Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-m6dg7 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-10T15:46:34.223Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Use your best endeavours to discover a sheltered and safe harbour

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 October 2019

Robert W. Park*
Affiliation:
Department of Anthropology, University of Waterloo, 200 University Ave. W., Waterloo, ON, N2L 3G1, Canada
Douglas R. Stenton
Affiliation:
Department of Anthropology, University of Waterloo, 200 University Ave. W., Waterloo, ON, N2L 3G1, Canada
*
Author for correspondence: Robert W. Park, Email: rwpark@uwaterloo.ca

Abstract

On 24 May 1847, Sir John Franklin’s third expedition reported “All well”, but less than a year later, on 22 April 1848, the 129 sailors who had set out from Britain on Erebus and Terror had been reduced to 105 survivors departing their frozen ships in a desperate attempt to escape the Arctic. At least 24 were so unhealthy that they would perish after having travelled little more than 100 km from the ships. By contrast, the small mortality rates on other contemporary Arctic expeditions, some of which stayed in the Arctic considerably longer, were consistent with the mortality rates in the Royal Navy worldwide. This paper explores the question of what difference caused so many of Franklin’s crew to die during their final months on-board the ships and in the initial stages of the escape attempt. From the perspective of cultural ecology, the most significant difference, and the ultimate cause of the catastrophe as it unfolded, was wintering in the ice pack. This distinguished the Franklin expedition from all of the other comparable overwintering expeditions, and precluded the Erebus and Terror crews from hunting or fishing. That in turn led to nutritional deficiencies due to much greater reliance on stored provisions than other expeditions.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
© Cambridge University Press 2019

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Alt, B. T., Koerner, R. M., Fisher, D. A., & Bourgeois, J. C. (1985). Arctic climate during the Franklin era, as deduced from ice cores. In Sutherland, P. D. (Ed.), The Franklin era in Canadian Arctic history 1845–1859 (pp. 6992). Hull: Archaeological Survey of Canada, Canadian Museum of Civilization.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Amy, R., Bhatnagar, R., Damkjar, E., & Beattie, O. (1986). The last Franklin expedition: Report of a postmortem examination of a crew member. Canadian Medical Association Journal, 135(2), 115.Google ScholarPubMed
Aykroyd, W. R. (1930). Beriberi and other food-deficiency diseases in Newfoundland and Labrador. Epidemiology & Infection, 30(3), 357386.Google Scholar
Back, G. (1838). Narrative of an Expedition in H.M.S. Terror, Undertaken with a View to Geographical Discovery on the Arctic Shores, in the Years 1836–7. London: John Murray.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Baron, J. H. (2009). Sailors’ scurvy before and after James Lind—a reassessment. Nutrition Reviews, 67(6), 315332. doi: 10.1111/j.1753-4887.2009.00205.x CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Battersby, W. (2008). Identification of the probable source of the lead poisoning observed in members of the Franklin expedition. Journal of the Hakluyt Society, September, 1–10.Google Scholar
Battersby, W., & Carney, P. (2011). Equipping HM ships Erebus and Terror, 1845. The International Journal for the History of Engineering & Technology, 81(2), 192211. doi: 10.1179/175812111x13033852943147 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bayliss, R. (2002). Sir John Franklin’s last arctic expedition: A medical disaster. Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine, 95(3), 151153.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Beattie, O. (1985). Elevated bone lead levels in a crewman from the last arctic expedition of Sir John Franklin (1845–1848). In Sutherland, P. D. (Ed.), The Franklin era in Canadian Arctic history 1845–1859 (pp. 141148). Hull: Archaeological Survey of Canada, Canadian Museum of Civilization.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Beattie, O. B., & Geiger, J. (2014). Frozen in Time. Vancouver: Greystone Books.Google Scholar
Beattie, O. B., & Savelle, J. M. (1983). Discovery of human remains from Sir John Franklin’s last expedition. Historical Archaeology, 17(2), 100105.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Belcher, E., Richardson, J., Owen, R., Bell, T., Salter, J. W., & Reeve, L. (1855). The Last of the Arctic Voyages Being a Narrative of the Expedition in H.M.S. Assistance Under the Command of Captain Sir Edward Belcher, C.B., in Search of Sir John Franklin, During the Years 1852–53–54. (Vol. 2). London: L. Reeve.Google Scholar
Berton, P. (2000). The Arctic Grail. New York: Lyons Press.Google Scholar
Cecil, S. R., & Woodruff, J. G. (1962). Long-term Storage of Military Rations. Chicago: Dept. of the Army, Quartermaster Research and Engineering Command, Quartermaster Food and Container Institute for the Armed Forces.Google Scholar
Christensen, J. R., McBeth, J. M., Sylvain, N. J., Spence, J., & Chan, H. M. (2017). Hartnell’s time machine: 170-year-old nails reveal severe zinc deficiency played a greater role than lead in the demise of the Franklin expedition. Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports, 16, 430440. doi: 10.1016/j.jasrep.2016.11.042 Google Scholar
Collinson, R. (1889). Journal of HMS Enterprise: On the Expedition in Search of Sir John Franklin’s Ships by Behring Strait, 1850–55. London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle, & Rivington.Google Scholar
Cookman, S. (2000). Ice Blink: The Tragic Fate of Sir John Franklin’s Lost Polar Expedition. New York: Wiley.Google Scholar
Craciun, A. (2012). The Franklin mystery. Literary Review of Canada, 20(4), 35.Google Scholar
Cyriax, R. J. (1939). Sir John Franklin’s Last Arctic Expedition: A Chapter in the History of the Royal Navy. London: Methuen & Co., Ltd.Google Scholar
Damas, D. (1969). Environment, history, and Central Eskimo society. Annual Report of the National Museum of Canada, Bulletin, No. 230, 40–64.Google Scholar
Damas, D. (1972). Central Eskimo systems of food sharing. Ethnology, 11(3), 220240.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Damas, D. (2002). Arctic Migrants/Arctic Villagers: The Transformation of Inuit Settlement in the Central Arctic. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press.Google Scholar
Desrosier, N. W., & Desrosier, J. N. (1977). The Technology of Food Preservation (4th ed.). Westport, CT, USA: AVI Publishing Company.Google Scholar
Farrer, K. T. H. (1993). Lead and the last Franklin expedition. Journal of Archaeological Science, 20(4), 399409. doi: 10.1006/jasc.1993.1024 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Fediuk, K., Hidiroglou, N., Madere, R., & Kuhnlein, H. V. (2002). Vitamin C in Inuit traditional food and women’s diets. Journal of Food Composition and Analysis, 15(3), 221235.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Flannery, K. V. (1976). The village and its catchment area. In Flannery, K. (Ed.), The early Mesoamerican village (pp. 9195). New York: Academic Press.Google Scholar
Forst, J., & Brown, T. A. (2017). A case study: Was private William Braine of the 1845 Franklin expedition a victim of tuberculosis? Arctic, 70(4), 381. doi: 10.14430/arctic4683 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Frankenburg, F. R. (2009). Vitamin Discoveries and Disasters: History, Science, and Controversies. Santa Barbara, CA, USA: Praeger/ABC-CLIO.Google Scholar
Freeman, M. M. R. (Ed.). (1976). Report: Inuit Land Use and Occupancy Project. Ottawa: Department of Indian and Northern Affairs.Google Scholar
Geraci, J. R., & Smith, T. G. (1979). Vitamin C in the diet of Inuit hunters from Holman, Northwest Territories. Arctic, 32(2), 135139.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Giffin, K. L., Swanston, T., Coulthard, I., Murphy, A. R., Cooper, D. M. L., & Varney, T. L. (2017). Skeletal lead burden of the British Royal Navy in Colonial Antigua. International Journal of Osteoarchaeology, 27(4), 672682. doi: 10.1002/oa.2589 CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Gowdy, J. M. (1998). Limited Wants, Unlimited Means: A Reader on Hunter–Gatherer Economics and the Environment. Washington, DC, USA: Island Press.Google Scholar
Hall, C. F., & Nourse, J. E. (1879). Narrative of the Second Arctic Expedition Made by Charles F. Hall: His Voyage to Repulse Bay, Sledge Journeys to the Straits of Fury and Hecla and to King William’s Land, and Residence Among the Eskimos, During the Years 1864–’69. Washington, DC, USA: U.S. Government Printing Office.Google Scholar
Horowitz, B. Z. (2003). Polar poisons: Did Botulism doom the Franklin expedition. Journal of Toxicology: Clinical Toxicology, 41(6), 841847. doi: 10.1081/CLT-120025349 Google ScholarPubMed
Kane, E. K. (1854). The U.S. Grinnell Expedition in Search of Sir John Franklin. New York: Harper.Google Scholar
Keenleyside, A., Song, X., Chettle, D. R., & Webber, C. E. (1996). The lead content of human bones from the 1845 Franklin expedition. Journal of Archaeological Science, 23(3), 461465.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Klutschak, H. (1987). Overland to Starvation Cove: With the Inuit in Search of Franklin 1878–1880 (Barr, W., Trans.). Toronto: University of Toronto Press.Google Scholar
Kowal, W., Beattie, O. B., & Baadsgaard, H. (1990). Did solder kill Franklin’s men? Nature, 343(25), 319320.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kowal, W. A., Krahn, P. M., & Beattie, O. B. (1989). Lead levels in human tissues from the Franklin forensic project. International Journal of Environmental Analytical Chemistry, 35(2), 119126. doi: 10.1080/03067318908028385 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lyon, G. F. (1824). The Private Journal of Captain G.F. Lyon. London: John Murray.Google Scholar
Lyon, G. F. (1825). A Brief Narrative of an Unsuccessful Attempt to Reach Repulse Bay, Through Sir Thomas Rowe’s Welcome in His Majesty’s Ship Griper, in the Year 1825. London: John Murray.Google Scholar
Martin, R. R., Naftel, S., Macfie, S., Jones, K., & Nelson, A. (2013). Pb distribution in bones from the Franklin expedition: Synchrotron X-ray fluorescence and laser ablation/mass spectroscopy. Applied Physics A, 111(1), 2329. doi: 10.1007/s00339-013-7579-5 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mays, S., Maat, G. J. R., & Boer, H. H. (2015). Scurvy as a factor in the loss of the 1845 Franklin expedition to the Arctic: A reconsideration. International Journal of Osteoarchaeology, 25(3), 334344. doi: 10.1002/oa.2305 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mays, S., Ogden, A., Montgomery, J., Vincent, S., Battersby, W., & Taylor, G. M. (2011). New light on the personal identification of a skeleton of a member of Sir John Franklin’s last expedition to the Arctic, 1845. Journal of Archaeological Science, 38(7), 15711582. doi: 10.1016/j.jas.2011.02.022 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
McGoogan, K. (2017). Dead Reckoning: The Untold Story of the Northwest Passage. Toronto: Harper Collins.Google Scholar
M’Clintock, F. L. (1859a). Discoveries by the late expedition in search of Sir John Franklin and his party. Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society of London, 4(1), 214. doi: 10.2307/1798820 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
M’Clintock, F. L. (1859b). The Voyage of the ‘Fox’ in the Arctic Seas. London: John Murray.Google Scholar
M’Clure, R. J. L. M., & Osborn, S. (1857). The Discovery of the North-west Passage by H.M.S. “Investigator,” Capt. R. M’Clure, 1850, 1851, 1852, 1853, 1854 (2nd ed.). London: Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans, & Roberts.Google Scholar
M’Dougall, G. F. (1857). The Eventful Voyage of H. M. Discovery Ship “Resolute” to the Arctic Regions in Search of Sir John Franklin and the Missing Crews of H. M. Discovery Ships “Erebus” and “Terror,” 1852, 1853, 1854. London: Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans, & Roberts.Google Scholar
Miertsching, J. (1967). Frozen Ships: The Arctic Diary of Johann Miertsching, 1850–1854 (Neatby, L. H., Trans.). Toronto: MacMillan of Canada.Google Scholar
Millar, K., & Bowman, A. W. (2017). Hartnell’s time machine reprise: Further implications of zinc, lead and copper in the thumbnail of a Franklin expedition crewmember. Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports, 13, 286290.Google Scholar
Millar, K., Bowman, A. W., & Battersby, W. (2015). A re-analysis of the supposed role of lead poisoning in Sir John Franklin’s last expedition, 1845–1848. Polar Record, 51(3), 224238. doi: 10.1017/S0032247413000867 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Millar, K., Bowman, A. W., Battersby, W., & Welbury, R. R. (2016). The health of nine Royal Naval Arctic crews, 1848 to 1854: Implications for the lost Franklin expedition. Polar Record, 52(4), 423441.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Notman, D. N., Anderson, L., Beattie, O. B., & Amy, R. (1987). Arctic paleoradiology: Portable radiographic examination of two frozen sailors from the Franklin expedition (1845–1848). American Journal of Roentgenology, 149(2), 347350. doi: 10.2214/ajr.149.2.347 CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Osborn, S. (1852). Stray Leaves from an Arctic Journal, or, Eighteen Months in the Polar Regions, in Search of Sir John Franklin’s Expedition, in the Years 1850–51. New York: George P. Putnam.Google Scholar
Parry, S. W. E. (1821). Journal of a Voyage for the Discovery of a North-West Passage from the Atlantic to the Pacific. London: John Murray.Google Scholar
Parry, W. E. (1824). Journal of a Second Voyage for the Discovery of a North-West Passage from the Atlantic to the Pacific, Performed in the Years 1821–22–23. London: John Murray.Google Scholar
Parry, W. E. (1826). Journal of a Third Voyage for the Discovery of a Northwest Passage: From the Atlantic to the Pacific; Performed in the Years 1824–25, in His Majesty’s Ships Hecla and Fury, Under the Orders of Captain William Edward Parry. London: John Murray.Google Scholar
Rae, J. (1855). Arctic exploration, with information respecting Sir John Franklin’s missing party. The Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London, 25, 246256.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Riewe, R. R. (1992). Nunavut Atlas. Edmonton: Canadian Circumpolar Institute.Google Scholar
Ross, J. (1835). Narrative of a Second Voyage in Search of a North-West Passage, and of a Residence in the Arctic Regions During the Years 1829, 1830, 1831, 1832, 1833. London: A. W. Webster.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Schwatka, F., & Stackpole, E. A. (1965). The Long Arctic Search: The Narrative of Lieutenant Frederick Schwatka, U.S.A., 1878–1880, Seeking the Records of the Lost Franklin Expedition. Mystic, CT, USA: Marine Historical Association.Google Scholar
Stefánsson, V. (1946). Not By Bread Alone. New York: Macmillan.Google Scholar
Stefánsson, V. (1956). The Fat of the Land. New York: Macmillan.Google Scholar
Stenton, D. R. (2014). A most inhospitable coast: The report of Lieutenant William Hobson’s 1859 search for the Franklin expedition on King William Island. Arctic, 67(4), 511522.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Stenton, D. R. (2018). Finding the dead: Bodies, bones and burials from the 1845 Franklin northwest passage expedition. Polar Record, 54, 197212. doi: 10.1017/s0032247418000359 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Stenton, D. R., Keenleyside, A., Fratpietro, S., & Park, R. W. (2017). DNA analysis of human skeletal remains from the 1845 Franklin expedition. Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports, 16, 409419. doi: 10.1016/j.jasrep.2017.03.041 Google Scholar
Stenton, D. R., & Park, R. W. (2017). History, oral history and archaeology: Reinterpreting the boat places of Erebus bay. Arctic, 70(2), 203218.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Steward, J. H. (1977). The concept and method of cultural ecology. In Steward, J. C. & Murphy, R. F. (Eds.), Evolution and ecology: Essays on social transformation by Julian H. Steward (pp. 4357). Urbana: University of Illinois Press.Google Scholar
Swanston, T., Varney, T. L., Kozachuk, M., Choudhury, S., Bewer, B., Coulthard, I., … Cooper, D. M. L. (2018). Franklin expedition lead exposure: New insights from high resolution confocal x-ray fluorescence imaging of skeletal microstructure. PLoS One, 13(8). doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0202983 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Taichman, R. S., Gross, T., & MacEachern, M. P. (2017). A critical assessment of the oral condition of the crew of the Franklin expedition. Arctic, 70(1), 2536.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Troubridge, T. (1841). Statistical Reports on the Health of the Navy, for the Years 1830, 1831, 1832, 1833, 1834, 1835, and 1836—Part II. London: House of Commons Parliamentary Papers.Google Scholar