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Studies in the Social and Economic History of Ostia: Part I

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 August 2013

Frederick H. Wilson
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Extract

Serious excavation of the archaeological remains of Ostia really began only in the early years of the present century. Spasmodic work upon the site was, it is true, undertaken during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, but the earliest excavators, De Norogna, Volpato, La Piccola, Hamilton and Fagan, were little more than treasure-hunters, more intent upon gaining possession of some artistic masterpiece than upon elucidating the problems of the past. Even the distinguished archaeologists of the nineteenth century, Visconti, Lanciani and Gatti, worked at Ostia only spasmodically, and often failed to publish adequate accounts of their discoveries. Nor were serious attempts made to protect from the ravages ofrainand frost the buildings unearthed.

Type
Research Article
Information
Papers of the British School at Rome , Volume 13 , November 1935 , pp. 41 - 68
Copyright
Copyright © British School at Rome 1935

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References

page 42 note 1 Ennius, , Ann. IIGoogle Scholar, frag. 75–6; Polybius, VI. 2. 9; Strabo, 5. 3. 5; Cic., de Rep. II. 3.5Google Scholar and II. 18.33; Liv. 1. 33; Dionys. III. 44; Fest. p. 197 (Ostiam); Aur. Vict, de vir. ill. 5.3; Eutrop. I. 5; Serv. ad Aen. VI. 815; Hieron. Chron. p. 334; Steph. Byz. 318. 34; Isid., Orig. XV. 1. 56Google Scholar.

page 43 note 2 Pais, (Storia di Roma, I. p. 470Google Scholar) sees in the tradition a legend glorifying the family of the Marcii; De Sanctis, (Storia dei Romani, I. p. 383Google Scholar) believes in a double colonisation of Ostia.

page 43 note 3 Calza, p. 25. N.S. 1914, 244; 1923, 178. Amer. Journ. Phil. 1924, 64.

page 43 note 4 Vid. Frank, Roman Buildings of the Republic, especially the chapter on ‘Roman Tufas and their Provenance.’

page 43 note 5 Yet Saeflund, Le Mura di Roma Repubblicana, p. 239, whilst dating the foundation of the colony to the fourth century, wishes to assign its walls to the third or even second. But, as Richmond, (JRS. 1932, XXXII. p. 236Google Scholar) points out, ‘Latin colonies had walls from the first, and so therefore had Roman ones.’ In any case Saeflund's thesis, that the facing of Fidenae tufa on the Palatine is as late as the year 217 B.C., even if considered proved, would not necessitate the dating of the wall of Ostia to an equally late period.

page 43 note 1 Liv. Epit. 15; Lydus, de Mag. I. 27Google Scholar. Cf. Mommsen, , Rom. Stadt. II. p. 570Google Scholar; Herzog, , Rom. Staat. I. pp. 823–5Google Scholar.

page 43 note 2 Liv. 22. 11.

page 43 note 3 Liv. 22. 57.

page 43 note 4 Liv. 27. 22. For further references to Ostia cf. Liv. 22. 37; 23. 38; 25. 20; 26. 19; 27. 38.

page 43 note 5 P. 47.

page 43 note 6 The material used is unfaced concrete. Admittedly extremely few examples of the use of concrete (except in the podia of temples) of a date prior to the age of Sulla have survived. But the knowledge and skill in its use shewn by the Sullan builders shew that it must have been introduced at an earlier date; no one would build a city wall, for example, in a hitherto untried material. My reason for assigning this house to the pre-Sullan period is that all other Sullan concrete in Ostia, and, so far as I know, throughout Latium, has a good face either of opus incertum or of quasi-reticulate. But this concrete, which is of the early bluish-grey variety and contains no trace of pozzolana, has no facing of any kind.

page 43 note 7 Grotta Oscura tufa was first used in the fourth-century wall of Rome, and continued in general use down to the second century.

page 43 note 8 Mon. Ant. XXIII. 442.

page 44 note 1 N. S. 1911, 280. 448. Tear's Work in Classical Studies, 1911, p. 12.

page 44 note 2 It is not even possible that the Romans held the belief that Fidenae tufa was more suitable for a city wall than Grotta Oscura. For the latter was certainly used in large quantities in the fourth-century wall of Rome. Saeflund (op. cit.) even believes that it was the sole material used in it, the Fidenae tufa with which it is associated on the Palatine being introduced during later repairs.

page 44 note 3 App., B.C. I, 67Google Scholar; Floras, 3.21. 12; Liv., Ep. LXXIXGoogle Scholar.

page 45 note 1 415.

page 45 note 2 A list of these cognomina is given on p. 59.

page 45 note 3 Viz. P. Lucilii and M. Acilii.

page 45 note 4 453.

page 45 note 5 153.

page 45 note 6 4535.

page 45 note 7 4534.

page 45 note 8 375–6. While giving detailed accounts both of their benefactions and of the offices they have held, the Gamalae never refer to any college or to offices in them. It is difficult to believe that any trader of the second century could have afforded to neglect the colleges. Vid. inf. p. 63.

page 45 note 9 4532a; 4535.

page 45 note 10 For the family of the Egrilii cf. 281, 346, 399, 2212, 4442–5.

page 45 note 11 426.

page 46 note 1 In compiling these figures no account has been taken of inscriptions such as several of those of the Egrilii, which are recorded in other volumes of C. I. L., but which are really Ostian, being removed thence only in the post-Roman period.

page 46 note 2 Practically all the nomina of second-century Ostian families recur in other volumes of C. I. L.

page 46 note 3 4531.

page 46 note 4 4533.

page 46 note 5 4533–5. The most natural interpretation of 4535 appears to be that the two Egrilii were father and son, and that the elder died during his term of office as duumvir; his colleague then resigned, on the principle that a duumvir must have a colleague and two praefecti were appointed, one of whom was Egrilius Rufus the younger. But cf. N. S. 1917, 186.

page 46 note 6 4535; cf. the previous note.

page 46 note 7 4710.

page 46 note 8 4710.

page 46 note 9 4710.

page 46 note 10 The only example appears to be that of P. Aufidius Fortis senior, who during the financial crisis of Commodus' reign held the office of quaestor aerari five times. Despite C. I. L., 4452 is probably to be interpreted ‘q(uin)q(uennalis) c(orporis) p(istorum).’

page 46 note 11 Cf. a new fragment of fasti recently published by Calza, in Boll. Stud. Med. III. iv. (Oct. 1932Google Scholar).

page 47 note 1 Even during the twelfth century Richard Coeur-de-lion was able to land at Ostia with his horsemen, and to ride south during the heat of the summer. Yet to-day, after the great improvements recently made in the drainage, etc. of the Campagna, such an undertaking would involve a grave risk of malaria.

page 47 note 2 Plin., H. N. 15. 24Google Scholar; 19. 6.

page 47 note 3 Cordus, ap. Capitolinus, ed. Peter (1884), p. 175.

page 47 note 4 They are the following: (1) The house referred to above (p. 43). Midway between the site of the later Round Temple and the House with the Atrium are the remains of what can hardly be other than an impluvium, with hydraulic mouldings. At each corner of it are concrete blocks, which must have served either as the bases of concrete piers or else as the foundations of columns, whilst near by are the remains of concrete walls together with one other concrete block similar to the above. Whilst sufficient does not remain to enable the original plan of the house to be reconstructed, it is clear from the presence of an impluvium that the house was of the atrium type, whilst it is probable that it covered an area greater than any other of the pre-Domitianic houses. For its date cf. p. 43, note 6. It appears to have continued in use at least down to the second century.

(2) (3) and (4). Three houses on the Street of the Republican Houses. These were built probably in the early first century B.C. and continued in use down to the last decades of the first century A.D., being repaired on a number of occasions. All are of the atrium type, the central one being the largest, and bearing a marked resemblance to the House of the Surgeon at Pompeii. The rooms facing the street served as shops, as at Pompeii, and were connected with the houses. A flight of stairs in one of the shops probably led merely to the small sleeping apartment of a slave. There are no signs of stairs in the houses.

(5) The House of Apuleius. This house presents many unsolved problems to the archaeologist. Certain walls in it appear to date from the age of Augustus or Tiberius, and it is possible that the house itself goes back to this period, though it is equally possible that it was converted into a house from some other type of building under the Flavians. It continued in use down to a late period, and was so much altered and restored that it is now impossible to reconstruct its original plan. The style of one of the rooms, however, suggests that it served originally as an atrium, the impluvium being replaced by a later fountain. The staircase is not original, Vid. Calza, p. 117.

(6) The House with the Atrium. This house was altered, indeed almost rebuilt, under the Severi. Part of the original walls were, however, incorporated in the later reconstruction, and it seems clear that it dates from the middle of the first century A.D. The rooms to the east undoubtedly followed the lines of those of the original building, even after the reconstruction; on the other hand, the house was originally entered from the north instead of from the south, and the openings in the foundations of the original walls to the north on each side of the doorway are so wide as to suggest that the rooms to the north served as shops. But there is no evidence to show whether these shops were connected with the house, or whether the house had an upper storey.

page 48 note 1 The writer hopes that it will be possible for him in another paper to discuss this question more fully.

page 48 note 2 But it is to be noted that the eastern part of the city, upon which the excavators have concentrated up to date, would be more likely to suffer in an attack from the direction of Rome than the remainder.

page 48 note 3 82; the restoration of this inscription should, however, be classed as probable rather than certain.

page 48 note 4 Except that pre-Sullan remains have, as has been seen above, been found beneath the Four Temples.

page 48 note 5 For example, at the ‘Tower of Sulla’ and at the Porta Laurentina.

page 49 note 1 Strabo, 5. 3. 5.

page 49 note 2 Augustine, , Confess. I. ixGoogle Scholar, c. x–xi.

page 49 note 3 5309.9.

page 49 note 4 Frank, Econ. Hist., 2nd edn., pp. 411–12.

page 49 note 5 In Vat. v. 12.

page 49 note 6 In Verr. II. v. 154.

page 49 note 7 Pro Rab. Post. xiv. 20.

page 49 note 8 Pro Cael. 10.

page 49 note 9 Acts xxviii. 13.

page 49 note 10 Diod. Sic. 5. 13. 2.

page 49 note 11 Plin., H. N. 19. 3Google Scholar.

page 49 note 12 Other references shewing the prosperity of Puteoli during this period are: Cic., Fam. XIII. 56. 1Google Scholar; Att. 4. 10; pro Planc. 6; Suet. Tit. 5; Jos., Ant. 18. 7. 2Google Scholar; C. I. L. X. 1797. cf. Stat. 3. 5. 74.

page 49 note 13 Philostrat., Apoll. Vit. 7. 16Google Scholar; Flor. 1. 4: cf. Frank, Econ. Hist. p. 411.

page 49 note 14 Liv. 25. 20.

page 49 note 15 Pro Mur. 8. 18.

page 50 note 1 Tac., Ann. 15. 39. 2Google Scholar.

page 50 note 2 The Large Horrea.

page 50 note 3 Plut. Caes. 58; Suet. Claud. 20.

page 50 note 4 Porphyr. ad Horat. Ars Poet. 65 (note in later hand).

page 50 note 5 Suet. Claud. 20; Dio 60. 11, 12, 16; Plin., H. N. 9. 14, and 16Google Scholar. 202, etc.

page 50 note 6 N. S. 1925, p. 54.

page 50 note 7 Seneca, , de Brev. Vit. 13. 4Google Scholar.

page 50 note 8 It is generally agreed that the famous sesterce of Nero bearing a representation of the harbour cannot on stylistic grounds have been issued before the year 64 A.D. Yet it is difficult to see what else it can commemorate Other than the completion of the harbour. The fact that the harbour was only completed under Nero probably explains why it was always known as Portus Augusti or Portus Ostiensis, never as Portus Claudii. It is significant that the work upon the canal commenced in 64. The two schemes may well have been complementary, and it may have been intended from the start to proceed with the second as soon as the first was completed. The harbour could, of course, be used before all the buildings around it had been completed. Tac., Ann. 15. 18Google Scholar.

page 51 note 1 Tac., Ann. 15. 42Google Scholar; Plin., H. N. 14. 61Google Scholar.

page 51 note 2 The newly excavated building at the corner of the continuation of the Street of the Mills to the south of the Decumanus and of the Street of the Southern Pomerium.

page 51 note 3 The Bakery; cf. N. S. 1915, 242. An upper floor was added at a later date, perhaps during the latter part of the second century.

page 51 note 4 Calza (N. S. 1921, 360) assigns this extension to the early second century on the strength of brick-stamps which he assigns to the late first century. But C. I. L. dates these to saec. prim. fere med., and this, together with the fact that the bricks used are triangular, and are of an average width of 3·8 to 4·0 cm., seems conclusive. Triangular bricks passed out of use under Domitian, whilst the end of the century saw a diminution in their standard thickness.

page 51 note 5 N. S. 1910. 134. This gate is there styled Porta Romana, the one now known by this name not having been excavated.

page 51 note 6 Still unpublished.

page 52 note 1 128 and 4569.

page 52 note 2 Vid. Calza, p. 112.

page 52 note 3 This inscription has never been published in C. I. L., but is referred to by Paschetto (p. 439).

page 52 note 4 5320; for date cf, Prosop. Imp. Rom. II. p. 190.

page 52 note 5 Vid. C. I. L. XIV. supp., p. 611. Augustales, however, continued to be used in the plural.

page 52 note 6 299.

page 52 note 7 4486a; Wickert thinks that 4341 dates from the Principate of Nerva.

page 52 note 8 This will be discussed in Part II of these studies.

page 52 note 9 411–12; 415.

page 52 note 10 It is strange, if the building really served as a Curia, that no inscriptions relating to decuriones were found in it, but that fragments of fasti giving names of Augustales were found (XIV. 4560–3). The bricks used in the facing are mostly triangular and average 3·6–3·7 cm. in width, but bonding-courses (first introduced in Ostia under Domitian) are found. The case for the identification of the building as a Curia rests on its supposed similarity to the Curiae of Pompeii and Timgad, and on the fact that no other building in the forum can possibly have served as a Curia. But both at Pompeii and Timgad the Curia was a separate building, whilst this one is part of an insula containing shops. It is, moreover, quite possible that the Curia at Ostia was not in the Forum.

page 53 note 1 287.

page 53 note 2 Cf. 4324. Many M'. Acilii, in addition to the M. Acilii, are found in Ostia.

page 53 note 3 427.

page 53 note 4 426.

page 53 note 5 299.

page 53 note 6 407.

page 54 note 1 As in the Street of the Round Temple.

page 54 note 2 Vid. N. S. 1909, 82, for sea-sand used in the raising of the level of a building on the Street of the Sabazeum.

page 54 note 3 Calza, p. 133; N. S. 1915, 27, 234, 1917, 312. For the new style of architecture in general vid. Mon. Ant. 1915, XXIII. 541Google Scholar; 1920, XXVI. 321; Architettura ed Arti Decor., 1923.

page 55 note 1 Capitolinus, , Ant. Pius, c. 8Google Scholar.

page 55 note 2 98.

page 55 note 3 95.

page 55 note 4 114.

page 55 note 5 It is strange that they seem to have preferred to open up new doors rather than remove the blocking of the original ones.

page 55 note 6 Viz. those on the western side of the continuation of the Street of the Mills to the south of the Decumanus.

page 55 note 7 Plans of this insula are given in N. S. 1923, p. 177, and in Calza, p. 149.

page 56 note 1 E.g. reg. I, ins. ii. Plans are given in N. S. 1916, p. 428, and in Calza, p. 125.

page 56 note 2 375 and 376.

page 56 note 3 246; 5356.

page 56 note 4 Viz. the temple at the corner of the Street of the Mills and the Decumanus (which may well be the Temple of Vulcan) and those of the Square of the Four Temples.

page 56 note 5 Viz. the Temples of Magna Mater and of Rome and Augustus.

page 56 note 6 Viz. the so-called Temple of Ceres in the Square of the Guilds. Calza dates this temple to the age of Commodus, but the type of brick used in the facing of the concrete (triangular, of an average width of 3·7 cm., with bonding-courses) appears to preclude any date other than that given in the text.

page 56 note 7 Viz. the Capitol. This temple seems to have taken the place of an earlier one which stood partially on the site of the later building which Calza identifies as the Curia.

page 56 note 8 Viz. the so-called Pantheon: vid. p. 69, note 2.

page 56 note 9 Tac., Ann. 15. 18Google Scholar; Ammian., Marcell. 19. 10. 4Google Scholar.

page 57 note 1 These buildings will be discussed in the second portion of these ‘Studies’.

page 57 note 2 72, 156, etc.

page 57 note 3 72, 156, 281, 4442; cf. 155, 4444.

page 57 note 4 375–6, etc.

page 58 note 1 377; 409.

page 58 note 2 350.

page 58 note 3 4642.

page 58 note 4 374.

page 58 note 5 321.

page 58 note 6 400.

page 58 note 7 415.

page 58 note 8 413.

page 58 note 9 4452; q.q.c.p. is probably here to be interpreted ‘q(uin)q(uennalis) c(orporis) p(istorum).’

page 58 note 10 4620.

page 58 note 11 362–4.

page 59 note 1 8, 250, 251, 341

page 59 note 2 412.

page 59 note 3 415.

page 59 note 4 374.

page 59 note 5 292.

page 59 note 6 Vid. sup., p. 45.

page 59 note 7 415.

page 59 note 8 314.

page 59 note 9 292

page 59 note 10 349.

page 59 note 11 171, etc.

page 59 note 12 2045.

page 59 note 13 374.

page 59 note 14 Min. Felix, Oct. 2 and 4.

page 59 note 15 296.

page 59 note 16 421.

page 59 note 17 372.

page 60 note 1 4234.

page 60 note 2 ix. 6585.

page 60 note 3 Viz. M. Iunius Faustus (4142), Q. Plotius Romanus (400), L. Licinius Herodes (373, post-Severan), and the son of T. Rubrius Eupator (4664).

page 60 note 4 P. Lucilius Gamala senior (375), and P. Lucilius Gamala junior (376).

page 60 note 5 E.g. P. Nonius Livius Anterotianus (390–1), and L. Licinius Herodes (375).

page 60 note 6 Viz. in that of C. Nasennius Marcellus senior (171), and he, like Sentius, may have come to the city only late in life, for he passed through the equestrian military cursus. I have excluded from consideration such inscriptions as that of C. Silius Nerva senior (decurio, duumvir), for there is no reason to believe that he did not hold other offices.

page 60 note 7 409.

page 60 note 8 For the aediles cf. 4553, indicating that they too were numbered like the praetors. The man in question was only aedilis secundus; but there is no reason to doubt that three aediles held office together.

page 60 note 9 351.

page 60 note 10 341.

page 60 note 11 306.

page 61 note 1 375.

page 61 note 2 376.

page 61 note 3 4642.

page 61 note 4 4642.

page 61 note 5 In fact, after the end of the first century, the only men known to hold the office more than once are C. Nasennius Marcellus senior, who held it three times, and C. Valerius Iustus, who held it twice. These men, however, date only from the very beginning of the century, being colleagues in the duumvirate in the year 111 A.D. Cf. a new fragment of fasti published by Calza, in Boll. Stud. Med. III. iv (Oct. 1932Google Scholar), and, for Nasennius, XIV. 171.

page 61 note 6 4710.

page 61 note 7 47.

page 61 note 8 324; cf. 132.

page 61 note 9 362–4.

page 62 note 1 4535; cf. 4533.

page 62 note 2 324 and 325.

page 62 note 3 375.

page 62 note 4 373

page 62 note 5 4622.

page 62 note 6 72.

page 62 note 7 171, 460, etc.

page 62 note 8 4621, 4622, etc.

page 62 note 9 5347.

page 62 note 10 299; 347; 158; 370; 4654; 2630; 105; VI. 321; 297; 5345; 5; 128; 374; 4569; 160; 418; 419; 4668; 128 (second dedication).

page 62 note 11 4349.

page 62 note 12 4656. The fact that he was not a quinquennalis probably indicates that he dates from the period before a second reorganisation of that order about the year 180, which will be descussed in the second portion of these ‘Studies’; cf. also 490 and 491.

page 62 note 13 4620; 4642.

page 62 note 14 314 (from tomb on south of the Street of the Tombs); 4382; 5344.

page 62 note 15 299 (A.D. 63); that quoted by Paschetto, p. 439 (Flavian); 4549) 58 (pre-Domitianic); 5320 (dated approximately by Prosop. Imp. Rom., II. p. 190, Imp. 202).

page 62 note 16 250.

page 63 note 1 251.

page 63 note 2 Viz. L. Volusius Maecianus.

page 63 note 3 4553; cf. 5327–8.

page 63 note 4 4144.

page 63 note 5 4454.

page 63 note 6 8.

page 63 note 7 246. The earliest record at Ostia of a dole of any kind dates from the year 129 (XIV,. 4734), but it is not known who were the recipients of it.

page 64 note 1 4555; 4556.

page 64 note 2 4620.

page 64 note 3 298.

page 64 note 4 Certain of the other colleges too had tribuni, whose function may have been similar.

page 64 note 5 161; 172; 4451; 4459; 4467; 5345; 5351; 5352.

page 64 note 6 154; 160; 5344.

page 64 note 7 106.

page 64 note 8 160.

page 64 note 9 4452. Cf. p. 58, note 9.

page 64 note 10 Calza, p. 168.

page 64 note 11 4300; 4569.

page 65 note 1 This schola dates from the early second century, as is shown by brick-stamps. It is built of concrete, faced with broken roof-tiles, mostly yellow, of an average width of 3·7 cm., laid with remarkable precision, the joints being very narrow indeed. In general, the quality of the workmanship is far superior to the average, even of this period, and is well worthy of a building destined for the use of the college of builders.

page 65 note 2 The bricks of the original period are of an unmistakable shade of red, so that those of the original walls which still remain may be picked out with ease. The original house was built round a cortile, as was the House of the Triclinia, and there was a portico in a similar position. Doors on the south and east still lead into a number of small rooms on these sides, whilst the presence of similar rooms on the western side is proved by the remains of the top of a flight of stairs visible with difficulty at the south-western corner of the building. It is true that the rooms on the eastern side all served as shops after the alterations made at the end of the second century. But it is significant that almost the whole of the outer wall on this side dates from the period of the alterations; it is probable that a continuous wall was pulled down, and replaced by one with the appropriate openings for shops. A wide opening from the tablinum on the northern side of the cortile led into an octagonal room, containing niches in the walls, which may have served as an Augusteum.

page 65 note 3 251.

page 65 note 4 250.

page 65 note 5 Viz. L. Antonius Epitynchanus (296); L. Aquillius Modestus (299); Ti. Claudius Urbanus (330); M. Licinius Privatus (374, etc.); L. Rennius Philodoxus (407); C. Similius Philoccurius (418–9, etc.); L. Antonius Peculiaris (297); T. Flavius Hilario (2630); A. Livius Anteros (4656).

page 65 note 6 P. Cornelius Thallus (5).

page 65 note 7 All except T. Flavius Hilario.

page 65 note 8 M. Licinius Privatus, pater el avus decurionum.

page 65 note 9 L. Antonius Epitynchanus.

page 66 note 1 A. Livius Anteros. His son was patron either of the fabri tignuarii or of the fabri navales.

page 66 note 2 250.

page 66 note 3 251.

page 66 note 4 8; 250; 251.

page 66 note 5 309.

page 66 note 6 294.

page 66 note 7 2630.

page 66 note 8 295.

page 66 note 9 374, etc.

page 66 note 10 415. It is possible, however, that the tombstones of Licinius and Silius were not erected immediately after their deaths.

page 67 note 1 303; 4620; 1, etc.

page 67 note 2 478.

page 67 note 3 479.

page 67 note 4 477.

page 67 note 5 481.

page 67 note 6 169.

page 67 note 7 362–4.

page 67 note 8 For the connection of Ostia with the North African provinces cf. also 4694, 5340, 4378, and VIII. 2825 and 3283 (two soldiers of legion III Augusta recruited from Ostia).

page 67 note 9 4626.

page 67 note 10 99.

page 67 note 11 4142.

page 68 note 1 397.

page 68 note 2 453.

page 68 note 3 4822. The same formula is found in 914.

page 68 note 4 XII. 2211.

page 68 note 5 326.

page 68 note 6 4656.

page 68 note 7 1170.

page 68 note 8 230.

page 68 note 9 480.

page 68 note 10 475.

page 68 note 11 4778.

page 68 note 12 476.

page 68 note 13 I.G. xiv. 926, etc.

page 68 note 14 Cf. I.G.R. 914–7; 924–6, etc.

page 68 note 15 4755. The first two of the four letters ‘M. C. S(ua) I(mpensa)’ which followed ‘Proclus fecit’ have never been satisfactorily explained.

page 68 note 16 The frequency with which members of non-Ostian tribes are found at Ostia forms an interesting commentary on the cosmopolitan character of its population. In C. I. L. in addition to the tribes Palatina and Voturia we find many others represented.