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A ‘stork-vase’ from the Mola di Monte Gelato

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 August 2013

Oswyn Murray ,
Peter Parsons ,
T. W. Potter  and
Paul Roberts
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Papers of the British School at Rome , Volume 59 , November 1991 , pp. 177 - 195
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Copyright © British School at Rome 1991

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References

1 Preliminary reports in Archeologia Medievale 15 (1988), 253–311Google Scholar; ibid., 16 (1989), 103–20; ibid., (1990), in press (for the cemetery). The project is funded by the Trustees of the British Museum and the British School at Rome, with welcome additional support from the British Academy, the Society of Antiquaries of London, the Roman Society, King Alfred's College, Winchester, and the Comune of Campagnano di Roma.

2 Potter, T. W., The Changing Landscape of South Etruria (London, 1979)Google Scholar; Potter, T. W., ‘Excavations in the medieval centre of Mazzano Romano’, Papers of the British School at Rome 40 (1972), 135–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Potter, T. W., ‘Recenti ricerche in Etruria meridionale: problemi della transizione dal tardo antico all'alto medioevo’, Archeologia Medievale 2 (1975), 215–36Google Scholar (Ager Faliscus); Cameron, F., Clark, G., Jackson, R., Johns, C., Leighton, T., Philpot, S., Potter, T., Shepherd, J., Stone, M. and Whitehouse, D., ‘Il castello di Ponte Nepesino e il confine settentrionale del Ducato di Roma’, Archeologia Medievale 11 (1984), 63–147Google Scholar.

3 Purcell, N. and Reynolds, J., ‘Le iscrizioni’. In Potter, T. W. and King, A., ‘Scavi a Mola di Monte Gelato. Prima rapporto preliminare’, Archeologia Medievale 15 (1988), 253–311Google Scholar.

4 Gilliver, K., ‘A Mercator bovarius from Veii in a new inscription from the Mola di Monte Gelato’, Papers of the British School at Rome 58 (1990), in pressGoogle Scholar.

5 The vase, found in 1989, was first recognized by Paul Roberts, while cleaning the pottery; restoration of the vessels was by Loretta Hogan and Denise Ling (Conservation Division, British Museum) at the British School at Rome in September 1990.

6 Cf. Pena, J. T., Roman-period Ceramic Production in Etruria. Tiberina: a Geographical and Compositional Study (U.M.I. Dissertation Information Service, 1988)Google Scholar.

7 E. Ettlinger et al., Conspectus Formarum Terrae Sigillatae Italico Modo Confectae (Bonn, 1990), 56–7 (Consp. 3), 112–3 (Consp. 34).

8 Hayes, J.W., Late Roman Pottery (London, 1972), 45–8Google Scholar. Carandini, A., Atlante dalle Forme Ceramiche I (Rome, 1981), 217Google Scholar and tav. CVI nn. 12–3.

9 A stork is depicted on the roof of a cottage or farm-building on a marble slab from the Columbarium of the Villa Pamphili, Rome. Peters, W. J. T., Landscape in Romano-Campanian Mural Painting (Assen, 1963), 57Google Scholar and Fig. 48. According to Tammisto, storks are shown on a tower in the Nilotic scene from the Case dello Scultore in Pompeii.

10 For discussion of signatures on Greek vases and their possible meanings see Boardman, J., Athenian Black Figure Vases (London, 1974), 11–3Google Scholar, and Cook, R. M., Greek Painted Pottery (2nd edition, London, 1972), 254–5Google Scholar.

11 For onomastic evidence in the Aegean, on Cyprus and in Cyrenaica see Fraser, P. M. and Matthews, E. (eds), A Lexicon of Greek Personal Names vol. I (Oxford, 1987)Google Scholar, 1 (Abaskantos), 159 (Epinikos). I am grateful to Mrs E. Matthews for information from vol. III (forthcoming) on the occurrence of the names on the Greek mainland (excluding Attica), Dalmatia, Sicily and South Italy.

12 Solin, H., Die Griechischen Personnamen in Rom: ein Namenbuch (Berlin, 1982), 844–7Google Scholar.

13 H. Solin, op. cit., 50–1.

14 E. Ettlinger et al., op cit. (Consp. R12).

15 For example, chalices, dishes and bowls from Etruscan tombs at Cerveteri; see Bosio, B. and Pugnetti, A. (eds), Gli Etruschi di Cerveteri (Modena, 1984), 52, 58–9Google Scholar. For drinking vessels from Samnite tombs near Gildone in Molise, see Macchiarola, I. ‘Il sepolcreto Sannitico di Gildone’, Conoscenze 5 (1989), 62, 66Google Scholar.

16 The end wall of the ‘Tomba dei Rilievi’, Cerveteri, features, amongst other objects moulded in stucco, a kylix suspended by its handle and a large dish suspended seemingly by a cord or thong. A pilaster in the same tomb features another kylix and a large jug-like vessel: Moretti, M., Cerveteri (Novara, 1978) 24–5Google Scholar.

17 T. Pena, op. cit. (n. 6 above).

18 See also Aristotle, , E.N. 8, 1159a33–4Google Scholar; Rhet. 2. 1381b27Google Scholar; 1389a35; de virt. et vit. 1250b32; 35; 1251b35.

19 Dain, A., Inscriptions grecques du Musée du Louvre (Paris, 1933), 174Google Scholar (Ptolemaic); SEG 30 (1980)Google Scholar nos. 1764, 1769 ( = Arch. Pap. 5 (1913), 167 no. 20Google Scholar); 35 (1985), nos. 1657, 1668; the popular nature of the context is shown by the occasional substitution of π for φ. These examples show that Michael was certainly correct to emend φιλόσοφος to φιλόφιλος in Plutarch, Consolatio ad Apollonium 120a. φιλοφίλου also appears on a stele from Thera (? third–fourth centuries AD), where it is probably the usual funerary epithet of the deceased rather than a patronymic (registered among the dubia in Fraser, P. M. and Matthews, E. vol. I (eds), A Lexicon of Greek Personal Names (Oxford, 1987)Google Scholar); s.v. Mrs Matthews informs me that the archive holds a possible fragmentary example of the name: Φι]λοϕίλου, Inschr: von Ephesos no. 20 B 22 (54–59 AD).

20 Valens, Vettius, Antholog. (ed. Pingree, D., 1986)Google Scholar 1.2.56; 1.19.19; 1.20.27; cf. Appendix I pp. 387.4; 411.8; see also Cat. Cod. Astr. 7.205.

21 Examples in Jeffery, L. H., Local Scripts of Archaic Greece (2nd edition revised by Johnston, A. W., Oxford, 1990)Google Scholar, Plate 1 no. 4; 47 no. 1; 47 no. 3; 66 no. 69; 67 no. 1; 68 nos. 17, 23; 72 no. 63. Most of these are discussed in Burzachechi, M., ‘Oggetti parlanti nelle epigrafi greche’, Epigraphica 24 (1962), 3–54Google Scholar, at pp. 28-36.

22 Immerwahr, H. R., Attic Script (Oxford, 1990), nos. 227, 228, 242, 251, 253, 254, 255Google Scholar.

23 The most interesting known to me is third century BC: Lang, M., Graffiti and Dipinti, Athenian Agora XXI (Princeton, 1976), G 15Google Scholar: πίη κακοδαίμων, a threat against the drinker!

24 Robinson, H. S., Pottery of the Roman Period, Athenian Agora V (Princeton, 1959), K 19Google Scholar; cf. M 147, 149.

25 'Pithecusan Humour. The Interpretation of ‘Nestor's Cup’ Reconsidered’, Glotta 54 (1976), 25–43Google Scholar.

26 Alcaeus F 366 Lobel–Page: οἶνος, ὦ ϕίλε παῖ, καὶ ἀλάϑεα. For something of the literary history and significance of this famous phrase, I refer the reader to the paper given by W. Rösler, ‘The Place of Truth: Poetry and Symposion in Archaic Greece’, at the conference In Vino Veritas, in the British School, March 1991, to be published shortly.

27 Picard, C., ‘A propos de deux coupes du Vatican et d'un fragment du Musée Kircher’, Mél. d'arch. et d'hist. 30 (1910), 99–116Google Scholar; ‘Questions de céramique hellénistique’, Rev. Arch. 22 (1913), 174–8Google Scholar; see also Wolters, P., Athen. Mitt. 38 (1913), 198Google Scholar; Thompson, H. A., Hesp. 3 (1934), 339CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

28 Broneer, O., Hesp. 16 (1947), 240Google Scholar.

29 One cup described by Athenaeus (466e, 489c) had a long inscription, but was clearly exceptional: the alleged ‘cup of Nestor’ on display at Capua, made in silver on the model of Homer's description, with the relevant Homeric verses inscribed on it in gold—a showpiece of the metalworker's art.

30 Harden, D. B., ‘Romano–Syrian Glasses with Mould-blown Inscriptions’, Journal of Roman Studies 20 (1935), 163–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar, with additions Syria 24 (1944–1945), 581–95Google Scholar; for illustrations, see Oliver, A. Jr., Ancient Glass in the Carnegie Museum of Natural History, Pittsburgh (Pittsburgh, 1980), nos. 63–4Google Scholar; Auth, S. H., Ancient Glass at the Newark Museum (Newark, N. J., 1976), nos. 56–7Google Scholar.

31 For instance, the ‘Vita bona’ jar—VITA BONA FRVAMVR FELICES (engraved, third–fourth centuries AD): Harden, D. B., Glass of the Caesars (London, 1987), no. 115Google Scholar; or no. 134: BIBE VIVAS MVLTIS ANNIS (applied letters in cagework, fourth century AD); cf. nos. 160, 161 (gold letters, Christian, fourth century AD); Matheson, S. B., Ancient Glass in the Yale University Art Gallery (Yale, 1980)Google Scholar, no. 257 (gold lettering, third-fourth centuries AD).

32 Are the Egyptian glass toreumata which Martial contrasts with traditional clay pocula perhaps engraved with letters rather than scenes (Martial Ep. 11.11)?

33 See Burzachechi op. cit., n. 21; and in general Svenbro, J., Phrasikleia: Anthropologie de la lecture en Grèce ancienne (Paris, 1988), ch. 2Google Scholar.

34 Babrius 26; cf. Virgil, Georgics 1.120 with Mynors' note; see in general Thompson, D'Arcy W., A Glossary of Greek Birds (London, 1936), 68–75Google Scholar.

35 D'Arcy Thompson op. cit., 106–14.

36 D'Arcy Thompson op cit., 221–5.

37 Aesop, , C.F.A., 208Google Scholar Hausrath, and Babrius 13: ‘I am not a crane but a stork’.

38 cf. Publilius, ap. Petronius, , Sat. 55Google Scholar: ciconia etiam, grata peregrina hospita / pietaticultrix gracilipes crotalistria.

39 Phaedrus 1.26; but Plutarch Mor. 614e-f tells the same story about the crane.

40 The rituals of Roman imperial conviviality are a subject in need of investigation; see D'Arms, J., ‘The Roman convivium and the idea of equality’ in Sympotica, ed. Murray, O. (Oxford, 1990), 308–20Google Scholar; and articles by Dunbabin, K. M. T., ‘Triclinium and Stibadium’, in Slater, W.J. (ed.), Dining in a Classical Context (Ann Arbor, 1991), 121–48Google Scholar, and ‘Scenes from the Roman convivium: Frigida non derit, non derit calda petenti’, (In Vino Veritas, conference proceedings Rome 1991, to appear)Google Scholar.