Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-p9bg8 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-26T06:49:27.741Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Freud and medicine in Vienna*: Some scientific and medical sources of his thought

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 July 2009

George Rosen
Affiliation:
From the Department of the History of Science and Medicine, Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut, U.S.A.

Synopsis

Freud as a medical student accepted the role of a man of science as defined by the medical milieu of Vienna, as well as the accompanying philosophy and methodology of clinical and scientific research. These forms became a part of his thought and into them he fitted his psychological discoveries as well as his view of himself. Without the medical Vienna in which he developed, Freud would not have been what he was.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1972

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1 Trotter, W. (1919). Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War, 2nd edn., pp. 7778. Fisher Unwin: London.Google Scholar

2 Breuer, J., and Freud, S. (1909). Studien über Hysterie, zweite Aufl., Franz Deuticke: Leipzig and Wien.Google Scholar

3 Grote, L. R. (ed.) (1925). Die Medizin der Gegenwart in Selbstdarstellungen, p. 2, vol. 3. Felix Meiner: Leipzig.Google Scholar

4 Freud, S. (1960). Briefe 1873–1939, p. 9. Fischer: Frankfurt a.M.Google Scholar ‘To flay animals or to torture people’ echoes the phrase ‘To tease people, to torture animals’ (Menschen necken, Tiere quälen …) from the preface to Max und Moritz. Braun and Schneider: Munich, 1874) by the German humorist Wilhelm Busch (1832–1908).

5 Hermann Nothnagel (1841–1905) was professor of medicine at Hamburg, Jena, and Vienna, and the leading clinician of his time. Neuropathology, chronic diseases, gastrointestinal disorders, and cardiac conditions were of major interest to him. He was an authority on angina pectoris, and it was from this disease that he died. Nothnagel was a clinical scientist to the very last, as shown by the notes found on his night table, undoubtedly written shortly before his death, recording ths signs and symptoms of his heart attack.

6 Freud, S.Briefe, p. 33.Google Scholar

7 Hermann Bahr (1863–1934), Austrian dramatist, critic and theatre manager, influential as the leader of a Viennese literary group; Hugo von Hoffmansthal (1874–1929), poet and dramatist, whose Elektra (1903) was set to music by Richard Strauss; Richard von Schaukal (1874–1942), lyrical poet; Arthur Schnitzler (1862–1931), Austrian physician, dramatist, and novelist.

8 Jones, Ernest, (1953). The Life and Work of Sigmund Freud, p. 332, vol. 1. Basic Books: New York.Google Scholar

9 Friedell, Egon (1947). Kulturgeschichte der Neuzeit, p. 573. Phaidon Press: London.Google Scholar

10 Wittels, Fritz (1924). Sigmund Freud: his Personality, his Teaching and his School, p. 20. Translated from the German by E. and Paul, C.. Allen and Unwin: LondonGoogle Scholar; Dodd, Mead: New York.

11 Jones, , op. cit., p. 29.Google Scholar

12 Grote, , op. cit., p. 3Google Scholar; Jones, , op. cit., pp. 2829.Google Scholar

13 Grote, , op. cit., p. 3.Google Scholar

14 Ernst von Fleischl-Marxow (1846–91), physicist and physiologist, worked on nerve and muscle physiology and discovered the electrical activity of the brain, thus initiating research that eventually led to electroencephalography. Sigmund Exner von Ewarten (1846–1926) succeeded Brücke as professor of physiology and head of the Institute. He investigated the physiology of perception, particularly vision.

15 Johannes Müller (1801–58) was professor in Bonn and Berlin. He was not only a physiologist but also a comparative anatomist, embryologist, and pathologist. See Virchow, R. (1858). Johannes Müller. August Hirschwald: BerlinGoogle Scholar. Müller, Martin (1926). Ueber die philosophischen Anschauungen des Naturforschers Johannes Müller. Archiv, für Geschichte der Medizin und Naturwissenschaften, 18, 130150, 209234, 328350.Google Scholar

16 Virchow, R. (1907). Uber das Bedürfnis und die Richtigkeit einer Medizin vom mechanischen Standpunkt. Virchows Archiv, 188, 121CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Ackerknecht, H. (1953). Rudolf Virchow; Doctor, Statesman, Anthropologist, p. 49. University of Wisconsin Press: Madison.Google Scholar

17 Virchow, R. (1849). Die Einheitsbestrebungen in der wissenschaftlichen Medizin, pp. 14, 21. G. Reimer: Berlin.Google Scholar

18 Sudhoff, Karl (1922). Rudolf Virchow und die deutschen Naturforscherversammlungen, p. 261. Leipzig.Google Scholar

19 Ludwig and his friends were all born within a period of five years, and they died within the space of four years. Carl Ludwig (1816–95); Emil du Bois-Reymond (1818–96); Ernst Brücke (1819–92); Hermann Helmholtz (1821–94).

20 Brücke, E. Th. (1928). Ernst Brücke, p. 19. Julius Springer: Vienna.Google Scholar

21 Contributious to a Theory of the Mechanism of Urinary Secretion.

22 The substance of the dissertation was published the following year: (1843). Beiträge zur Lehre von der Diffusion tropfbar flüssiger Körper durch poröse Scheidewände, Annalen der Physik, 58, 7794.Google Scholar

23 The Theory of Sound Perception.

24 Ludwig Traube (1818–76), graduated MD in 1840, was a student of Johannes Müller, and became professor at Berlin in 1857. Devoted attention to experimental pathology and clinical medicine as in the relationship between heart and kidney disease, the effects of digitalis, and the changes produced by section of the vagus nerve.

25 Traube, L. (ed.) (1846). Beiträge zur experimentellen Pathologic und Physiologie (Contributions to experimental pathology and physiology), I. Heft, pp. iv–v. A. Förster: Berlin.Google Scholar

26 Gas, water, and electricity were not supplied to the Institute until 1885, when it was expanded further.

27 Lesky, Erna (1965). Die Wiener Medizinische Schule im 19. Jahrhundert, p. 259. Böhlaus: Graz.Google Scholar

28 Bernfeld, Siegried (1951). Sigmund Freud, M.D., 1882–1885. International Journal of Psycho-Analysis, 32, 204217 (see pp. 206208).Google Scholar

29 Jones, , op. cit., p. 62.Google Scholar

30 Certain wards or sections in the hospital were run by the professors in the University medical school, and were used for teaching. Each professor who headed such a Klinik chose his assistants. Other wards not used for teaching were headed by a Primarius, or senior resident, who was assisted by Sekundarärzte, junior residents. Any physician could apply for such a position if one was vacant.

31 Freud, Sigmund. The Interpretation of Dreams, in The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud, p. 417. Translated and edited by Brill, A. A. (1938). Modern Library: New YorkGoogle Scholar. Jones, , op. cit., pp. 365 ffGoogle Scholar. Amacher, Peter (1965). Freud's Neurological Education and its Influence on Psychoanalytic Theory, pp. 920. International Universities Press: New York.Google ScholarPubMed

32 Freud, , Briefe, p. 130.Google Scholar

33 Jones, , op. cit., p. 144.Google Scholar

34 Freud, , Briefe, p. 35.Google Scholar

35 Ibid., p. 94.

36 Ibid., p. 139. Nothnagel was a widower, his wife having died in 1880 of puerperal fever, leaving him with four children. He had a very large and lucrative practice which took most of his time from noon to 4 p.m., and again from 5 to 8 or 9 p.m. See Neuburger, Max (1922). Hermann Nothnagel. Leben und Wirken eines deutschen Klinikers, pp. 149152. Rikola: Wien.Google Scholar

37 Freud, , Briefe, p. 196.Google Scholar

38 Freud, , Briefe, p. 35.Google Scholar

39 Naunyn, Bernhard (1925). Erinnerungen, Gedanken und Meinungen, pp. 234237, 249. Bergmann: München.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

40 Welch, William H. (1896). The evolution of modern scientific laboratories. Bulletin of the Johns Hopkins Hospital, 7, 1924.Google Scholar

41 Faber, Knud (1930). Nosography. The Evolution of Clinical Medicine in Modern Times, pp. 5994, 116171. 2nd ed.Hoeber: New York.Google Scholar

42 Adolf Kussmaul (1822–1902), son and grandson of medical men, received his medical education at Heidelberg, where he later taught from 1855 to 1859. Thereafter he was professor of internal medicine at Erlangen (1859–63), Freiburg (1863–76), and Strassburg (1876–88). Kussmaul was an outstanding clinical observer, describing the peculiar respiration associated with diabetic acidosis (Kussmaul's air hunger), as well as the conditions designated as progressive bulbar paralysis and periarteritis nodosa.

43 Neuburger, , op. cit., p. 141.Google Scholar

44 Ibid., pp. 107, 146.

45 Freud, , Briefe, p. 130.Google Scholar

46 Nothnagel's position in research on the nervous system may be indicated by the fact that his work was cited by such investigators as Jackson, Hughlings (1876, 1887)Google Scholar. Taylor, James (ed.) (1958). Selected Writings of John Hughlings Jackson, vol 1, pp. 150151; vol. 2, p. 105. Basic Books: New YorkGoogle Scholar. James, William (1910). Principles of Psychology, vol. 1, pp. 40, 51, 56, 60. Macmillan: LondonGoogle Scholar. Sherrington, C. S. (1906). The Integrative Action of the Nervous System, pp. 65, 254, 396. Yale University Press: New Haven.Google Scholar

47 Freud, S. (1891). Zur Auffassung der Aphasien. Franz Deuticke: Leipzig and ViennaGoogle Scholar. Freud, S. (1953). p. 28. On Aphasia (English translation by Stengel, E.). International Universities Press: New York.Google Scholar

48 Neuburger, , op. cit., pp. 168170Google Scholar. Contrary to Bernfeld's assertion (see No. 28 above, p. 213), Nothnagel did present numerous neuropathological cases to his students. Clearly Bernfeld did not read Neuburger's biography of Nothnagel, which has a number of references to just this point. Apparently he simply accepted Freud's statement in his Autobiography, which is not fully reliable.

49 Electrodiagnosis and therapy were not peculiar to Nothnagel; they were part of the medical scene of the period, having been introduced in Paris and Berlin in the 1850s, and in Vienna a decade later. See Lesky, , op. cit., pp. 389393.Google Scholar

50 According to Bernfeld (no. 28 above, p. 221) it was December 1883; Jones gives the date as 1 January 1884 (op. cit., p. 68).

51 Grote, , op. cit., pp. 34.Google Scholar

52 Lesky, , op. cit., pp. 373405.Google Scholar

53 Freud, Sigmund. Aus den Anfängen der Psychoanalyse, p. 66. Imago: London.Google Scholar

54 Neuburger, , op. cit., pp. 338339.Google Scholar

55 Charcot, J. M. (1892). Poliklinische Vorträge. I. Band, Schuljahr 1887/88, pp. IV–V. Translated by Freud, Sigmund. Franz Deuticke: Leipzig und Wien.Google Scholar

56 Heinrich Obersteiner (1847–1922), psychiatrist and neurologist, professor at Vienna, had undertaken research on the nervous system in Brücke's laboratory while still a student. He established the first neurological institute in 1882, with research centring chiefly on neuroanatomy and pathology. A lecture on cerebral anatomy which Freud delivered on 12 May 1885 was intended, as he wrote to his fiancée, ‘actually only for one person, Professor Obersteiner’ (Freud, , Briefe, p. 139)Google Scholar. The latter helped Freud that year to obtain a position as locum tenens for three weeks in the Heilanstalt in Oberdöbling, a private mental hospital run by Obersteiner's father together with Max Leidesdorf, professor of psychiatry at Vienna.

57 Jackson, , op. cit., vol. 1, p. 52.Google Scholar

58 The phrase ‘a dependent concomitant’ was borrowed by Freud from Hughlings-Jackson's, J. study ‘On affections of speech from disease of the brain’, Brain, 1, 304330, 1878; 2, 203222, 323356, 1879.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

59 Jones, , op. cit., pp. 367369.Google Scholar

60 For detailed analysis of the influence of Meynert and Exner see Amacher, , op. cit., pp. 2154.Google Scholar

61 Meynert, Theodor (1890). Klinische Vorlesungen über Psychiatrie, pp. 3843. Wilhelm Braumüller: Vienna.Google Scholar

62 Freud, Sigmund (1940). Gesammelte Werke, vol. 13, p. 3. Imago: London.Google Scholar

63 Sketch of a Physiological Explanation of Psychological Phenomena.

64 Ellenberger, Henri F. (1970). The Discovery of the Unconscious. The History and Evolution of Dynamic Psychiatry, p. 478. Basic Books: New York.Google Scholar

65 Freud, , Anfänge, pp. 9495.Google Scholar

66 Freud, Sigmund (1940). Gesammelte Werke, vol. 10, p. 273Google Scholar; a similar passage occurs in (1940) vol. 6, p. 165.Google Scholar

67 Breuer, and Freud, , op. cit., p. 161.Google Scholar

68 Jones, , op. cit., p. 235.Google Scholar

69 Rosen, George (1959). History of medical hypnosis, in Hypnosis in Modern Medicine, 2nd edn., pp. 327. Edited by Schneck, Jerome M.. Thomas: Springfield, III.Google Scholar

70 Freud, , On Aphasia, pp. XI–XII.Google Scholar

71 Hermann, Imre (1926). Gustav Theodor Fechner. Eine psychoanalytische Studie über individuelle Bedingtheiten wissenschaftlicher Ideen. Internationaler Psychoanaly-tischer Verlag: Vienna.Google Scholar

72 Ellenberger, , op. cit., p. 542.Google Scholar

73 Gladston, Iago (1956). Freud and Romantic medicine, Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 30, 489507.Google Scholar