificent and noble Portus Iulius, which is quite large and convenient and entirely excavated into the mountain. And in front of its [the harbour] mouth there are stately wings of buildings that protect [the port] from the vagaries of the weather, which were constructed by Julius Caesar’). For the Lucrine Lake, see pp. 113-21, and for Lake Avernus, pp. 122-3 5.

30 The faint doubt must remain that if Ligorio was relying on second-hand information, which merely told him that the column was found near the Portus Julius, we cannot know if his source meant the real one or the one at Misenum!

31 On Montalto's origins and career, see: Spreti, V. (ed.), Enciclopedia storico-nobiliare italiana, 8 vols (Milan, 1928-1935), IV, 659–60Google Scholar; Trasselli, C., Da Ferdinando il Cattolico a Carlo V. L'esperienza siciliana 1475 1525, 2 vols (Soveria Mannelli, 1982), 21Google Scholar, 247 n. 28, 258 n. 60; Cernigliaro, A., Sovranità e feudo nel Regno di Napoli, 1505-1557 (Naples, 1983)Google Scholar; Cancila, R., Fisco, ricchezza, comunita nella Sicilia del Cinquecento (Rome, 2001), 75Google Scholar. For the Collateral Council, see Muto, G., ‘A court without a king: Naples as capital city in the first half of the 16th century’, in Blockmans, W. and Mout, N. (eds), The World of Emperor Charles V (Amsterdam, 2004), 129-41, esp. p. 136Google Scholar.

32 Sannazaro, J., The Major Latin Poems of Jacopo Sannazaro Translated into English Prose with Commentary and Selected Verse Translations by Ralph Nash (Detroit, 1996), 135–7Google Scholar; Gareth, B., Le rime di Benedetto Gareth detto il Chariteo secondo le due stampe originali (ed. Percopo, E.) (Naples, 1892), 233–4Google Scholar, sonnets CXCV and CXCVI.

33 Cited in Marabottini, A., Polidoro da Caravaggio, 2 vols (Rome, 1969), I, 151Google Scholar. For the full text of the letter, see Nicolini, F. in L'arte napoletana del Rinascimento e la lettera di Pietro Summonte a Marcantonio Michiel (Naples, 1925), 161–3Google Scholar.

34 Ligorio referred several times to items collected by ‘il vecchio conte’ and to having spent some of his childhood in the territory of the Maddaloni: Schreurs, Antikenbild (above, n. 15), 52-7. Carafa owned an archaeological site in Pozzuoli from which much of his collection came: see de Divitiis, B., Architettura e committenza nella Napoli del Quattrocento (Venice, 2007), 105–6Google Scholar.

35 On the column, see De Divitiis, Architettura e committenza (above, n. 34), 85 (fig. 57); cf. pp. 107-8 on two columns ‘composte da spolia al centra del cortile e all'ingresso del giardino’. See also De Divitiis, B., ‘New evidence for sculptures from Diomede Carafa's collection of antiquities’, journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 70 (2007), 99–117Google Scholar; De Divitiis, B., ‘Building in local all'antica style: the Palace of Diomede Carafa in Naples’, Art History 31 (4) (2008), 505-22, esp. p. 512 (pl. 14)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

36 On the Spanish collecting, see below, pp. 281, 286.

37 See Schreurs, Antikenbild (above, n. 15), 215, for evidence that Ligorio warmly praised Polidoro's work in his Trattato on the nobiltà … dell'antiche arti, composed during his later years at Ferrara.

38 Turin, Archivio di Stato, Cod. A.II.10.J.23, fol. 113, now published as Ligorio, P., Libri degli antichi eroi e uomini illustri (ed. Venetucci, B.P.) (Rome, 2005), 94Google Scholar: ‘Nel paese puteolano a d nostri cavandovi M(esser) Ludovico da Montalto, fu trovato tra le ravine di molte colonne questo termine col nome di Archita’ (‘In our days, [when] Messer Ludovico Montalto was excavating in the countryside around Pozzuolo this herm [inscribed] with the name of Archytas was found among the ruins of many columns’).

39 Turin, Archivio di Stato, Cod. A.II. 1.J.14, fol. 89r. ‘É stata portata ancho in Napoli quest'altra dedicatione, la quale era appresso al litto del mare, ridotta da Lodovico Montalto, che per la cui morte, sono state abbandonate dell'altre cose belle antiche et guaste dall'onde salse marine, acciò che non manca quest'altra persecutione, altra a quella che la barbarica gente fece per tutta la Italia, nelli tempi passati’. The reference to ‘this other dedication’ might be thought to belong to the long inscription that immediately follows, beginning ‘L. ANNIO. L. F. COLLINA / MODESTO / HON. EQVO. PVBLICO’. However, although it is recorded in CIL X 1782 as having been found on the shore at Pozzuoli and taken to Naples, the source is a sylloge compiled by Fra Giocondo (1434-1515), who was in Naples intermittently from 1489 to 1495. Giocondo made no mention of Montalto, merely stating that it was ‘in domo Pontani’, who will be the poet Giovanni Gioviano Pontano (1426-1503).

40 Caneschi, R., ‘La Cappella Montalto nel complesso ospedaliero di Santa Maria del Popolo degli Incurabili’, in Abbate, F. (ed.), Percorsi di conoscenza e tutela: studi in onore di Michele d'Elia (Pozzuoli, 2008), 147-58, esp. p. 150Google Scholar.

41 See Schreurs, Antikenbild (above, n. 15), 51-2, who discussed Ligorio's early antiquarian interests in Naples.

42 Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Canon. Ital. 138, fol. 83r: ‘LIBRO XXXIV. DELLE ANTICHITÁ DOVE SI TRATTANO / DELLE COSE DI NAPOLI CAPVA ET POTTIOLI / CON ALTRI COSE DI DIVERSI / LVOCHI / RITRATTE DA PIRRO LIGORI PITTORE / NAPOLITANO’; Vagenheim, Inscriptions Hgoriennes (above, n. 13), 273-4; Schreurs, Antikenbild (above, n. 15), 51; illustrated in Coffin, Pirro Ligorio (above, n. 14), 24, fig. 14.

43 Schreurs, Antikenbild (above, n. 15), 55-6, posited a visit to Naples by Ligorio in or after 1558, since he referred to the contemporary Diomede Carafa (1520-61) as duke of Maddaloni, a title bestowed on him in that year by Philip II.

44 See Iasiello, I.M., Il collezionismo di antichità nella Napoli del Viceré (Naples, 2003), 133Google Scholar.

45 Caneschi, ‘La Cappella Montalto’ (above, n. 40), 149-52.

46 Sanchez, C.J. Hernando, Castilla y Nápoles en el siglo XVI. El virrey Pedro de Toledo (Valladolid, 1994), 524–5Google Scholar. The inventory is Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid, Osuna, Leg. 425.3.26, but the fate of the collection is not at all clear from Sanchez's account.

47 Trunk, M., Die ‘Casa de Pilatos’ in Seville: Studien zu Sammlung, Aufstellung und Rezeption Antiker Skulpturen im Spanien des 16. Jahrhunderts (Mainz, 2002), 25–6Google Scholar.

48 Moreno, J. González, Catálogo de documentos sevillanos del archivo duca del Alcalá de los Gazules (Seville, 1976), 35–42Google Scholar.

49 On Ligorio's inscription inventions, see Vagenheim, G., ‘La falsification chez Pirro Ligorio: à la lumière des Fasti Capitolini et des inscriptions de Préneste’, Eutopia 3 (1994), 67–113Google Scholar. On the rehabilitation of Ligorio's reputation as an antiquary, see Gaston, R.W., ‘Merely antiquarian: Pirro Ligorio and the critical tradition of antiquarian scholarship’, in Grieco, A.H., Rocke, M. and Superbi, F. Gioffredi (eds), The Italian Renaissance in the Twentieth Century: Acts of an International Conference. Florence, Villa i Tatti, June 9-11, 1999 (Florence, 2002), 355–73Google Scholar.

50 See Nedergaard, E., ‘Arcus Augusti (a. 29 a.C.)’ and ‘Arcus Augusti (a. 19 a.C.)’, in Steinby, E.M. (ed.), Lexicon Topographicum Urbis Romae I (A-C) (Rome, 1993), 81–5Google Scholar.

51 The relief, formerly in the Villa Casali, Rome, is published in Schäfer, T., lmperii Insignia: Sella Curulis und Fasces zur Repräsentation Romischer Magistrate (Mainz, 1989), 23–8Google Scholar, no. 1, Taf. 20.1 and 21.

52 Polito, E., Fulgentibus Armis: introduzione allo studio dei fregi d'armi antichi (Xenia Antiqua, Monografie 4) (Rome, 1997), 62, 150-1, 216–18Google Scholar.

53 See Bianchini, F., Del palazzo de' Cesari (Verona, 1738), tav. 3Google Scholar; Piranesi, G.B., Delia magnificenza ed grandezza de' Romani (Rome, 1761), tav. 14Google Scholar. The authors are grateful to Eugenio Polito for these comparisons.

54 See K. Stemmer, ‘Ein Fragment einer kolossalen Panzerstatue Domitians’, Archäologischer Anzeiger (1971), 563-80, at p. 574; Stemmer, K., Untersuchungen zur Typologie, Chronologie und Ikonographie der Panzerstatuen (Berlin, 1978), 128Google Scholar. The authors are indebted to Eugenio Polito for these references.

55 Philipp, H., ‘Misenum’, in von Pauly, A.F., Real-Encyclopaedie der Classischen Altertumswissenschafl (rev. Wissowa, G.) (Stuttgart, 1894-), XV, coll. 2043-8Google Scholar.

56 See above, p. 270.

57 On Misenum, see Bordello and d'Ambrosio, Baiae-Misenum (above, n. 22), 114-64.

58 On the excavated fragments, see Gianfrotta, P., ‘Harbor structures of the Augustan age in Italy’, in Raban, A. (ed.), Caesarea Maritima: a Retrospective After Two Millennia (Leiden, 1996), 66-76, esp. pp. 71–2Google Scholar; and Gianfrotta, P., ‘I porti dell'area flegrea’, in Laudizi, G. and Marangio, C. (eds), Porti, approdi e linee di rotta nel Mediterraneo antico (Galatina, 1998), 153-76, esp. pp. 157–65Google Scholar. The Stabian harbour landscape (Naples, Museo Nazionale, inv. no. 9514) is reproduced in full in Le pitture antiche di Ercolano e contorni incise con qualche spiegazione, 4 vols (Naples, 1757-1765), II, 295Google Scholar, tav. 55 (available online at http://lsw6.1.u-tokyo.ac.jp/arc/ercolano/plate/frame.html (last consulted 23.08.2010)). For a colour detail, see Camardo, D. and Ferrara, A. (eds), Stabiae dai Borboni alle ultime scoperte (Castellamare di Stabia, 2001), 126, fig. 48Google Scholar.

59 Dubois, C., Pouzzoles antique (Paris, 1907), 219–21Google Scholar, identified it as Puteoli, but this was rejected by Lehmann-Hartleben, K., Die Antiken Hafenlagen des Mittelmeeres (Klio, Beiheft XIV, n.f. 1) (Leipzig, 1923), 224–5Google Scholar, who believed it to be a generic synthesis, a view that generally has been accepted. It is illustrated in Philipp, ‘Misenum’ (above, n. 55), but the writer avoided a specific identification and followed Lehmann-Hartleben.

60 Gianfrotta, ‘Harbor structures’ (above, n. 58), 71-2; Gianfrotta, ‘I porti dell'area flegrea’ (above, n. 58), 165-6.

61 The Arch of Marcus Aurelius at Tripoli has pilaster shafts carved with vine scrolls and other vegetal ornament: see Picard, G.C., Les trophées romains (Paris, 1957), pl. XXIVGoogle Scholar.

62 Kleiner, F.S., The Arch of Nero in Rome. A Study of the Roman Honorary Arch Before and Under Nero (Rome, 1985), 35Google Scholar.

63 Périgueux, Musée Gallo-Romain, inv. G.67 and 69: Tardy, D. with Pénisson, É. and Picard, V., Le décor architectonique de Vesunna (Périgueux antique) (Aquitania, Supplément 12) (Bordeaux, 2005), 32-3, 46–8Google Scholar, associated the two drums with another that has flutes (inv. G 68.1.68). The authors ignored the arch possibility that had been raised by Esperandieu, É., Recueil général des bas-reliefs de la Gaule romaine, 2 vols (Paris, 1908), II, 248–9Google Scholar, no. 1294, and repeated by Löwy, E., Die Anfänge des Triumphbogens (Vienna, 1928), 35–6, Tafn 77-80Google Scholar.

64 Bauchhenss, G., Die Gröfie Juppitersäule aus Mainz (Mainz, 1984)Google Scholar.

65 On the Puteoli arches on the Harbour Landscape, see Whitehouse, Ancient Mosaics and Wallpaintings (above, n. 20), 270, no. 65; and, on the flasks, Ostrow, S.E., ‘The topography of Puteoli and Baiae on the eight glass flasks’, Puteoli 3 (1979), 77-140, esp. pp. 118–21Google Scholar.

66 See n. 22.

67 See Trunk, Die ‘Casa de Pilatos’ (above, n. 47), 250-4, nos. 57-8, plates 68-71.

68 On free-standing columns generally, see Vogel, L., The Column of Antoninus Pius (Cambridge, 1973), 23–6Google Scholar; on the Columna Minucia, see M. Torelli, ‘Columna Minucia’, in Steinby (ed.), Lexicon Topographicum (above, n. 50), 305-7.

69 Vogel, Column of Antoninus Pius (above, n. 68), 24-6; Claridge, A., ‘Hadrian's Column of Trajan’, Journal of Roman Archaeology 6 (1993), 5–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

70 The statues on the Paper Museum drawing of the mole (Whitehouse, Ancient Mosaics and Wallpaintings (above, n. 20), 270, no. 65) all appear to be nude and male. Those on the Pietro Santi Bartoli copy of the whole landscape and the corresponding engraving (Whitehouse, Ancient Mosaics and Wallpaintings (above, n. 20), 266-7, figs 28, 29) seem to show one dressed, but it is impossible to make out the gender. See Ostrow, ‘Topography of Puteoli’ (above, n. 65), 117-18, on possible identifications.

71 Gianfrotta, ‘I porti dell'area flegrea’ (above, n. 58), 157-62.